CHAPTER V

THE SUBMARINE AND MINE MENACE IN THE NORTH SEA

On September 1st the Dreadnought Battle Fleet with the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron, the 6th Cruiser Squadron and the 2nd and 4th Flotillas were at Scapa Flow, cleaning boilers, storing, and taking in ammunition, etc. The Fleet was at the usual anchorage off Scapa Pier, on the north side of the Flow; the ships which were fitted with torpedo nets had them out, as was customary, unless colliers or store-ships were alongside.

The _Falmouth_, of the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron, was anchored to the westward of Holm Sound, and the remainder of this squadron formed the outer or southward line of ships, all at two hours’ notice for steam. The weather during the day was dull and misty, with rain at times.

At 6 P.M. the _Falmouth_ reported the periscope of a submarine in sight inside the harbour, and immediately opened fire, four rounds being fired by this ship; she reported having probably hit the submarine. Directly afterwards the _Vanguard_, one of the outer line of battleships, also opened fire on an object reported as a periscope, as did one of the E class destroyers, which was patrolling between the Fleet and the Hoxa entrance.

The 1st Light Cruiser Squadron was directed to weigh immediately steam was ready, which was at 8.30 P.M., and to endeavour to locate the submarine and keep her under.

The 2nd Flotilla, lying at Longhope, at short notice, was also instructed to weigh at once and search for the submarine. The whole of the ships present were ordered to raise steam with all despatch, and to prepare for torpedo attack, and the small craft, such as drifters, steamboats, motor-boats, yachts, etc., which had steam ready and which could be collected, were at once organised in detachments to steam up and down the lines at high speed and outside the Fleet, with the object of confusing the submarine and endeavouring to ram her, if sighted. Colliers and store-ships which had steam ready were directed to weigh and to go alongside the battleships that were not fitted with torpedo nets, in order to act as a form of protection against torpedoes fired at these valuable vessels. All ships in the outer lines were directed to burn searchlights to locate and confuse the submarine.

At about 6.30 P.M. the _Drake_ reported a submarine in sight from that ship, thus confirming the earlier reports.

The Fleet was directed to weigh by divisions as soon as steam was ready and to proceed to sea. By 9 P.M. the weather was exceedingly thick inside the harbour and considerable difficulty was experienced in getting the Fleet out, as at this time there were no navigational facilities of any sort for leaving the harbour at night or in thick weather; but by 11 P.M. all the ships had left the harbour without accident, and, although there was a dense fog outside, the Fleet cleared the Pentland Firth successfully.

The _Assistance_ was ordered to Loch Ewe, and left after the Fleet, reporting having sighted a submarine in the entrance whilst going out. The 2nd Flotilla was left behind to locate and, if possible, destroy the submarine, and the 4th Flotilla was stationed outside the Hoxa and Hoy entrances during the night, and directed to meet the Fleet at 7 A.M. on the 2nd. The only ship, as distinct from destroyers, remaining in the harbour was the _Cyclops_, lying off Scapa with the telegraph and telephone cables on board, and directions were given to Rear-Admiral Miller to endeavour to locate, by means of the mine-sweeping gunboats, the submarine reported sunk by the _Falmouth_.

No trace of a submarine was discovered, and subsequent investigation showed that the alarm _may_ have been false, the evidence not being conclusive either way. The incident, however, made it clear that protection against submarine attack was an absolute necessity, as the Fleet could not remain at a base that was as open to this form of attack as Scapa Flow. The only possible action, in the event of an alarm being given of the presence of a submarine, was to take the Fleet to sea, and, in addition to the dangers arising at that time from a hurried departure in thick weather, a feeling of insecurity was created, which would be bad for moral, and the ships were deprived of opportunities for cleaning boilers, refitting machinery, etc., which experience was showing was essential if the steaming efficiency of the Fleet was to be maintained.

The matter was at once represented to the Admiralty and proposals were made for blocking all the entrances to Scapa Flow, except the Hoxa and Hoy entrances, by sinking old merchant ships in the channels. Pending the supply of reliable defences for the main entrance, Rear-Admiral Miller was directed to requisition a large number of net-drifters. The plan was to lay drift nets in the entrance to be watched by the drifters, the nets having indicator buoys attached to them and floating on the surface, so that the presence of a submarine might be indicated by the buoy moving with the net.

The navigational difficulties of the narrower entrances were, meanwhile, the only obstacles to the passage of submarines through them, but it was realised that these were considerable. The opinion was formed, however, that the Hoxa entrance presented no insurmountable difficulty of this nature to a determined submarine commander.

By this date the local defence flotilla of destroyers consisted of vessels of the E class. A request was made for basing a hunting flotilla of 16 trawlers on Kirkwall, these vessels being intended to guard the approaches to the Pentland Firth and to act as submarine hunters generally. It was also suggested that a monetary reward should be offered to the personnel of any trawler through whose agency a submarine was captured or destroyed.

The mine-sweeping force at Scapa had been strengthened by the addition of a flotilla of trawlers, and the mine-sweeping gunboats and trawlers were continuously employed in keeping certain fixed channels of approach to the Pentland Firth swept and clear of mines. These vessels were, therefore, not available for anti-submarine work, except to the detriment of their mine-sweeping duties.

On September 1st the available cruiser squadrons were employed in Area No. 6, supported by the 3d Battle Squadron and the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron.

From September 1st to September 5th the Battle Fleet remained at sea, cruising in the area between the north-east coast of Scotland and the coast of Norway, in support of the cruiser squadrons working to the southward, and opportunity was taken to continue the exercises of the Fleet in battle tactics, together with occasional gunnery practice. The _Orion_, of the 2nd Battle Squadron, was still absent from the Fleet, retubing condensers; the _King Edward VII._ rejoined on the 2nd, after exchanging defective guns; and the _Dominion_ was then detached to Devonport to exchange her damaged 12-inch guns.

The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron had been strengthened by the arrival of the _Inflexible_ from the Mediterranean, and was employed during this period in support of the cruiser sweeps, the Squadron joining the Battle Fleet on the 3rd for battle exercises.

During the period under review reports from time to time of the sighting of enemy submarines appeared to indicate that they were working on a line Ekersund-Pentland Firth, the line which they were apparently occupying during the first few days of the War, when U 15 was sunk by the _Birmingham_.

Information received on September 3d suggested that enemy cruisers might have passed, or might be intending to pass, into the North Sea via the Skagerrak. The 2nd and 3rd Cruiser Squadrons and the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron, supported by the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron and accompanied by the 2nd Flotilla, were, therefore, directed to sweep to the entrance to the Skagerrak, arriving there by noon of September 4th, starting from a position in Lat. 58 N., Long. 2.36 E., at 4 A.M. that day. From the Skagerrak the 2nd and 3rd Cruiser Squadrons were to make a detour to the south-westward with the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron, the latter proceeding then to Rosyth and the Cruiser Squadrons to Cromarty; and the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron, with the 2nd Flotilla, was directed to sweep on a wide front towards the Pentland Firth on the Ekersund-Pentland line in search of enemy submarines, which it was hoped might be caught on the surface at night. Thence the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron was to proceed to Scapa to fuel, and the 2nd Flotilla to the westward of the Orkneys to search for submarines, returning to Longhope at 9 P.M. on September 6th. The 4th Flotilla, which had been with the Battle Fleet, was directed at the same time to sweep the western portion of the Ekersund-Pentland line for submarines, and then to return to Longhope.

