Part 26
The late conduct of General Jackson has excited much interest, both in Europe and America. Some advocate his proceedings, and like himself, seem determined to brave the tempest which is ready to overwhelm him. That is a dear and glorious cause, which involves moral strength and physical weakness; and I should rejoice in enlisting under the banners of a virtuous man, when unjustly assailed by popular prejudice, and popular indignation. But General Jackson has violated the principles of humanity, and tarnished the glory of the nation. Whatever may be the services of our public men they must be taught that they are the servants of the {245} people, and at all times officially accountable to them. No one is disposed to deny that General Jackson has done much for the United States; but this is only one side of the subject: Julius Cesar was a celebrated general, and achieved great victories for Rome; but Julius Cesar became a tyrant.
I do not pretend to know what were the motives of General Jackson in putting to death the above mentioned Indians, who, it appears, had been decoyed into the custody of his officers, and were prisoners of war; but we have reason to believe that they were bad motives. Conscious of his high military reputation, the native ferocity of his disposition, cloaking itself under the garb of energy, burst upon these poor, ignorant savages, who, being prisoners of war, were perfectly harmless. And why was this? because they refused to answer a question which he put for the purpose of entrapping them.—_The very essence of tyranny!_
Neither General Jackson, nor the government had any more right to take the lives of these Indians, than the British, _even setting aside the idea of rebellion_, would have had to execute General Washington, had he, during the Revolutionary war, been taken prisoner. The Indians, engaged in the Seminole war, were at issue with the United States. The parties were equally independent,—their rights were equal. The law of nature is the original source of all national right, and Indian tribes are in a state of nature.
General Jackson’s conduct upon this occasion is a disgrace to the country. The act was as unmanly as it was inhuman. It may be said by ignorance, affectation, and prejudice, that Indians sometimes destroy our men when taken prisoners. What! shall we abandon the precepts of religion, the principles of humanity, and the polish of civilization, to {246} learn manners and customs in the ferocious schools of savage life? The displeasure of the American people alone can remove from themselves the disgrace, with which such conduct on the part of a public servant naturally clothes them.
As to the course which General Jackson took, relative to the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, it was entirely inconsistent with that dispassionate investigation which ought ever to characterize the American Government.[205] Admitting, for the sake of argument, that this course is sanctioned by the law of nations, is this law our _only_ guide? And is this law perfect?—It is the work of man,—the work of those civilians, whose dust has long since been scattered by the winds! It is, too, the common law of independent communities. But what are they? Precisely what their courts are made of:—tyranny, intrigue, and dissipation. Oh! there is a higher rule of action than the law of nations. Our conduct should be regulated by those great and pure principles, which will stand the test of reason and conscience, both on earth and in heaven.
Why is General Jackson so fond of blood? Why so disposed to crush every forsaken individual, whom the fortune of war places in his hands? Is this _moral_ energy?—or is it a barbarous animal impulse? With the modesty of a _true_ soldier, General Jackson should have transferred to the Government his prisoners and his trophies. Time might have thrown some light upon the subject of the persons executed; and they might, at some future period, have had a fairer trial. There is reason to believe, that both General Jackson and the Court Martial were prejudiced against the prisoners. As these persons were supposed to have been the instigators of the war—a war which was, at first, so lamely {247} maintained on our part—a war which resulted in the death of some of our people, it was natural for General Jackson, and the persons composing the Court Martial, to entertain hostile feelings towards the accused. And shall prejudice and hostility be the triors in a case of life and death? This transaction too, is a disgrace to the country; and although, as Mr. Secretary Adams says, General Jackson will not, in relation to it, incur the censure of the Government, those of the people who wish to see their country exemplary in every thing, will endeavour, by condemning the act, to shield that country from reproach.
Mr. Adams’ letter to our Minister at the Court of Spain, relative to this subject, does the nation injustice; and it is surprising that it should be so much eulogized.[206] I am disposed to entertain a high opinion of the talents and patriotism of Mr. Adams; but his communication is undignified. It evinces spirit, but it is the ephemeral spirit of political paragraphists. Why does this great man condescend to flourish about “M’Gregor’s mock-patriots, and Nicholls’ negroes?” To say nothing respecting the _ostentatious threats_, which the communication contains, its pinks and posies but illy become the silvered brow of a diplomatic veteran. To threaten is the peculiar privilege of little minds. To warn with gravity, and to act with decision, become the United States in her negociations with Spain.
Admitting, as I have said, that the proceeding, relative to Arbuthnot and Ambrister, is warranted by the law of nations, yet as this law, as far as it respects the present question, is unjust and unreasonable; and as it also is grounded upon principles which, relative to expatriation, we have ever contested, both duty and policy dictate our decided opposition to it. It is a rule which originated in the {248} despotic courts of Europe; and one which Freedom detests. May not an individual expatriate himself? And if so, may he not become a citizen or subject in a foreign country? He may become a member of a savage as well as of a civilized community. And by acquiring the right of citizenship under a foreign government, an individual may attain to the distinction of a leader. By being a citizen he becomes interested in the destinies of the state, and is bound to defend its rights.
If Arbuthnot and Ambrister expatriated themselves, and united their fortunes with those of the Indians, they were, upon every view of the subject, mere prisoners of war; and as such should have been treated. By taking it for granted that they had not expatriated themselves, we act upon the ground that there can be no such principle as expatriation, and thereby do injustice to the cause of liberty, and expose our own citizens to terrible inflictions from those tyrannical governments, who advocate this side of the question.
As to General Jackson entering the territory of Spain, and taking possession of Spanish posts, it was illegal, because unnecessary; and highly improper, because not authorized by the government. The Indians were dispersed; and an immediate renewal of the war on their part was not apprehended. So far this proceeding was without a legitimate object. And if the Spanish government were to blame in relation to this war, the United States, and not General Jackson, _who was a mere servant of the people, acting under limited orders_, were to decide as to the course to be pursued.
The day after leaving Fort Plaquemine we arrived at the Balize.[207] There are here the remains of an old Spanish fort, and three or four miserable dwelling houses. The latter are occupied by pilots. The {249} place presents a most wretched aspect, being scarcely above the water, and covered with flags and reptiles. About three miles below this situation are the principal passes into the Gulf of Mexico. The water of the Mississippi, when the river is high, rushes with such force through these passes, that fresh water may be obtained several miles from the land. Old passes are frequently filled, and new ones made, by the rapid descent of the water of the river during the seasons of its rise. The coast, viewed from the Balize, presents, as far as the eye can reach, a broken and desolate aspect, reminding one of the destruction of the Antedeluvian world.
After waiting one or two days for a wind, we received a pilot, sailed through the north-east pass, and with a light breeze nearly ahead, moved slowly in a south-south-east course. We left quite a fleet of vessels at the pilot-ground, and there were, at this time, several large ships beating into the Balize. The north-east pass is not more than eight rods wide; and on both sides of it are low banks of mud. There are several other passes, which are taken by the pilots according to the wind and the draught of the vessel.
For many days we experienced light winds on our larboard bow; our progress, of course, was inconsiderable. For many days too, previous to our making the islands of Tortugas, and even after reaching the island of Cuba, our progress was completely retarded by calms and light head winds. Being in the calm latitudes at this season of the year is very unpleasant. An almost vertical sun pours his rays upon the deck, and produces an insufferable heat.
During this state of things, I may look back, for a moment, to New-Orleans. No place in the world furnishes a greater field for speculation upon physiognomy, and for reflection upon national characteristics, {250} than this city. The former is a science too much neglected. A knowledge of human nature is of consequence to all; and particularly so to the philosopher, and man of business. The human countenance is the index of the human heart. But little dependance, however, can be placed upon those rules, which relate _altogether_ to the lines of the human face. In relation to this subject men of penetration, who have acquired a habit of forming an opinion upon every stranger who presents himself, experiences, upon these occasions, a kind of inspiration, which seldom errs. This effect is not surprising, because the human countenance always expresses, both morally and physically, the ruling passions of the heart; and practice, in all sciences and arts, produces wonderful proficiency.
With respect to national characteristics, I fear that I cannot be impartial without giving offence. But the truth is as much against myself as any other person. I speak only of _national_ characteristics; of course the opinion is general, and there may be _individual_ exceptions. Besides, as to individuals, transplanting sometimes improves the original stock. This, I apprehend, is particularly the case with the English in America. My partiality, perhaps, begins to display itself. How natural is it for one to think well of his own country! Yet truth should be more dear to a man than his native land. The Americans are a mixed people; but the institutions of the country direct their affections to one common centre. They are, therefore, one people; and their principles and feelings comport with our noble systems of polity. All nations have their faults; but I think the Americans possess the greatest virtues and the fewest imperfections. I need not occupy much ground upon this subject. The most prominent nations are the best tests of national characteristics. {251} Small communities are almost innumerable; and they, generally, partake, more or less, of the dispositions of long established, and mighty sovereignties. I confine my views to the English, Irish, French, and American nations. The Irish are intelligent, hospitable, and courageous; but they are credulous, resentful, and violent in all their affections:—great virtues, and great vices characterize them. The English are sensible, generous, and brave; but they are supercilious, overbearing, and vain glorious. The French are perspicacious, enthusiastic, and intrepid; but they are fickle, vain, and, in prosperity, impertinent. The Americans seem to be a people distinct from every other.—They possess all the good qualities of the English, and they are real gentlemen in the bargain.