These orders were carried out, but no enemy vessels of any sort were sighted, except that at 6.30 A.M. on the 5th the _Thetis_, mine-layer, working south-eastward of the Orkneys, reported a suspicious vessel, thought to be a German cruiser. The 2nd and 6th Cruiser Squadrons and 1st Light Cruiser Squadron closed in on the position, but the ship was eventually identified as one of our own vessels.

The Dreadnought Battle Fleet arrived at Loch Ewe at 4 P.M. on the 5th to coal, two mine-sweeping gunboats having been previously detached to that base to search the entrance for mines.

During the early days of September frequent reports were received of enemy mines having been discovered on the east coast, and several vessels were sunk, as a consequence, including the gunboat _Speedy_. It appeared that the enemy was laying the mines from merchant vessels flying neutral or even, possibly, British colours, as well as from regular mine-laying ships. The large number of vessels trading on the east coast and of fishing craft at sea, both British and neutral, greatly increased the difficulty of preventing these operations. The task of boarding and examining even a considerable percentage of these vessels involved a heavy strain. Our cruiser sweeps were showing this daily. The Admiralty’s attention was drawn to the matter, and the question was raised of establishing some restrictions, particularly as regards the areas in which fishing should be permitted.

The extinction of a large proportion of our coast lights was also proposed, the burning of which enabled the enemy to fix his position accurately when engaged in mine-laying operations. This policy of the extinction of lights, thus started, gradually became general, and eventually only the most important lights were exhibited at night, and the large majority of these were only shown when requests were made by men-of-war who required them for entering port, the time of their exhibition being thus reduced to a minimum.

The Dreadnought Battle Fleet remained at Loch Ewe until 6 A.M. on September 7th, and then proceeded to sea. The _Orion_ was left behind to complete work on her condensers and rejoined the Fleet at sea on September 9th, having been absent for twenty-one days.

The _Agincourt_, the new battleship which since commissioning had been engaged in gunnery and torpedo practices either at Scapa or to the westward of the Orkneys, joined the 4th Battle Squadron at sea on September 7th in order to give her officers experience in working with the Fleet. There had been great difficulty in carrying out her practices because she had not been supplied with “sub-calibre” guns, and this deficiency could not be made good for some months; this caused much delay in raising her battle efficiency. However, she was manned with officers and a ship’s company of a very high standard and, in spite of all disadvantages, the early gunnery practices carried out by her in company with the Fleet showed that she would eventually prove to be a most valuable addition to the Fleet.

Representations had been made by me to the Admiralty that the presence of a senior Flag officer in general command of the Orkneys and Shetlands, who would be responsible for the defences of these islands and the Fleet bases, was very necessary, the work of actual administration of the base at Scapa Flow being sufficient fully to occupy the time of Rear-Admiral Miller.

Vice-Admiral the Hon. Sir Stanley Colville accepted the post, and as it was very desirable that the officer holding this position should be junior to the Commander-in-Chief of the Grand Fleet, he paid me the compliment of expressing his desire to be placed junior on the list to myself, a reversal of our proper respective seniorities.

He was, accordingly, appointed, and came to Loch Ewe on September 6th, to confer with me before taking up his appointment. He accompanied me to sea in the _Iron Duke_ on the 7th in order to talk matters over, was embarked on board the _Oak_ to the westward of the Orkneys, and took up his command on arrival. The result was immediately most beneficial. He was able to devote his whole time to the questions of defence and organisation and relieved me of all these matters which had, as was inevitable under the previous arrangement, occupied so much of my time in harbour and so much of my thoughts at sea.

On September 6th the Portsmouth floating dock arrived safely at Cromarty.

During September 7th the Dreadnought Battle Fleet proceeded northward from Loch Ewe _en route_ to the North Sea, and passed through the Fair Island Channel at 10 P.M., being joined at 4 A.M. by the 3rd Battle Squadron. The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron left Rosyth after dark on this date and proceeded to the north-eastward, being joined at 4 A.M. on the 8th by the _Sappho_ and four destroyers of the 4th Flotilla. These smaller vessels were intended to carry out boarding duties in order to avoid the danger to the large ships from submarine attack, consequent on stopping for this purpose. The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron swept to the south-eastward of Area 6 during daylight on the 8th, and during the night of the 8th and daylight of the 9th was on a patrol area approximately between Lat. 55 N., Long. 2 E., and Lat. 56.20 N., Long. 2.40 E., with the object of intercepting possible enemy mine-layers. The Battle Fleet carried out gunnery practices and exercised battle tactics during the 8th eastward of the Orkneys, and at dark proceeded to the southward to support an extensive sweep into the Heligoland Bight which it had been decided to carry out on September 10th. The dispositions for this sweep were generally as follows:

The 1st and 3d Flotillas from Harwich, supported by the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron and 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron to the northward, and the 7th Cruiser Squadron to the westward, swept out the Heligoland Bight from east to west, commencing from a position some ten to twelve miles from Heligoland, which position was to be reached one hour before dawn. The Battle Fleet, with the 2nd and 3rd Cruiser Squadrons, spread 20 miles ahead, was in position Lat. 55.9 N., Long. 4.24 E. at 8 A.M. on September 10th, steering S.S.E. at 12 knots speed of advance.

The Battle Fleet, with the 2nd and 3rd Cruiser Squadrons to the southward, cruised to the north-westward of Heligoland until 11 A.M. on the 10th, by which time it was clear that the sweep had been unproductive. No German vessel of any sort was sighted, except one seaplane reported by the 7th Cruiser Squadron. The 2nd Flotilla was stationed with the Battle Fleet as a submarine screen, and to assist the attached cruisers in boarding duties during the day, and the 4th Flotilla, which had been working with the 2nd and 3rd Cruiser Squadrons, principally for boarding duties, was also directed to join the Battle Fleet on the morning of the 10th, but by reason of the thick weather did not do so until 2 P.M. Owing to the large number of trawlers that were met with, nearly all of which were flying neutral colours, the boarding duties were very onerous. Considerable suspicion attached to these trawlers because frequently Telefunken wireless signals were noticed to be very strong after the Fleet had passed these vessels; but close examination failed to reveal anything suspicious in those that were boarded, no wireless apparatus being discovered in any of them.

The conditions on September 10th were very unfavourable for the sweep into the Bight. Thick weather prevailed both before and after daylight, and the visibility varied from between two and five miles. The mist prevented the junction of the 4th Flotilla with the Battle Fleet for eight hours, a circumstance which would have had awkward consequences had the High Sea Fleet been encountered with its full complement of 80 to 100 destroyers, as might have been the case in such close proximity to German ports.

It was noted at the time that the conditions were very unfavourable for a Fleet action owing to the low visibility combined with the glare produced by the occasional sunshine and absence of wind. A passage in the notes made on this occasion referred to such conditions as follows:

“The weather conditions ... were very unfavourable for a general action owing to the low visibility and the glare caused by brilliant sunlight and absence of wind.... The conditions make it impossible for the Commander-in-Chief in the centre of the Fleet to know what is going on in the van and rear ... besides being entirely favourable to tactics largely based on the employment of torpedo craft or mine-layers.

“In addition there are great difficulties in concentrating detached ships and flotillas and in forming the Fleet prior to battle, also in the recognition of ships and destroyers.”

This passage is of interest because of its bearing on the Jutland battle some two years later when somewhat similar conditions prevailed.

The difficulty of recognition mentioned made so much impression on my mind that special daylight recognition devices which could be seen at a considerable distance were subsequently devised and used by our own light cruisers and destroyers when in the presence of the enemy.

When it became evident that there were no enemy vessels to engage, I organised a sweep to the northward on a large scale, with a view to intercepting any enemy ships that might be at sea and of closely examining all merchant ships and fishing vessels which were met with.