I now return again to the Gulf of Mexico. Here we frequently experienced heavy squalls, accompanied by severe thunder and lightning. In one instance several of our men were stricken by the latter. The squalls generally commenced at day break. Such a scene as they produce is truly sublime. Here man feels, that however small may be his merit, his nature is noble. In the midst of an apparently shoreless ocean, his little bark, tossed by the winds and waves, he is sensible of the grandeur of his temerity, and prides himself in the efficacy of his skill. It is not surprising that sailors are generous. A little mind could not exist upon the deep. Its mighty influences will either enlarge or petrify the heart:—raise the noble soul, or drive the narrow spirit into the cockboats, and creeks of the interior. The rough manners too, of the children of the sea are perfectly natural:—they have long conversed with winds and waves.
Whilst in the Gulf of Mexico, we caught a great many dolphins; and sharks frequently came around {252} our vessel. Several times, about a dozen of these voracious creatures presented themselves. Our mate caught one of them, and it measured ten feet in length. The pilotfish, which attends the shark, is only a few inches long; and like the jackall, accompanying the lion, seems to cater for prey, and to partake of the spoil. The suckerfish, frequently found on the shark, is worthy of notice. It is very small, and its colour is black. Its gills are on the top of the head, instead of being in the usual place; and the sucker itself is under the head, and has the appearance of the bars of a gridiron. Its capacity to adhere to any thing, by suction, is great. Nature seems so fond of variety, and her modes of existence appear to be so infinite, that there is much reason to deny the existence of a vacuum. The flying-fish is remarkable, for its uniting the aspect of the fish with the principal capacity of the bird. The dolphin is the implacable enemy of this fish; nature has, therefore, given it the power to fly. Whilst at sea, I witnessed an interesting chase between these two species of fish. When the dolphin, the speed of which is very great, overtakes the flying-fish, the latter rises out of the water, and descends at a considerable distance; but the dolphin, swimming on the surface, often sees its prey alight, and speedily overtakes it. The dolphin furnishes an excellent model for ship building.
Sixteen days after leaving the Balize we discovered land from the top-gallant-mast-head; and it proved to be the principal island of Tortugas. After running up within three leagues of it, we bore away, and made the island of Cuba. This is the largest of the West-India islands. Its length is about seven hundred miles; and the face of the country is mountainous. In coasting along this island we came within a league of the Moro Castle, which, together {253} with several Forts, protect the city of Havana. On all the works are mounted about one thousand cannon. The Havana is a great commercial place. It is the usual station of the principal maritime force of Spanish America, and the place of rendezvous for the vessels from the Colonies, on their homeward voyage. It is too, a place of immense wealth, and its population amounts, probably, to 80,000.
Whilst coasting along the Island of Cuba, and particularly during the evening of our arrival off the Havana, we experienced high winds. In one instance the aspect of every thing around us was black, windy, and wild; and we found it necessary to lower our topsails, and take two reefs in our mainsail. At this time there were several ships in sight; and each laboured, in darkness, her boisterous course.
The next day a land bird, of the heron species, having been driven from the coast by the late gale, sought an asylum on board of our vessel. For hours, she wandered, like the Antedeluvian dove, and found no rest for her feet. It was interestingly painful to see the exhausted bird winging her tedious way along the surface of the deep; and it spake of the hopeless spirit,—a wanderer over the fields of its own desolation.
After passing Port Matansas, we doubled Cape Florida, entered the Gulf of this name, and came in sight of the Keys, and of the principal island of Bahama. Here the Gulf stream quickened our progress about three knots per hour. The waters of this stream, influenced by the trade winds and other causes, flow through the Caribbean islands, and enter the Mexican Gulf between Cuba and the Promontory of Yucatan. Compressed by the surrounding coasts, it pursues its course between East-Florida and the Bahama Islands, and runs along the coast of North America to the Banks of Newfoundland. From thence, it passes through the Azores {254} to the south, and gradually mingles its waters with those of the ocean. Some suppose, that this impetus is preserved until the water strikes that part of the Equator from whence it commenced its course. It is probable that the trade winds operate, at first, with great violence; because, owing to the centrifugal force of the water, occasioned by the diurnal motion of the earth around its axis, the sea is elevated at the Equator, much more than at the poles.