The starting-point of the sweep was Lat. 55.30 N., Long. 4.0 E., the dispositions being:

The _Invincible_ (which had now joined the Battle Cruisers) and the _Inflexible_, to sweep towards Dundee.

3rd Cruiser Squadron towards Aberdeen at 12 knots speed of advance.

1st Light Cruiser Squadron towards Pentland Firth at 11 knots speed of advance.

2nd Cruiser Squadron towards Fair Island at 10 knots speed of advance.

All ships spread as widely as visibility admitted.

The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron (which now once more included the _New Zealand_) to be in general support.

The Battle Fleet with divisions spread four miles apart to extend the sweep to the eastward.

These dispositions are shown in Chart No. 2.

At 3 A.M. on the 11th the sweep was directed to turn to N. 16 E., and, later, the 2nd Cruiser Squadron was stationed in a new area, No. 7, between Lat. 55.20 N. and 57.30 N., between 50 and 150 miles from the coast. The 3rd Cruiser Squadron was sent to Cromarty to coal; the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron and 1st Light Cruiser Squadron rejoined the Battle Fleet, and the _Invincible_ and _Inflexible_ were sent to Scapa to coal, as well as the 3rd Battle Squadron, a half flotilla of destroyers screening these vessels into the base.

During the 11th and 12th the Battle Fleet and 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron carried out battle tactics and gunnery exercises, and the Battle Fleet then proceeded to Loch Ewe, and the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron and 1st Light Cruiser Squadron to Scapa to fuel.

During the passage south and north numerous reports of floating mines were received. The majority proved to be fishermen’s bladders which at this time were being frequently reported by merchant ships as floating mines.

The Admiralty now informed me that a patrol of the 3rd meridian of East Long. between the parallels of 55.30 N. and 53.30 N. had been established by the 1st and 3rd Flotilla, the patrol consisting of eight destroyers and one light cruiser, supported by two cruisers of the “Bacchante” class, the object being to catch enemy mine-layers. I was also informed that a patrol of the “Broad Fourteens,” off the Dutch coast, was being maintained to guard the Eastern Channel and Thames approaches.

On September 11th the _Hibernia_ reported a 12-inch gun cracked, the fifth since the outbreak of war!

On the same day salvage operations on the armed merchant-cruiser _Oceanic_, which had gone ashore in a fog on Foula Island on September 8th, were abandoned owing to heavy weather. The vessel broke up eventually.

Rear-Admiral E. R. Pears reported that the Portsmouth floating dock would be ready for work on September 21st, a very smart piece of mooring work having been carried out by Captain Munro, R.N., the King’s Harbour Master.

The Dreadnought Battle Fleet remained at Loch Ewe coaling, storing and cleaning boilers, etc., from 5 P.M. on September 13th until 6 P.M. on September 17th, and the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron, except the _Inflexible_ and _Invincible_, remained at Scapa until September 18th. Meanwhile the usual cruiser sweeps in the North Sea in Areas 3, 6 and 7 were carried out by the 2nd, 3rd, 6th and 10th Cruiser Squadrons and the Mine-layer Squadron, supported by the _Invincible_, _Inflexible_ and 3rd Battle Squadron, which left Scapa on the morning of September 14th for the purpose. The armed merchant-cruisers _Alsatian_ and _Mantua_ were patrolling eastward of the Shetlands.

Advantage was taken of the stay at Loch Ewe to make general arrangements with the Admiralty for the defence of that base, and on September 17th the First Lord of the Admiralty, with the Chief of War Staff, the Director of Intelligence Division, Commodores (S) and (T) arrived at Loch Ewe to confer with me. The bombardment and capture of Heligoland was also discussed. The proposals had been previously forwarded to me by Mr. Churchill, and had been carefully examined by myself, Rear-Admiral Charles Madden, the Chief of Staff, and by the Flag officers commanding the Battle Squadrons. The opinions of these officers against the operation were unanimous. It had not been suggested that the Grand Fleet should be used for the operation, except as a supporting force; the older battleships were intended for this purpose. But the arguments against the operation were overwhelmingly strong. It was pointed out that ships were no match for heavy fortifications such as were known to exist on Heligoland; that direct fire from high-velocity guns with a low trajectory would be ineffective against well-placed, heavily protected and well-concealed land guns; that, even if a storming party were able to land and to capture the island, it would be quite impossible to hold it, situated as it was close to German naval bases, for if we could take it in a fortified condition, it would be far easier for the Germans to recapture it with the fortifications demolished; that it would be under continuous attack by sea and air, and that any attempt to hold it, if captured, would involve keeping the Grand Fleet constantly in southern waters, which, owing to the number of small craft then available, was an impossibility. Aircraft spotting, which would be a necessary adjunct, was at that time in its infancy, and we had no vessels specially suited for bombardments at long range, such as the monitors which, later on, carried out such useful work on the Belgian coast. After a conference, at which the Flag officers were present, I thought that the idea would be abandoned.

This was not the case, however, and the matter was taken up later at the Admiralty with Vice-Admiral Sir Cecil Burney, commanding the Channel Fleet. His view coincided with those expressed by the Flag officers at the Loch Ewe conference, although he was of course prepared to carry out any orders that might be given him. The idea was not finally abandoned for some time. The opinions of Sir Cecil Burney and myself were identical, as indeed were those of every Flag officer with whom I discussed the matter, with one single exception, a junior Flag officer.

[Illustration: SWEEP OF SEP^{T.} 8^{TH.} TO 11^{TH.} 1914.]

Another subject touched on during Mr. Churchill’s visit was that of operations in the Baltic, but as no large operations of this nature could be attempted without the assistance of Allied battleships, in order to maintain supremacy in the North Sea during such operations, no steps were taken.

By this date a regular programme of dockings and refits for all ships was recognised as necessary, and battleships were now being detached one at a time for this purpose. For some months after the commencement of the War, it was not possible to allow ships more than four days for docking and for the execution of the most urgent work, except in cases of accident or very serious defects, as our margin of superiority was none too large, and we were already experiencing a good deal of trouble with condenser tubes, necessitating ships being laid up for the work of retubing; but the work achieved in the four days was a very fine tribute to the dockyard organisation and to the industry of the dockyard men.

The Battle Fleet left Loch Ewe on the evening of September 17th, the _Erin_, a new battleship bought, incomplete, from Turkey, being in company for the first time in order to accustom her officers to working the ship with the Fleet. Target practice was carried out to the westward of the Orkneys during the forenoon of the 18th, but was interfered with by bad weather--a frequent experience. The Battle Fleet then proceeded into the North Sea, via the Fair Island Channel, the position at midnight, 18th, being Lat. 59.23 N., Long. 1.13 W., and course south. The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron left Scapa with the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron on the evening of the 19th, and the 2nd Cruiser Squadron left Cromarty at the same time, all for the southward for a sweep into the Heligoland Bight, supported by the Battle Fleet, in search of the enemy and with a view to carrying out a thorough examination of trawlers suspected of acting as look-out vessels for the enemy.

While on passage south during the 19th the Battle Fleet was exercised at battle tactics. At midnight on the 19th the Battle Fleet was in position Lat. 58.3 N., Long. 2.24 E., and at 8 A.M. on the 20th, in Lat. 57.8 N., Long. 3.20 E., having met the 2nd Cruiser Squadron. The 2nd Flotilla had been under orders to leave Scapa in time to meet the Battle Fleet at 8 A.M. on the 21st, but, owing to bad weather, the orders were cancelled and the flotilla returned to Scapa, as did the 4th Flotilla, which was to have accompanied the battle cruisers. During daylight of the 20th the Battle Fleet cruised towards the Norwegian coast to the northward of Lat. 57 N., in support of the battle cruisers engaged in examining trawlers in the vicinity of the Little Fisher Bank; it turned to the southward at 4 P.M. to rendezvous, at 5 A.M. on the 21st, in Lat. 56 N., Long. 3.30 E., with the 3rd Battle Squadron, which had been coaling at Scapa and had left on the 20th to join the Commander-in-Chief.

At 7 A.M. on the 21st the Battle Fleet was in position Lat. 55.45 N., Long. 3.30 E., and the Vice-Admiral of the battle cruisers having reported at 6.20 A.M. from a position in Lat. 55.16 N., Long. 4.52 E., that the weather was too bad to admit of the search of trawlers being carried out satisfactorily, the operation was abandoned and the Fleet turned to the northward, as it was considered that an incomplete examination would do more harm than good.

During this period the 3rd Cruiser Squadron was working in Area 7, and the 10th Cruiser Squadron in Area 6, as usual; the _Alsatian_ and _Mantua_, with the _Drake_, of the 6th Cruiser Squadron, were sweeping down the Norwegian coast and then returned to resume their patrol east of the Shetlands, where they were joined by the armed merchant ship _Teutonic_.

The 2nd and 4th Flotillas left Scapa on the 20th and joined the Battle Fleet and the Battle Cruiser Squadron respectively on the 21st.

All wireless telegraphy signalling at sea was stopped between 4 P.M. on the 20th and 4 P.M. on the 21st, in order that the enemy should not become aware of the movements of the Fleet, as such knowledge might prevent the High Sea Fleet from putting to sea and possibly deprive us of our opportunity of catching it.

During the passage of the Fleet to the northward, an extensive sweep was carried out during daylight of the 21st. The Battle Fleet covered a front of 40 miles, and battle cruisers and cruisers prolonged the front to the eastward and westward.

On the evening of the 21st I was informed by wireless telegraphy from the Admiralty of a report that a German force of two light cruisers, with destroyers and submarines in company, had been sighted from Esbjerg on the 20th, proceeding to the northward. The whole Fleet was turned to the southward at midnight on the 21st, and spread at dawn to cover a front of 104 miles from the Norwegian coast westward, sweeping to the northward, to endeavour to intercept the enemy vessels if they had continued a course to the northward. The sweep to the northward was continued until 10 A.M. The _Iron Duke_ was in position Lat. 59 N., Long. 2.35 E., when the line was directed to wheel towards the Orkneys and Shetlands on a course N. 51 W. During the 22nd, visibility was very good, but no enemy vessels were sighted, and the Dreadnought Battle Fleet and battle cruisers passed to the westward of the Orkneys during the night, the 3rd Battle Squadron and 6th Battle Squadron being detached to support the cruisers searching in the North Sea areas.

At 7.45 A.M. on the 22nd wireless telegraphy signals from the _Cressy_ were intercepted indicating that the _Aboukir_ and _Hogue_ had been sunk by submarines in Lat. 52.18 N., Long. 3.41 E. These vessels were patrolling the “Broad Fourteens,” off the Dutch Coast, under Admiralty orders. No further details were received, beyond a wireless signal from Commodore (S), at 11.30 A.M., that he was proceeding in the _Fearless_ with seventeen destroyers to Terschelling to endeavour to intercept the enemy submarines on their way back. The Commander-in-Chief, thereupon, ordered the 2nd Cruiser Squadron (from the southern position of Area 7) to proceed at once to support the Commodore (S). By directions, however, given by the Admiralty these orders were cancelled, and the forces returned.

At 10.30 P.M. I ordered the armed merchant-cruisers to proceed at once to a position off Trondhjem, as a report had been received that the German liner _Brandenburg_, lying at that port, was likely to sail. Constant reports to this effect were received for several days, and the _Brandenburg_ was heard using her wireless telegraphy on September 25th. The patrol was maintained until September 28th, when contradictory reports were to hand--one that she had been seen at sea on the 27th, and the other that she was being interned by the Norwegian Government. The latter report proved to be correct. The patrol was then moved to a position off the Utvoer Lighthouse, Lat. 61.3 N., Long. 4.30 E., to intercept the German destroyer _Prinz Friedrich Wilhelm_, said to be leaving a Norwegian port.

During the 23rd the Dreadnought Battle Fleet and battle cruisers attempted to carry out gunnery practices, but thick weather interfered. The force returned to Scapa to fuel, arriving on the 24th; the 3rd Battle Squadron arrived for the same purpose on the 25th.

On the 23rd and 24th the 2nd Cruiser Squadron proceeded from Area 7 to sweep up the Norwegian coast, thence going to Cromarty to coal. The squadron arrived there on the evening of the 25th.

The Dreadnought Battle Fleet remained at Scapa until the evening of the 25th, when it proceeded out to the westward of the Orkneys; on the 26th bad weather again prevented target practice, a heavy westerly gale being experienced. This moderated on the morning of the 27th, when the Battle Fleet was to the eastward of the Shetlands, but increased again to a very strong gale during that day, with a wind force of 70 miles per hour and a very heavy confused sea.

A considerable amount of damage was done to wireless masts, topmasts, etc., and several ships had boats damaged or washed away. The ships of the “Iron Duke” class took in large quantities of water through their 6-inch gun ports, due to these guns being mounted at such a low level. The gale continued during the 28th, veering to the northward, and moderated on the 29th, on which date the Battle Fleet, which had moved to the southward during the 28th, returned to Scapa, being met and screened by destroyers which had not been able to join the Fleet at sea owing to the bad weather.

The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron left Scapa on the morning of the 26th, and proceeded to the Norwegian coast, sweeping down as far as the Naze in search of enemy ships, particularly the s.s. _Prinz Friedrich Wilhelm_, reported to be about to leave Bergen. It was also to support the _Drake_, _Nottingham_, _Falmouth_, and two destroyers, which had been sent to the vicinity of the Naze to meet Submarines E1 and E5. The latter vessels had been reconnoitring in the Skagerrak and Kattegat for enemy vessels. The two submarines and the destroyers experienced very heavy weather on their return across the North Sea, and some anxiety was felt for their safety.

The 3rd Cruiser Squadron proceeded to Area 2 on the 26th, and on the 29th was sent to watch off the entrances to Bergen in Norway for the German s.s. _Prinz Friedrich Wilhelm_. The squadron returned to Cromarty on October 1st. On the 28th the _Princess Royal_ left the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron (proceeding to Scapa to fuel, _en route_) to meet, and protect, a convoy of Canadian troops about to leave the Dominion for the United Kingdom. The _Invincible_ and _Inflexible_, which had been cruising north of the Faroe Islands, joined the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron at sea on the 29th. For the purpose of supporting the cruisers in the North Sea area, the 3rd Battle Squadron and 6th Battle Squadron sailed from Scapa on the arrival of the Dreadnought Battle Fleet. Additional precautions against attack by submarines were taken during the stay of the Fleet at Scapa on this occasion, as reports indicated the presence of a considerably increased number in the North Sea. These precautions included more numerous patrols by destroyers of the 2nd and 4th Flotillas outside the entrances to Scapa, and necessarily involved a greatly increased strain on the destroyers.

Further precautions against submarine attack were also found necessary in the Firth of Forth, and the arrival of light cruisers at Leith for refit were temporarily suspended by Admiralty orders owing to the presence of submarines in the vicinity. Two torpedoes were fired at the destroyer _Stag_, and another at a torpedo boat off May Island on the 25th. The destroyer _Cheerful_ was also fired at on the 26th.

The month of October, 1914, opened with the Dreadnought Battle Fleet at Scapa, with the exception of the _Ajax_, which was _en route_ to Devonport to refit, and the _Audacious_, which was on passage from Devonport after refit. The 3rd and 6th Battle Squadrons were at sea supporting the cruisers, except the _Exmouth_, of the 6th Battle Squadron, which was at Devonport refitting. The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron, the _Invincible_, and the _Inflexible_, were at Scapa; the _Princess Royal_ was cleaning boilers and preparing for her trip to Halifax.

Of the cruisers, the _Devonshire_, of the 3rd Cruiser Squadron, was refitting at Cromarty; the _Theseus_, of the 10th Cruiser Squadron, was returning from the White Sea, where she had been to fetch some Russian officers; the _Mantua_ and _Alsatian_, armed merchant-cruisers, were at Liverpool, coaling and making good defects.

Of the destroyer flotillas, the _Active_ and five destroyers of the 2nd Flotilla, and two of the 4th Flotilla, were absent refitting.

On October 1st regulations were brought into force under which a large number of coastal navigational lights were extinguished, as also were regulations closing the east coast ports to neutral fishing craft; other regulations were issued to control the movements of fishing vessels in certain areas. On October 10th further orders, under which additional coastal navigation lights were extinguished (principally in the North of Scotland), became effective.

The Dreadnought Battle Fleet remained at Scapa until 5 P.M. on October 2nd, and then proceeded into the North Sea. The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron sailed at daylight, October 3rd, and the newly constituted 2nd Battle Cruiser Squadron, consisting of the _Invincible_ and _Inflexible_, with the _Sappho_ and three mine-layers, left at 2 P.M. on October 3rd.

On October 3rd all the ships of the Grand Fleet took up pre-arranged positions designed to secure a close watch over the northern portion of the North Sea, partly with a view to an interception of all traffic, and partly to ensure that no enemy vessel broke out of the North Sea during the ensuing week. The main object was the protection of an important convoy of Canadian troops, which was crossing from Halifax, and which the battle cruiser _Princess Royal_ and the battleship _Majestic_ had been sent to meet and to protect. The _Princess Royal_ arrived at the rendezvous at 8 P.M. on October 7th, and waited for the convoy, which was two and a half days late.

The Grand Fleet was disposed for this purpose during the period Oct. 3rd–11th approximately as follows:

The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron was watching the Fair Island Channel from the western side.

The 2nd Battle Cruiser Squadron, with armed merchant-cruisers, the _Sappho_ and three mine-layers, was stationed to the northward and eastward of the Shetland Islands.

The 1st Light Cruiser Squadron patrolled the northern portion of Area No. 4.

The 2nd and 3rd Cruiser Squadrons patrolled Area No. 5.

The 10th Cruiser Squadron also patrolled Area No. 5.

The mine-sweepers patrolled to the eastward of the Fair Island Channel.

The Dreadnought Battle Fleet, with its divisions widely spread, worked to the northward of Area No. 5, and the 3rd Battle Squadron to the northward of Area No. 4, whilst the 6th Battle Squadron was utilised to watch the waters between the Dreadnought Battle Fleet and Norwegian territorial waters.

The destroyers were stationed, some to guard the eastern approaches of the Pentland Firth, some to work off the Norwegian coast, and the remaining available vessels to work with the Battle Fleet for screening and boarding purposes. They returned to the bases (Lerwick or Scapa) as necessary for refuelling, and for shelter when the weather necessitated this.

These dispositions are shown in Chart No. 3.

The _Princess Royal_ met the Canadian convoy in Lat. 49.45 N., Long. 27.5 W., at 8 P.M. on October 10th. On the 11th the Dreadnought Battle Fleet passed to the westward of the Orkneys, remaining there until daylight on the 12th, and then returning to Scapa, the 2nd Battle Cruiser Squadron, with the _Teutonic_, being withdrawn from the patrol north of the Shetlands to a patrol line north-west from Sule Skerry lighthouse, Lat. 59.6 N., Long. 4.24 W., during the night of the 11th and remaining there until daylight on the 13th, when they left for Scapa. During October 12th all other vessels engaged in this operation returned to their bases for fuel, except the 3rd Battle Squadron (the ships of which had coaled two at a time during the operation) and the cruiser squadrons, which had been relieved as necessary to fuel.

Whilst the Fleet was engaged on this service the following incidents occurred. On October 2nd the _Alsatian_ took six concealed Germans off a Danish steamer. At 5 A.M. on October 7th a submarine was reported inside Loch Ewe, being sighted by a collier and by the _Assistance_; she was fired at by the latter ship, in misty weather. On receipt of the report I ordered all vessels to leave Loch Ewe at once, and sent a division of destroyers there from Scapa to search for the submarine. Later investigation indicated that the report was well founded.

On October 9th the _Alsatian_ sighted an enemy submarine in Lat. 61.42 N., Long. 0.50 W.; on the same day at 3 P.M. the _Antrim_, flagship of the 3rd Cruiser Squadron, when in Lat. 59 N., Long. 4.40 E., was missed by two torpedoes fired at her by a submarine which the _Antrim_ just failed to ram after the attack; numerous reports of enemy aircraft having been sighted on the East and West coasts of Scotland were also received.

On October 10th the _Liverpool_ and one-half of the 4th Flotilla were sent to the Norwegian coast to examine the islands in the vicinity of Udsire light, Lat. 59.19 N., Long. 4.50 E., to ascertain that they were not being used as German submarine bases, in view of the attack on the _Antrim_ in that vicinity on the 9th. The 3rd Cruiser Squadron supported. Nothing was seen that lent colour to this idea.

Ships of the Battle Fleet were detached to the northward, two or three at a time, during the operations, to carry out gunnery practices by day and by night. Thick fogs were prevalent during the whole period, and ships detached from the Fleet experienced very considerable difficulty in rejoining. The foggy weather nearly resulted in a serious collision between a battleship of the 6th Battle Squadron and one of the Dreadnought Battle Fleet, the two ships passing within a few feet of each other on opposite courses.

On the return of the Battle Fleet to Scapa on the morning of October 12th, Admiral Sir Stanley Colville reported that a partial submarine obstruction was in place across the Hoxa entrance. The presence of even a partial obstruction reduced the danger of submarine attack on the Fleet whilst coaling, a matter which had given me much anxiety since the beginning of hostilities.

[Illustration: APPROXIMATE DISPOSITIONS OCT^{R.} 3^{RD.} TO 11^{TH.} 1914.

WHILST CANADIAN CONVOY WAS CROSSING.]

On arrival in harbour it was found that the condenser tubes of the _Iron Duke_ were in a bad condition, although the ship was quite new, and that the condensers would need either complete, or partial, retubing. The discovery was very disconcerting when taken in conjunction with the case of the _Orion_, the condensers of which ship had been retubed during September; it naturally led to suspicion being directed to the condenser tubes generally of other ships, from which reports of cases of tubes occasionally giving out were being received.

The whole question was taken up with the Admiralty, requests being made that all available spare tubes should be sent at once to the Northern bases, together with some dockyard fitters who could assist the artificers of the Fleet in the work of retubing. Representations were also made as to the urgent necessity of increasing the stock of reserve tubes in case the defects became general in the Fleet owing to the ships being so constantly under steam at sea. The task of replacing the defective tubes in the _Iron Duke’s_ condensers was begun at once, with the help of the artificers of the Fleet, and the _Centurion_ was detailed as the spare Fleet-Flagship in case of emergency. But at this time the _Iron Duke_ was not kept specially in harbour for retubing work, this being carried out as opportunity occurred, although under considerable difficulties, since the labour of suddenly preparing for sea, with a condenser undergoing retubing, was very appreciable. The manner in which this heavy work was taken in hand and rapidly completed in several ships, largely by Fleet labour, demonstrated the extreme efficiency and very fine spirit of the engine-room departments of the ships of the Grand Fleet.

From the 12th to the 16th October the 1st and 4th Battle Squadrons remained at Scapa, and at 6 P.M. on the 16th they left to carry out target practice to the westward of the Orkneys. The 2nd Battle Squadron left Scapa on the evening of the 13th to support the cruisers in the North Sea; it joined the 3rd Battle Squadron already there, the ships of which were being detached to Scapa two at a time to fuel and to overhaul their machinery. It was found necessary to give these ships, with reciprocating engines, five days off duty periodically in order to carry out necessary adjustments.

The 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron, with the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron and two divisions of destroyers, left Scapa at 5.30 P.M. on the 12th, to carry out a sweep of the southern part of the North Sea. This force swept on the 13th on a broad front down to the Dogger Bank, thence to the Norwegian coast, and to the northward on the 14th in conjunction with the 2nd Cruiser Squadron (which was then prolonging the sweeping line), without sighting any enemy vessels. The battle cruisers and light cruisers took up a position on the 15th to support the cruiser squadrons on patrol, the destroyers proceeding to Lerwick to fuel.

The 2nd Battle Cruiser Squadron remained at Scapa. The 2nd Cruiser Squadron was working the N.E. corner of Area 6, and the 10th Cruiser Squadron at this period was working the south-western portion of Area No. 6. At 1.15 P.M. on October 15th the _Theseus_ reported that a torpedo, which had missed, had been fired at her in Lat. 57.50 N., Long. 0.33 E.

On receipt of this report orders were given that the ships of the 10th Cruiser Squadron, on patrol, were to be withdrawn to the northern corner of the area, and later, at 8 P.M., orders were sent that they were to join the 2nd Battle Squadron still farther north, and to be used by the battleships (which were spread for the purpose of intercepting trade or enemy’s ships) for boarding purposes. Meanwhile the senior officer of the 10th Cruiser Squadron ships operating in Area 6 (H.M.S. _Edgar_) reported that he could get no reply to wireless signals from the _Hawke_. The _Swift_, with a division of destroyers, was ordered to proceed from Scapa at high speed to the last reported position of the _Hawke_ in Lat. 57.47 N., Long. 0.12 E., to search for the ship. Two other divisions of destroyers were sent, later on, to assist the _Swift_. It is to be noted that a submarine had been reported off Tod Head on the Aberdeen coast at 8.30 A.M. on the 14th, but this report did not reach the _Iron Duke_ until the afternoon of the 15th.

The _Swift_ reported on the 16th having picked up a raft with an officer and 20 men, survivors of the _Hawke_, which had been sunk by a submarine in Lat. 57.40 N., Long. 0.13 W., on the 15th. Shortly after sighting the raft, the _Swift_ was attacked by the same or another submarine (it was thought by more than one) whilst engaged in her work of rescue, and torpedoes were fired at her. Captain Wintour subsequently stated that he was only able to effect the rescue by manœuvring at high speed in the midst of the wreckage, etc., using the destroyers with him to screen his movements. His experience was an unpleasant one, as he naturally desired to remain on the spot until he had ascertained with certainty that he had picked up all the survivors, and this he proceeded to do with praiseworthy persistence, bringing them to Scapa. On the 16th reports were also received that the destroyers _Alarm_ and _Nymphe_ had been attacked by submarines to the eastward of the Pentland Firth, and that the _Nymphe_ had rammed the submarine that had attacked her. Later examination of the _Nymphe’s_ bottom by divers showed that her starboard propeller was damaged.

At 4.18 P.M. on the same day, the 16th, it was reported from one of the shore batteries that a submarine was close into the Switha entrance to Scapa Flow. The ships inside were immediately ordered to raise steam with all despatch, and the usual precautions were taken of patrolling the harbour with every available small craft, including destroyers, tugs, trawlers, drifters and picket-boats; and colliers and store-ships were as usual sent alongside the battleships, which were not fitted with torpedo nets, as a precaution.

The scene in the harbour on such occasions was a busy one. Small craft of every nature were patrolling at the sight of a periscope; all guns were manned; torpedo nets, where fitted, were placed in position; and every effort was made to ensure that the Fleet was as adequately guarded by the available patrol craft as circumstances admitted. All large ships except the repair ships _Cyclops_ and _Assistance_ left harbour during the night, the _Iron Duke_ joining the 1st and 4th Battle Squadrons west of the Orkneys.

At noon on the 17th Sir Stanley Colville, who had been requested to organise a careful search for the reported submarine, signalled that a submarine was believed to be inside Scapa Flow and had been hunted, but not actually located. Reports had been received that officers and men on board several of the destroyers, and the gunboat _Leda_, had seen the periscope of the submarine, and that a torpedo had actually been fired at one of the hunting vessels. It was, however, ascertained subsequently that this torpedo was one which had been accidentally discharged by one of our own destroyers.

The accuracy or otherwise of these reports has never yet been determined with certainty, but many of the officers engaged in the search were convinced at the time that a submarine was actually inside, and that they had seen her. Indeed, a good many rounds were fired during the day at objects which were thought at the time to be a periscope.

The reports signalled to me convinced me that, until the matter was cleared up with certainty, and until some more absolute security against submarine attack on the Fleet at anchor could be provided, it was courting disaster to base battleships or battle cruisers at Scapa Flow. We had seen in the loss of the _Hawke_ that enemy submarines could quite well operate in northern waters, and it was thought to be only a matter of time before they would attempt an attack on the Fleet in Scapa Flow, if indeed the attempt had not already been made.

I decided, therefore, that it was necessary to seek for a temporary base which could be used with safety whilst the submarine obstructions at Scapa were being perfected. The incident that had already occurred at Loch Ewe cast doubt on the safety of that base, since it was unprovided with any obstructions at all and the depth of water made it impossible to improvise them with Fleet resources.

Accordingly I looked for other and more easily obstructed ports, and eventually decided on Lough Swilly for the main part of the Fleet, and Loch-na-Keal in the Island of Mull for the ships for which berthing-space could not be found at Lough Swilly. Both ports possessed comparatively narrow entrances, and at Lough Swilly the water was so shallow as to make it difficult for a submarine to enter submerged. It was also a “defended port” and therefore possessed an organisation which would be useful for regulating the entry of ships.

The extensive dispositions necessitated by the temporary change of base were at once ordered. Colliers, store-ships, and auxiliaries of one kind and another, which were either _en route_ to, or at, Scapa Flow, were diverted to the new bases; the 2nd Battle Squadron and 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron were ordered to Loch-na-Keal to fuel and to improvise anti-submarine obstructions at the entrance; and the _Illustrious_ was ordered there from Loch Ewe to act as guard ship; the 1st and 4th Battle Squadrons and 2nd Battle Cruiser Squadron were detached to cruise to the north-westward of the Hebrides for blockading purposes, and to carry out practices; and the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron, 2nd Cruiser Squadron and 3rd and 6th Battle Squadrons were sent to Lough Swilly to coal. The cruiser blockade and look-out line was withdrawn farther to the northward owing to the danger from submarines incurred in operating in the central or southern portions of the North Sea on a regular patrol, and the impossibility of providing destroyers as a screen for the ships. The new line was to the northward of the Shetland Islands, and the 3rd and 10th Cruiser Squadrons and armed merchant-cruisers carried out the patrol. There were, therefore, two lines of blockade, one formed by the heavy ships north-westward of the Hebrides, the second to the northward of the Shetland Islands. The organisation was such that it was probable that vessels attempting to evade the blockade would pass one of the two lines during daylight hours. In making these new dispositions it was still intended to keep the North Sea itself under observation by frequent cruiser sweeps.

Numerous reports of submarines in the Minch at this time led to the _Active_ and two divisions of destroyers being sent there to search for them, and the remainder of the 2nd and 4th Flotillas were divided between blockade duty in the Pentland Firth, work at Scapa Flow, and in the vicinity of the Orkneys and Shetlands, and with the ships at Loch-na-Keal and Lough Swilly.

On October 21st the 2nd Battle Cruiser Squadron arrived at Cromarty to coal. Owing to the receipt of information from the Admiralty early that day, that it was reported that some German cruisers, destroyers and submarines had left Danzig on October 17th for the North Sea, the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron and 1st Light Cruiser Squadron were ordered to leave their bases that morning, proceed into the North Sea, and sweep down on a broad front to the Skagerrak, screened by the 4th Flotilla of destroyers. The latter had to be sent back to their base on October 22nd owing to heavy weather. The remainder of the force swept up to the Skaw without sighting any enemy vessels, then north along the Norwegian coast, and proceeded, the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron to Cromarty and the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron to Scapa.

On October 21st a submarine was reported just outside Cromarty by an armed trawler, and another report was received of one having been sighted by the destroyer _Lynx_. The submarine obstruction at Cromarty, designed by Captain Munro, had now been completed, and the base was considered secure. It would, however, only accommodate a small portion of the Fleet.

The dispositions given above were maintained until October 22nd, when the _Iron Duke_, 1st and 4th Battle Squadrons, the _Active_ and two divisions of destroyers of the 2nd Flotilla, arrived at Lough Swilly. The 3rd and 6th Battle Squadrons and 2nd Cruiser Squadron took their place to the north-westward of the Hebrides as an outer blockade line and support for the cruiser squadrons. The 2nd Battle Cruiser Squadron and four destroyers were detached to the southern part of the North Sea on the 23rd to support the Commodore (T) in carrying out aerial operations in the Heligoland Bight. The operations failed owing to the difficulty the sea-planes experienced in rising off the water, and the 2nd Battle Cruiser Squadron returned to Cromarty.

On arrival of the 1st and 4th Battle Squadrons at Lough Swilly, steps were immediately taken to lay an anti-submarine obstruction at the entrance, and this was very smartly completed with the limited resources of the squadrons by 4 P.M. on the 23rd, and for the first time since the declaration of war the Fleet occupied a secure base. Wire hawsers provided by the ships of the Fleet were suspended at varying depths between six colliers which were anchored across the entrance, with target rafts as intermediate supports.

It was a fairly effective obstruction, and armed steamboats from the fleet patrolled near it with destroyers as a support.

The relief to those responsible for the safety of the Fleet was immense, and attention was at once turned to the well-being of the personnel, which had been pressed very hard, and to improving the efficiency of the ships in gunnery and torpedo work. Battle practice targets were ordered over from Lamlash, in the Island of Arran, a pre-War practice base, with the intention of carrying out practice in the waters north-west of Ireland. The work of retubing the condensers of the _Iron Duke_ was once more taken in hand, and ships were given the opportunity of overhauling and adjusting machinery, steam being put back to longer notice than had previously been possible. The anti-submarine defence was continually strengthened and improved during the stay of the Fleet, and the colliers supporting it were gradually replaced by trawlers and drifters.

In order to give the men some much-needed diversion and exercise a pulling regatta was organised and held on October 26th, and the men were landed for route marches as frequently as possible during the stay of the ships at Lough Swilly.

On the 26th a submarine was reported inside Cromarty harbour, but Sir David Beatty, who was there with the battle cruisers, stated, after investigation, that he did not consider the report was true.

Discussions took place with the Admiralty during the stay of the Fleet at Lough Swilly on the subject of trawlers for the patrol of the Minches and vicinity, and the requirements were given as thirty-six trawlers for this service, which was considered next in importance to the provision of an adequate patrol force of this nature for the waters in the vicinity of the bases at Scapa Flow and Cromarty.

The stay of the Fleet at Lough Swilly was rendered memorable by the unfortunate loss of the _Audacious_, then one of our most modern battleships.

Orders had been given to the 2nd Battle Squadron to carry out target practice against the two battle practice targets obtained from Lamlash, and the squadron left Loch-na-Keal on the evening of October 26th for a rendezvous in Lat. 55.45 N., Long. 8.30 W., at daylight on the 27th, where the targets which had left Lough Swilly in tow of two tugs, the _Plover_ and _Flying Condor_, escorted by the light cruiser _Liverpool_, were to be met.

The squadron was in Lat. 55.34 N., Long. 8.30 W. at 9 A.M. on the 27th, preparing for the practice, when at that hour the _Audacious_ struck a mine whilst turning. The explosion resulted in the flooding of the port engine-room and partly flooding the centre engine-room. It was not clear at the time whether the ship had been mined or torpedoed. The _Monarch_ having reported sighting a submarine at 11 A.M., a precautionary signal was made to Sir George Warrender to keep the squadron clear of the _Audacious_.

Meanwhile all available destroyers, tugs, trawlers and other small craft were sent from Lough Swilly and Loch-na-Keal to assist the _Audacious_ and to prevent the submarine (if one were present) from doing further damage; and the armed boarding steamer _Cambria_ escorted the collier _Thornhill_ (provided with towing hawsers) to the scene. The hospital-ship _Soudan_ was ordered out to give help to survivors in case the _Audacious_ sank or to the injured, and the _Liverpool_ was directed to stand by her, but to keep moving at high speed. The battleship _Exmouth_ was put at “short notice” ready to tow the _Audacious_ in if necessary. Vice-Admiral Sir Lewis Bayly, commanding the 1st Battle Squadron, came on board the _Iron Duke_ to suggest that he should proceed to the scene to render any assistance, an offer of which I very gladly availed myself, as Sir George Warrender, in the 2nd Battle Squadron, could not close the ship whilst the danger of submarine attack existed.

Shortly after the _Audacious_ struck the mine, the s.s. _Olympic_, on passage from the United States to Liverpool, closed the ship on learning of the disaster, and Captain Haddock, C.B., R.N.R., who was in command, at once volunteered to help in any way possible. Captain Dampier, of the _Audacious_, asked that his ship might be taken in tow and brought into Lough Swilly, and Captain Haddock, disregarding the danger of submarine attack or of being mined, took immediate steps to carry out this request. Unfortunately a considerable sea was running, which increased during the day. In spite of the most magnificent and seamanlike handling of the _Olympic_ by Captain Haddock, and later in the day excellent work on the part of the master of the _Thornhill_, the hawsers constantly parted, owing to the state of the sea and the weight of the _Audacious_, the stern of that ship being almost awash by the afternoon. The two ships were worked in a manner which Sir Lewis Bayly reported as beyond praise. The attempts to tow the injured ship had to be abandoned before dark, and Sir Lewis Bayly, Captain Dampier and the few officers and men who had remained on board to work the hawsers, etc., were taken off the _Audacious_ by 7.15 P.M. The remainder of the ship’s company had been removed without accident, in spite of the heavy sea, in the course of the day by destroyers, trawlers, and other small craft, and in the boats of the _Audacious_.

The work of the destroyers on this occasion was, as usual, of the greatest value, and the exceedingly seamanlike handling of the _Fury_ by Lieutenant-Commander Sumner, who, in the teeth of the greatest difficulties, took heavy wire towing hawsers between the _Audacious_ and the towing ships on several occasions, elicited from Sir Lewis Bayly expressions of warm admiration. Arrangements were made for the _Liverpool_ to stand by the _Audacious_ during the night, but at 9 P.M. she suddenly blew up with great violence and sank. The cause of this explosion was never ascertained with certainty. At the time the ship blew up the _Liverpool_ was not far distant, and a good deal of _débris_ fell on the deck of that ship, killing one petty officer. This was the only casualty due to the loss of the _Audacious_.

Meanwhile, at 1.8 P.M., information reached me from Kingstown that the s.s. _Manchester Commerce_ had been sunk on the night of the 26th by a mine in the vicinity of the disaster to the _Audacious_, and at 4.40 P.M. a report came from Malin Head that a four-masted sailing vessel, the _Caldaff_, had also struck a mine in the neighbourhood on the previous night.

These unfortunately belated reports disposed at once of any idea that submarines had attacked the _Audacious_, and at 5 P.M. the _Exmouth_ sailed from Lough Swilly to attempt to tow her in. Steps had already been taken to warn outward and homeward bound vessels of the existence of the mine-field and to divert all traffic clear of it; and all mine-sweeping gunboats were ordered to Lough Swilly to locate the exact limits of the mine-field and to sweep a clear passage along the north coast of Ireland.

On the arrival of the s.s. _Olympic_ at Lough Swilly, orders were given that no communication between the ship and the shore was to take place. I wired to the Admiralty suggesting that the loss of the _Audacious_ should be kept secret for as long as possible, so that the enemy should not learn of it, as the fact would afford him encouragement at a time when the military situation was extremely critical for the Allies, and also because, as a general policy, it was desirable to conceal from the enemy any serious losses of which he could otherwise have no immediate knowledge.

This procedure was approved for the time, because of the military situation, and the _Olympic_ was kept at Lough Swilly for several days. This was necessary as she had on board a considerable number of United States passengers, and it was known that they had taken photographs of the _Audacious_ in a sinking condition.

Amongst these passengers was Mr. Schwab, of the Bethlehem Steel Company, and it was made known to me after a day or two that he had come over on very important business connected with War Office contracts, and wished to proceed to London. After an interview with him, this was agreed to, and I asked him to call on Lord Fisher of the Admiralty in connection with the construction of some submarines which I ascertained from him that his firm was in a position to build very rapidly and which would be of the greatest value to us. He did this, and with the most satisfactory results, as ten submarines were constructed--as he promised--in the extraordinarily short space of five months. These vessels were most useful to us later.

The 1st and 4th Battle Squadrons were at Lough Swilly during the remainder of October; the 2nd Battle Squadron proceeded to Lamlash on the 29th to coal, and to Lough Swilly on November 1st; the 3rd Battle Squadron went to Scapa on the 27th; and the 6th Battle Squadron to Lough Swilly.

On October 27th a trawler reported very suspicious movements on the part of a large steamer to the westward of the island of Sule Skerry (west of the Orkneys). It appeared possible that the ship might be a German mine-layer, and the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron at Scapa was sent to a position 120 miles from Fair Island on the Fair Island--Heligoland line, to intercept her on returning, with orders that, at daylight on the 29th, she should spread widely and sweep towards Fair Island, then sweeping over to the Norwegian coast near Jaederen’s Point, spreading at daylight on the 30th and sweeping up a line approximately N. 15 W. from Heligoland, before returning to Scapa. Destroyers of the 4th Flotilla were also sent out from Scapa on the 28th in search of the suspected vessel, and the 3rd and 10th Cruiser Squadrons were disposed so as to cut her off if she passed to the north of the Shetlands. The ship was not sighted, and no mines had been laid.

The Grand Fleet was considerably weakened at this time apart from the loss of the _Audacious_. The _Ajax_ had developed condenser defects; the _Iron Duke_ had similar troubles; the _Orion_ had to be sent to Greenock for examination of the turbine supports, which appeared to be defective; the _Conqueror_ was at Devonport refitting, and the _New Zealand_ was in dock at Cromarty. The _Erin_ and _Agincourt_, having been newly commissioned, could not yet be regarded as efficient, so that the Dreadnought Fleet only consisted of 17 effective battleships and 5 battle cruisers; the German Dreadnought Fleet at the time comprised 15 battleships and 4 battle cruisers, with the _Blücher_ in addition. The margin of superiority was, therefore, unpleasantly small in view of the fact that the High Sea Fleet possessed 88 destroyers and the Grand Fleet only 42.

During the stay of the Fleet at Lough Swilly numerous reports of the presence of submarines on the west coast of Scotland were received, a large number of the reports coming from the coast watchers. Destroyers were sent on many occasions to search the localities from which the reports emanated, and the various harbours that could be used by submarines as a base were frequently examined. At this period it was considered possible that enemy submarines, acting so far from their home ports as the west coast of Scotland, would be working from a short or from a floating base. It was not thought--from experience with our own submarines--that they would be self-supporting at this distance, and the best method of limiting their activities, if not destroying the submarines, was to find their base. Later experience, and a closer knowledge of German submarines, however, showed that they were independent of such bases.

It is very doubtful whether any enemy submarines passed to the westward of Scotland during October. We, at any rate, found no certain evidence that they were present, in spite of the very numerous reports of their being sighted. Similarly, reports were constantly being received of air-craft (both Zeppelins and aeroplanes) being seen in the north of Scotland; many of the rumours were of the most circumstantial nature, some coming even from warships. It is quite certain that these reports were founded on optical illusions, and it may be said that little credence was attached to them at the time.

But the currency of many rumours in those early days of the War, sometimes supported by statements of the most plausible character, were not only embarrassing, but frequently involved a great deal of unproductive cruising, for it was impossible to ignore anything which would enable us to find out the enemy’s movements or intentions.

At the end of October, news came of the unfortunate wreck of the hospital ship _Rohilla_ off Whitby, with considerable loss of life.

About this time the German land forces occupied the Belgian coast. The effect of this occupation on naval strategy was considered in the Grand Fleet, and Sir Lewis Bayly and I discussed the blocking of Zeebrugge by sinking ships across the channel. Sir Lewis Bayly considered the scheme feasible, and wrote to me on the subject. I then suggested to the Admiralty that such an operation should be carried out. It was not considered practicable by the Admiralty at the time. It is perhaps of interest to note that the subject was discussed as early as 1914.

Some two years later I caused the question to be reconsidered after taking up the appointment of First Sea Lord at the Admiralty (it had been under consideration between 1914 and 1917). More than one plan was discussed between Admiral Bacon (commanding the Dover patrol) and myself; one idea, which I favoured, was to utilise ships of the “Apollo” class, cutting down their upper works to render them less visible during approach. Meanwhile, other schemes for driving the enemy from the Belgian coast were in operation, so the question of blocking was deferred. In September, 1917, when it became clear that the object in view would not be effected by military operations during that year, I gave directions to the Plans Division of the Naval Staff, of which Rear-Admiral Roger Keyes had recently become the head, that plans for blocking Zeebrugge were to be prepared; later, after considering an independent proposal by Sir Reginald Bacon for attacking the mole by landing parties from monitors run alongside it, I decided that the operation was to be combined with the landing on the Zeebrugge mole. The main objective for the landing was the destruction of enemy destroyers known to be lying alongside the mole, and I considered that this landing would also be very useful in creating a diversion to facilitate the approach of the block ships. The scheme was eventually approved by me in November, 1917, and the training of the storming party and selection of the block ships were taken in hand.