The nearest distance of the Gulf Stream from the United States is about seventy-five miles; and its breadth is about forty miles. Such is the rapidity of this stream, that it retains a considerable degree of its tropical heat, even after reaching its most easterly point of destination. The colour of the water of the Gulf is dark, and its depth very great. This latter circumstance is, probably, occasioned by the force of the current at the bottom, and by its curvilineal form on the surface. It may be presumed, that in the _vicinity_ of the Gulf the progress of vessels, bound to the north is retarded. Some portion of the Gulf water will, by being propelled faster than that which precedes it, fly from the centre, and rebound so as to produce a counter current.
When opposite Cape Canaveral, in latitude 49, we experienced a high wind on our larboard quarter. Here we lowered our topsail, and took two reefs in our fore and mainsail. At this time there was a large English ship under our starboard bow. The next day the weather again became variable, and we experienced another squall.
As nothing worthy of remark occurred for a day or two from this period, I again suppose myself in New-Orleans, for the purpose of noticing some of the languages spoken there.
The French is the principal language spoken in this city; and it is of consequence for an American to become acquainted with it, not only because it {255} introduces him to many valuable French authors, whose genius is peculiar and interesting, but because it is the language most generally spoken throughout Europe.
The Spanish language is also much spoken in New-Orleans. This language resembles the Latin; but is inferior to it. The Emperor Charles the fifth, however, entertained a different opinion. He observed, that he would speak to his horse in German; converse in French; make love in Italian; and pray in Spanish. His partiality was very natural. He thought the latter most precise and comprehensive. The Portuguese language also is often heard in New-Orleans; and it is very much like the Spanish.
The Greek language, although so long dead, is, no doubt, the best of the known languages of the world. The Latin is nearly as good; and the English is probably not inferior to any of the others. But all languages, _abstractedly considered_, are poor:—poor as to the precision of thought, the expression of sentiment, and the harmony of diction.
The usual manner of acquiring a knowledge of foreign languages, is both unnatural and tedious. Foreign languages should be acquired precisely as we learn our native tongue. In becoming acquainted with our own language, we acquire a knowledge of language in the abstract; and this knowledge applies to all foreign languages. There must, for example, be in every language a name attached to a thing, and also a mode of conveying an idea of the qualities of that thing. The particular meaning of a word, the manner of its pronunciation, the combinations of the several necessary parts of speech, and other peculiarities of language, depend upon compact;—upon the common consent of each distinct people. Hence the great diversity of languages.
{256} To become what is generally understood by the phrase a linguist, it is necessary to possess only a common understanding, accompanied by a good memory and by application; but to become a real philological scholar requires genius.
I now return to the vessel, and find her in the latitude of Cape Fear. Here we experienced a very heavy squall, took in several of our sails, lowered our main peak, and scud. The scene was highly interesting. At this time a little black schooner from Bassatere hurried by us, like the messenger of death, and our captain hailed her, through night. The sea laboured in wrath, and the moon, partially covered by a cloud, looked at the storm askance.
The next day the weather was calm, and for several succeeding evenings delightful. During these, there were many vessels in sight, and we spoke the brig Commerce.
From Cape Hatteras to the latitude of 40, we experienced very favourable winds; and during most of the time progressed at the rate of ten knots per hour. I now considered my course nearly finished; and it was natural for me to reflect upon the voyage of _human life_. The ocean is, in many respects, a true emblem of man’s probationary state.—Its rolling waves resemble successive generations; its storms and calms remind him of human vicissitudes; the rocks of its coasts speak of the stability of virtue; and its havens direct the thoughts to the security and peace of a better world.
After a passage of thirty days, I arrived at Boston, immediately proceeded to New-Hampshire, and there found my friends in the enjoyment of that protection, which results from the wisdom of our laws, when aided by the approbation of a virtuous community.
THE END
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Footnote 1:
These biographical details are from Bell, _Bench and Bar of New-Hampshire_ (Boston, 1894), p. 343.
Footnote 2:
This description of the natives is given as they were found in 1805. How far they have since become conformed to civilized life, the author is unable to say.—BUTTRICK.
Footnote 3:
For a description of Albany written a few years later, see Evans’s _Tour, post_.
Buttrick followed the Genesee Road, the well-established route to Lake Erie. In 1794 the legislature had appropriated money for the construction of a road six rods wide from old Fort Schuyler (Utica) to the Genesee River at Canawagus (Avon, twenty-seven miles south of Lake Ontario), passing the outlets of Cayuga, Seneca, and Canandaigua lakes. Being but little better than an Indian path in 1797, lotteries were authorized for its improvement. In 1799 a stage began to run over the road, and the following year it was made into a turnpike. A highway was opened the same year from the Genesee River to Buffalo, thus completing the connection between Albany and Lake Erie.—ED.
Footnote 4: