CHAPTER VIII

[1\8: Pl., _Phdr._ 265 A.]

[2\8: e.g. Cael. Aurel. (i.e. Soranos), _Morb. Chr._ i, § 144 ff.; Aret. _Chron. Pass._ i, 6, p. 84 Kühn [vol. 24].]

[3\8: Even the late interpolated passages ~X~ 325, ~ô~ 74, are not quite conclusive. Apart from these the statement of Sch. ~i~ 198 applies strictly throughout both poems: ~to\ mê\ paradido/nai Ho/mêron Dio/nuson oi/nou heuretê/n~, Lehrs, _Arist._^3, p. 181.]

[4\8: ~Z~ 132 ff. The scene is evidently meant to be a Bacchic festival. This is shown by the ~thu/sthla~, which the ~Diônu/soio tithê=nai~ let fall out of their hands. All the rest is obscure. Even in antiquity no one knew who the ~tithê=nai~ of Dionysos really were, and hence alternative suggestions were all the more numerous: cf. Nauck, _Fr. Trag._^2, p. 17. Voigt, in Roscher's _Mythol. Lex._ i, 1049. It can hardly be necessary (with Sch. A on Z 129) to deduce from the reference to ~tithê=nai~ that Dionysos himself was regarded as ~nê/pios e/ti kai\ pai=s~. His former ~tithê=nai~ follow him in the Bacchic festival even after he has grown up, exactly as in _h. Hom._ xxvi, 3, 7-10. ~hai Dionu/sou trophoi/~ as the frenzied mob worshipping the god, ~tô=| theô=| orgia/zousai~ (in Thessaly), come in D.S. 5, 50, 4, in a parallel narrative to the story of Lykourgos and the Mainads. With the conception of the god as ~likni/tês~ neither his leap into the sea (~Z~ 135 ff.), nor esp. the adj. ~mainome/noio~ (132) are in harmony. This last word does certainly give us pause. The accounts provided by later ages of the madness of Dionysos are obviously made up from the lines of Homer and are therefore of no use to us (already ap. Eumelos in the ~Eurôpi/a~, Schol. AD. ~Z~ 131; then Pherekydes, Achaios ~en I/ridi~: Phld., _Piet._, p. 36 [Nauck, _Fr. Trag._^2, p. 751]; E., _Cyc._ 3. [Apollod.] iii, 5, 1, is prob. derived from Pherec. as are also Philistos _fr._ 57, _FHG._ i; Pl., _Lg._ 672 B; Nic. ~Ophiak.~ _fr._ 30 Schn., etc.). Scholastic interpreters even thought of a hypallage: ~mainome/noio = maniopoiou=, bakchei/as paraskeuastikou=~, Schol. A, ~Z~ 132; cf. Sch. B, p. 182a, 43 f. Bk. And, indeed, there is certainly in this case a sort of mythological or sacramental hypallage: the state of mind brought about by the god in those who surround him is reflected back on to the god himself (~maino/menoi Sa/turoi~, E., _Ba._ 130; cf. the mad nurses of Dionysos, Nonn., _D._ ix, 38 ff.). It would not be hard to parallel this (e.g. Dionys. who makes men drunk is represented as himself drunk, Ath. 428 E, etc.).]

[5\8: ~X~ 460, ~mega/roio die/ssuto _maina/di_ i/sê, pallome/nê kradi/ên~. The evidence of this passage for the familiarity of Homer's audience with the nature of the Mainads cannot be set aside as Lob., _Agl._ 285, tries to do. The word could only be used as an ~eikô/n~ if the thing were often before men's eyes. ~maina/s~, indeed, is even something different from, and more specialized than ~mainome/nê~ (~Z~ 389).]

[6\8: The view that ~mai/nesthai~ was primitive in the cult of D., the wine, etc., being added later, was definitely put forward in 1825 by O. Müller (_Kl. Schr._ ii, 26 ff.) arguing against J. H. Voss. But it is only in quite recent times that in tracing the origin of the religion of Dionysos occasional inquirers have taken this view as their starting point: cf. esp. Voigt in his noteworthy treatment of Dionysos in Roscher's _Myth. Lex._ i, 1029 ff.]

[7\8: ~ho\s mai/nesthai ena/gei anthrô/pous~, Hdt. iv, 79.] {268}

[8\8: E.g. the Odrysai, who, however, lived further north in the Hebros valley; Mela, ii, 17, mentions distinctly the mountain chains of Haimos, Rhodope, and Orbelos as sacris Liberi patris et coetu Maenadum celebratos.]

[9\8: Lob., _Agl._ 289 ff.]

[10\8: Sabazios: ~Saba/zion to\n Dio/nuson hoi Thra=|kes kalou=sin~ Sch. Ar., _Ves._ 9; cf. Sch. Ar., _Lys._ 388; D.S. 4, 4, 1; Harp. ~Saboi/~; Alex. Polyh. ap. Macr. i, 18, 11 (_Sebadius_: cf. Apul., _M._ viii, 25, p. 150, 11 Ey. The original form of this name seems to have been _Savos_, _Savadios_, Kretschmer, _Einleitung in. d. **Gesch. d. griech. Spr._ 195 f.; Usener, _Götternamen_ 44). Sabos, Phot. p. 495, 11-12 Pors. Hesych. s.v.; Orph., _H._ 49, 2, etc. The fact that others could call Sabazios a Phrygian god (Amphitheos ~p. Hêraklei/os b'~ ap. Sch. Ar., _Av._ 874; Str. 470; Hsch. s.v.), only serves to bring out more clearly the opinion, unanimously held even in antiquity, that the Thracians and the Phrygians were closely related. Sabazios (besides being identified with Helios: Alex. Polyh. l.c.; cf. Soph. _fr._ 523 N.), as the supreme and almighty god of the Thracians, was even called ~_Zeu\s_ Saba/zios~ (Val. Max. i, 3, 2), esp. on inss. (a few are given in Rapp, _Dionysoscult_ [Progr.] p. 21; cf. also ins. from Peiraeus ~Eph. Arch.~ 1883, p. 245; _Ins. Pergam._ i, 248, 33, 49: from Pisidia, _Papers of the Amer. School at Athens_, ii, p. 54, 56. _Jovi Sabazio_, Orelli, _Ins._ 1259). We even find ~Zeu\s Ba/kchos, Zeu\s Hê/lios~ (_BCH._ vi, 189).--The name ~Saba/zios~ was derived from ~saba/zein = eua/zein, dia\ to\n geno/menon peri\ auto\n euasmo/n (theiasmo/n)~: Sch. Ar., _Av._ 874; _Lys._ 388. So, too, ~Ba/kchos~ was on this view only another way of expressing the same meaning; since this name also was derived by the ancients from ~ba/zein = eua/zein~ (it is really from the root ~wach (ache/ô) Ba/kchos~, with "affrication"; a reduplicated form of it is ~wiwachos, I/akchos, iache/ô, iakche/ô~; cf. Curtius, _Griech. Etym._^5, p. 460, 576). Other names of the Thracian Dionysos are the following: ~Bassareu/s (Ba/ssaros~, Orph., _H._ 45, 2), derived from ~bassa/ra~ the long dress (made of skin?) worn by the ~Bassari/des = Thra/|kiai ba/kchai~, _AB._ 222, 26 f.; Hsch. s.v. ~Bassa/rai~ and _EM._ s.v. (the last compiled from Orion and Sch. Lyc. 771). Other accounts (not contradicting in this point the statement of Hsch.) made it the dress worn by the god himself: Sch. Pers. i, 101. (The ~Bassareu/s~ was generally described as bearded and even _senili specie_, like the representation of Dionysos himself in the oldest Greek art: Macr. i, 18, 9.) If ~Bassareu/s~ means "the wearer of the long fox-skin" we should be strongly reminded of the--also Thracian--god ~_Za/lmolxis_ (Za/lmoxis)~, whose name was derived from ~zalmo/s = dora\ a/rktou~ (Porph., _VP._ 14, though this comes only from Antonius Diogenes 6), and probably means "he who is cloaked in the bearskin" (see Fick, _Spracheinh. d. Indog. Europ._, p. 418; Hehn, _Culturpflanz._ 428 E.T.).--~Gi/gôn~ a name of Dionysos, _EM._ 231, 28: perhaps a name given to the god in the city Gigonos mentioned in the same passage, and the ~a/kra Gi/gônis~ at the western end of the Thracian Chalkidike.--_EM._ 186, 32, is too short to be intelligible: ~balia/; diapoi/kilos. kai\ to\n Dio/nuson Thra=|kes.--Du/alos Dio/nusos para\ Pai/osin~, Hesych.]

[11\8: At any rate the people whom Thuc., Ephoros, and others call Thracians and regarded as having been once settled in Phokis, Boeotia, etc., are undoubtedly to be considered Thracians--and not the impossibly honest and exemplary people, a creation of the fancy, the "Thracians of the Muses", alleged to be quite distinct from the real Thracian peoples, of whom we have heard so much since K. O. {269} Müller (_Orchom._ 379 ff.) introduced the idea. Antiquity only knew of one kind of Thracian. In the Homeric poems they are not so different from the Greeks in civilization as they were in later times, when we know them from the accounts of Herod. and Xen. For all that they are the same people. They seem in the course of time to have degenerated, or rather they have not shared in the progress made by others and so have remained backward (even behind their Phrygian relatives who wandered to Asia Minor and achieved a higher culture under Semitic influence). In fact, like the Keltoi, they were never able to get beyond a condition of semi-civilization.]

[12\8: ~mani/as epagôgo\n homokla/n~. Aesch. in the ~Êdônoi/~ ap. Str. 470-1 (_fr._ 57), is the locus classicus for the music in the _Thracian_ festival of Dionysos. Apart from this it is impossible to distinguish in the accounts given by our ancient authorities, between the strictly Thracian festival and the _ideal_ generalized festival of Dionysos (not the mitigated ceremonial actually used in the festival in Greece. They merge completely into each other.]

[13\8: ~saba/zein = eua/zein~, Schol. Ar., _Av._ 874; _Lys._ 388.]

[14\8: ~hai Ba/kchai sigô=sin~. Diogen., _Prov._ iii, 43.]

[15\8: Complete revolution round one's own axis, as in the dance of a dervish, is known at least only in the more fanatic dance-festivals of antiquity: ~strophê\n holosô/maton hô/sper hoi _ka/tochoi_ dineu/ontes~, Heliod. 4, 17, p. 116, 1 Bk. ~_di/nêsis_ tô=n theophorê/tôn~ in Phrygia: Horus ap. _EM._ 276, 32. Crusius, _Philol._ 55, 565, compares besides Verg., _A._ vii, 377 ff.; Alex. Aphr., _Prob._, p. 6 Us. In the Spartan dance ~diamale/as~ (?) Seilenoi and Satyrs appeared ~orchou/menoi hupo/trocha [peri/trocha~ acc. to Meineke: perhaps better]. Poll. 4, 104.]

[16\8: E., _Ba._ 116 ff., 664 ff. Thracian: assiduis Edonis fessa choreis qualis in herboso concidit Apidano, Prop. 1, 3, 5 f.]

[17\8: Bassaris: Thracian acc. to Sch. Pers. i, 101; worn by ~ba/kchai~ Hsch. ~bassa/rai~. Lydian, too: ~ho/stis chitô=nas bassa/ras te Ludi/as echei podê/reis~, A. ~en Êdônois~, _fr._ 59; cf. Poll. 7, 59. "Perhaps a Phrygian word that has penetrated into Lydia," Kretschmer, _Einleitung_, 390. The worship of Dionysos which had also presumably come from Phrygia, was esp. popular in Lydia.]

[18\8: Familiar in the Bacchic ceremonial of Greece; but occurring already in Thrace: Aesch. ~en Êdônoi/~ (dealing entirely with Thracian customs) mentions the ~nebri/des~, and in the same place has ~aigi/das~ as well (_fr._ 64).]

[19\8: The ~Ba/kchai~ of Macedonia and the ~Mimallo/nes~, in all respects resembling the Thracian Bacchants, ~keratophorou=si kata\ mi/mêsin Dionu/sou~: Sch. Lyc. 1237 (~Laphusti/as keraspho/rous gunai=kas~).]

[20\8: Mentis inops rapitur, quales audire solemus Threicias passis Maenadas ire comis, Ov., _F._ iv, 457 f.]

[21\8: Thphr. _Ch._ 16 (28, p. 141 Jebb); Artemid. 2, 13, p. 106, 9 H.]

[22\8: Snakes and daggers are found in the hands of the ~mimallo/nes kai\ bassa/rai kai\ ludai/~ in the train of Ptol. Philad.: Kallixenos ap. Ath. 198 E. Snakes and ~thu/rsoi~ belong to the paraphernalia of the ~e/nochoi toi=s Orphikoi=s kai\ toi=s peri\ to\n Dio/nuson orgiasmoi=s gunai=kes~ in Macedonia, and of the ~Klô/dônes kai\ Mimallo/nes~ who ~polla\ toi=s Êdôni/si kai\ tai=s peri\ to\n Hai=mon _Thrê/|ssais ho/moia_ drô=sin~, Plu., _Alex._ 2 (in connexion with the snake of Olympias. She was especially given to the Thrako-Dionysian mysteries: cf. the letter of Olympias to Alexander, Ath. 659 F).--~thu/rsoi~ of the Macedonian ~Mimallo/nes~: Polyaen. 4, 1; Sch. Pers. 1, 99.--"Even now" the thyrsos wands are decked with ivy in the _Thraciae populis sollemnibus sacris_, Plin., {270} _NH._ xvi, 144.--The ~na/rthêx~ of the thyrsos is really a shepherd's staff: Clem. Al., _Protr._ ii, p. 14 P.]

[23\8: Eur., _Ba._ 735 ff. and frequently.]

[24\8: ~katochai\ kai\ enthousiasmoi/~ in the Thrako-Macedonian worship of Dionysos: Plu., _Alex._ 2. (The Mimallones _imitantur furorem Liberi_, Sch., Pers. i, 99.) ~hoi tô=| Sabazi/ô| ka/tochoi~: Porph. ap. Iamb. _de Myst._ 3, 9, p. 117, 16. ~ba/kchos; ho maniô/dês~, Eust. ~d~ 249; ~b~ 16. ~Klô/dônes~ is the name given to the ~maina/des kai\ ba/kchai apo\ tou= _kato/chous_ ginome/nas klô/zein~, _EM._ 521, 50. ~hoi ka/tochoi toi=s peri\ to\n Dio/nuson orgiasmoi=s~, Plu., _Is. et Os._ 35, p. 364 F.]

[25\8: ~hoi bakcheuo/menoi kai\ korubantiô=ntes enthousia/zousi me/chris a\n to\ pothou/menon _i/dôsin_~, Philo, _Vit. Cont._ 2, ii, p. 473 M.]

[26\8: So too the wild shaking and whirling-round of the head, which acc. to innumerable literary and pictorial descriptions was a regular feature of the Bacchic dance and cult, must have contributed--and was so intended--to bring about the condition of ecstasy and frenzy (~rhipsau/cheni su\n klo/nô|~, Pi., _fr._ 208; ~kra=ta sei=sai~, E., _Ba._ 185, etc.).--How such fanatic shaking of the head, if kept up for along time, is by itself sufficient, in persons naturally predisposed to it, to bring on complete religious ~e/kstasis~, may be learnt from a remarkable account in Moreau _du hachisch_, p. 290 ff., derived from personal observation in the East.]

[27\8: The object of the trieteric festival of Dionysos (repeated every second year) held in so many places in Greece (cf. Weniger, _Dionysosdienst in Elis_, Progr. 1883, p. 8) was to celebrate the _presence_ of the god. This is clearly shown by D.S. 4, 3, 2, who also attributes the trieteric festival to the Thracians: ~tou\s Boiôtou\s kai\ tou\s a/llous He/llênas kai\ _Thra=|kas_ . . . katadei=xai ta\s trietêri/das thusi/as Dionu/sô| kai\ to\n theo\n nomi/zein kata\ to\n chro/non tou=ton poiei=sthai ta\s para\ toi=s anthrô/pois _epiphanei/as_~. At this time women and maidens celebrated ~tê\n _parousi/an_ tou= Dionu/sou~. (In the archaic song of the Elean women the Bull-god is thus called upon: Plu., _QG._ 36, 299 A; _Is. et Os._ 35, p. 364 F; whereupon the Eleans believed that ~to\n theo/n sphisin epiphoita=n es tô=n Thui/ôn tê\n heortê/n~: Paus. 6, 26, 1.)--For Bakchos amongst the dancers see E., _Ba._ 185 ff., 306 f., and often. At the trieteric festival at Delphi ~Dio/nusos . . . Parnaso\n kata\ **pêda=| choreu/ei parthe/nois su\n Delphi/sin~, E., _Hypsip._ _fr._ 752. And so often in poetry: see Nauck on S., _OT._ 213; _Ant._ 1126 ff.--Thracian trieteric festival: tuo motae proles Semeleia thyrso Ismariae celebrant repetita triennia bacchae, Ov., _M._ ix, 641 f.; tempus erat, quo sacra solent trieterica Baccho Sithoniae celebrare nurus; nox conscia sacris, etc., vi, 587.]

[28\8: ~aphanismo/s~ followed by ~epipha/neia~ of Dionysos represent, as we frequently learn, the varying relationship of the god with mankind. These are alternating and periodically repeated, and they are reflected in the trieteric period of the festivals. It is customary to explain this disappearance and return of the god as an allegorical typification of the destruction and restoration of vegetation. There is no reason at all to believe this, except for those who regard the doctrines of the Greek "Religion of Nature" as infallible axioms. The god is simply, and in the literal sense of the words, regarded as removed for a time from the world of men, during which period he is in the world of spirits. In the same way Apollo, according to the Delphic legend, is carried away from the human world for certain periods: he lives during that time among the Hyperboreans, whose land is inaccessible to mortal foot or ship. We ought not to be afraid to make use of the light thrown on these matters by parallel legends of the temporary disappearance {271} of gods among uncivilized peoples (the god may be sometimes asleep or under constraint; cf. Plu., _Is. et Os._, 69 fin. 378 F); cf. what we are told in Dobrizhoffer's _Gesch. d. Abip._ ii, p. 63 (E.T.), about the beliefs held by the Abipones of Paraguay; or, again, what is said of the negro races of West Africa, according to whom the god normally lives in the depths of the earth, but at regularly recurring intervals comes up to visit men; whereupon the members of a mystical society build him a house, receive his oracles, etc.; Réville, _Rel. des peuples non-civil._ i, 110-11. Thus Dionysos, too, is for a time in the underworld, in the world of spirits and the _souls_. This is clearly presupposed by the festival at Lerna, in which Dionysos is called up out of the bottomless spring Alkyonia by which there was an entrance to Hades (just as the inhabitants of Kos every year ~anakalou=ntai~ Hylas out of his spring, i.e. from the underworld: H. Türk, _De Hyla_, p. 3 f.; Welcker, _Kl. Schr._ i, 12; and see Maass, _Litt. Ztg._ 1896, 7-8). Hence also in Lerna a lamb was offered as a victim ~tô=| pulao/chô|~, i.e. to Hades himself, and was thrown into the spring (Plu., _Is. et Os._ 35, p. 368 F, quoting Sokrates ~peri\ tô=n Hosi/ôn~; _Smp._ 4, 6, 2, p. 671 E; Paus. 2, 36, 7; 37, 5-6). Because he is in the realm of the dead a pragmatical myth represented him as slain by Perseus and thrown into the spring of Lerna: Lob., _Agl._ 574. In Delphi, too, something was known of the death and reawakening of Dionysos, but we have in Orph., _H._ 53, a quite unambiguous expression of the real conception, acc. to which D. "rested in the house of Persephone", and appears again in the upper world at the time of the trieteric festival when he ~egei/rei~ his ~kô=mon, eua/zôn kinô=n te chorou/s~. We may be all the more certain that the same idea is to be attributed to the trieteric festival in Thrace, since the same belief exactly occurs again in the legend of the Thracian (Getic) god Zalmoxis (see below)--he was believed to have disappeared into his infernal kingdom among the spirits and souls and to have made periodical returns to the world of the living. The reason why Dionysos, as worshipped both in Thracian and Greek trieteric festivals, stops for a time in the underworld of the souls, is clear enough: that too was his realm. We can now understand why it is that Dionysos is also ruler over the souls and can be called ~Zagreu\s, Nukte/lios, Isodai/tês~: i.e. he is simply given names of Hades himself (Plu., _E ap. D._ ix, p. 389 A). His real character of master of the souls and spirits (~a/nax, hê/rôs~), as it had been originally in the Thracian cult, was thus **preserved, in spite of much alteration in its Greek form, partly in Greek local cults,

## partly in the Orphic cult of Dionysos.--There is a legend which is

based on a reminiscence of this periodic disappearance of Dionysos to the underworld, viz. the thoroughly Greek story of his descent on a single occasion into Hades in order to bring back Semele. Elsewhere his disappearance into the realm of the spirits gave rise to the legend of his escape and flight to the Muses; this was spoken of in the _Agrionia_ at Chaironeia (Plu., _Smp._ 8 Praef.).]

[29\8: Cf. Eur., _Ba._ 920 ff., 1020 f.]

[30\8: ~tauro/phthoggoi d' hupomukô=ntai/ pothen ex aphanou=s phoberoi\ mi=moi~: A. ~Êdônoi/~ describing the Thracian worship of D. (_fr._ 57). This was "certainly intended to increase for the

## participants in the festival the feeling of the god's presence and

thus to add to the wildness of their orgies", as Rapp, _Dionysosc._, 19, very rightly observes. The invisible bellowing bull is the god himself. (Dionysos appears as a bull to the insane Pentheus: E., _Ba._ 920 ff.).--"The Batloka, a tribe in the Northern Transvaal, hold a yearly festival of the dead in which {272} hidden magicians make weird sounds with flutes which the people take for the voice of spirits; they say 'Modimo is there'." Schneider, _Relig. d. Afrikan. Naturv._ 143.]

[31\8: The women taking part in the trieteric festival of the god play the part of the ~maina/des~ in his train; D.S. 4, 3, 3. Imitation of the ~Nu/mphai te kai\ Pa=nes kai\ Seilênoi\ kai\ Sa/turoi~ in the ~bakchei/a~: Pl., _Lg._ 815 C. What was afterwards merely a piece of traditional ritual was originally without doubt a real hallucination of the ~ka/tochoi~.--The idea that a throng, ~thi/asos~, of wood-spirits Satyrs and Seilenoi danced about the God must also have been common in the Thracian cult (~sugchoreuetai\ Dionu/sou~, Ael., _VH._ iii, 40; ~ho tô=| Dionu/sô| parepo/menos o/chlos~, Ath. 362 E. ~saua/dai~ (obviously related to ~Saba/zios~; cf. Usener, _Götternamen_, 44 f.) was the name given to ~hoi seilênoi/~ by the Macedonians, who in the practice of Dionysos-worship were entirely dependent upon the Thracians. Hsch. s.v., cf. Hdt. viii, 138 fin.]

[32\8: The ~bakcheu/ontes tô=| theô=|~ (i.e. Sabazios, Sabos) are called ~sa/boi kai\ sa/bai kai\ saba/zioi~: Phot. ~sabou/s~; cf. Eust., ~b~ 16, p. 1431, 46. Harp. (Phot.) s. ~sa/boi~; Phot. ~parasaba/zein~ (p. 383, 16 Pors.); Sch. Ar., _Av._ 874. This identification of the god with his ecstatic worshippers belongs to the Phrygian cult of Kybele as well. Just as the goddess is called ~Kubê/bê~ so ~ho katecho/menos tê=| mêtri\ tô=n theô=n~ is called ~Ku/bêbos~: Phot. ~Ku/bêbos, ku/bêbon~, Eust. ~b~ 16. Thus the Greeks in calling the ecstatic worshippers of Bakchos by the name of the god were only adopting the conceptions and vocabulary of the Thracian religion of inspiration into their Dionysos-worship which was modelled on the Thracian cult. ~Ba/kchos~ is their name for the ~orgiastê\s tou= theou=~ (etymologically connected is ~baba/ktês [krau/gasos, ho/then kai\ Ba/kchos~ Hsch.] a Phrygian word for the frenzied priest of Kybele: and therefore = ~Ku/bêbos~; cf. Ribbeck, _Alazon_, p. 86). It appears that the ~ba/kchoi~ of Dionysos were often called by the old Thracian name ~sa/boi~: ~sa/bous kai\ nu=n e/ti polloi\ tou\s ba/kchous kalou=sin~, Plu., _Smp._ 4, 6, 2, p. 671 F (~Laphu/stioi~ is also a name given, after ~Dio/nusos Laphu/stios~, to the ~Ba/kchoi~ who worship him: Lyc. 1237 with Sch.).]

[33\8: ~Dio/nusos ôma/dios~ (Porph., _Abs._ ii, 55), ~ômêstê/s~ (Plu., _Them._ 13), ~laphu/stios, tauropha/gos~ (Soph. _fr._ 607 N.).--At other times we catch a glimpse of the idea that the god himself is the torn and devoured bull (just as in many ancient worships the proper victim of the god is the animal most homogeneous with him): this is evidently the most primitive form of ~en-thousiasmo/s~, the primeval symbolism of a mystic worship that, like all mysticism, desires to take personal possession of the God.]

[34\8: Dionysos himself also carries the thyrsos (as often in sculpture): E., _Hyps. fr._ 752, etc.]

[35\8: See above, n. 19 (~ho bou/kerôs I/akchos~, Soph., _fr._ 874, ~tauro/kerôs theo/s~, E., _Ba._ 100). The Greek Dionysos is often described as bull-shaped and horned: this, too, in imitation of Thracian belief. It is _Sabazios_ whom they ~kerasti/an pareisa/gousi~, D.S. 4, 4, 2; cf. 3, 64, 2. ~Hu/ê| tauroke/rôti~, Euphor. _fr._ 14.--An allusion in D.S. 4, 4, 2, seems to suggest that the god, the ~murio/morphos~, was also (like Attis) regarded as a herdsman. Something of the sort may be referred to in the unintelligible lines quoted by Cl. Al., _Prot._ ii, p. 14 P., apparently in connexion with the Sabazios mysteries. So Dionysos, too, is sometimes thought of as a ~bouko/los~: ~poime/ni d' agrau/lôn tau/rôn, Dio\s aigio/choio huie/i kissochi/tôni~ are words used of him in [Orph.] _Lith._ 260. Again, in imitation of the god himself his ~mu/stai~ are ~bouko/loi~ on the inscriptions from Asia Minor (_Ins. Perg._ ii, 485-8) and Thrace, of {273} which R. Schöll speaks, _de commun. et coll. Graecis_ (Satura philol. Saupp.), p. 178 ff. ~boukoliko/s~ occurs among the cult officials in the _Iobakcheia_ at Athens: _Ath. Mitth._, 1894, p. 260, l. 122; _archibucolos dei Liberi_ on inscriptions of the city of Rome. ~bouko/los~ and ~boukolei=n~ occur in connexion with Bacchic worship as early as Kratinos, Aristoph., and Eurip.: ~nuktipo/lou Zagre/ôs bou/tas~, E., _Cret. fr._ 472, 11 (acc. to Diels). See Crusius, _Rh. M._ 45, 266 f.; Dieterich _de hymnis Orph._ (Marb. 1891), p. 3 ff.]

[36\8: The special flute-melodies going under the name of Olympos were called _~thei=a~_ ([Pl.] _Min._ 318 B); ~_kate/chesthai_ poiei=~ (Pl., _Smp._ 215 C); ~homologoume/nôs poiei= ta\s psucha\s _enthousiastika/s_~ (Arist., _Pol._ 1340a 10). Cic., _Div._ i, 114: ergo et ei quorum animi, spretis corporibus, evolant atque excurrunt foras, ardore aliquo incitati atque inflammati, cernunt illa profecto quae vaticinantes praenuntiant: multisque rebus inflammantur tales animi qui corporibus non inhaerent: ut ei qui sono quodam vocum et Phrygiis cantibus incitantur. An unmistakable description of what was meant by ~e/kstasis~ and Korybantic frenzy (see below).]

[37\8: i.e. those who are ~enthousiasmou= katakô/chimoi~, as Aristotle knew them; certain ~manikai\ diathe/seis~ are known to Plato. Somewhat similar is the ~phu/sis theia/zousa~ which according to Demokritos [D. Chr. 36, 1] _fr._ 21 Diels, belongs to the inspired poet.]

[38\8: The drunkenness of the Thracians and their ancient cultivation of the vine are well known. They even brewed beer from barley: Ath. 547 BC (cf. Hehn, _Culturpflanzen_, p. 121 E.T.). The prophetai (prophesying in "enthusiasm") of a Thracian oracle prophesied _plurimo mero sumpto_, Aristot. ap. Macr. 1, 18, 1.--Even the women drank unmixed wine in Thrace: Pl., _Lg._ 637 E.]

[39\8: Mela, 2, 21 (and from him Solin. 10, 5, p. 75, 16 Mom.) says of the Thracians epulantibus ubi super ignes quos circumsident quaedam semina ingesta sunt, similis ebrietati hilaritas ex nidore contingit (cf. [Plu.] _de Flu._ 3, 3). There can be no doubt that it was hemp-seed (~ka/nnabis~) which had this effect. Hdt. iv, 74, says expressly that the Thracians knew hemp. It was thus with a sort of hashish that they intoxicated themselves (hashish is an extract of _cannabis indica_). The Scythians did something similar: Hdt. tells of their vapour-baths in tightly closed huts (iv, 75): they produced a smoke by laying hempseeds on red-hot stones and--though Hdt. does not say so--must necessarily have got into a state of wild intoxication. This may have been a religious performance. Drunkenness is generally regarded by savage tribes as a religiously inspired condition. Further, the Scythian practice has the most striking parallel in the use of "vapour-huts" among the North American Indians, in which case the religious intention is certain (see the account in Klemm, _Culturg._ ii, 175-8; J. G. Müller, _Amerik. Urrelig._ 92). Hdt. i, 202, also mentions intoxication from the fumes of certain "fruits" among the Massagetai; these last, after they had completely bemused themselves, stood up to dance and sing. The Thracians, too, may very well have used intoxication through hashish-fumes as a means of exciting themselves to their ecstatic religious dances.--The ancients were quite familiar with the practice of inhaling aromatic smoke to produce religious hallucinations: [Galen] ~ho/r. iatr.~ 187 (xix, p. 462 K) ~enthousiasmo/s esti katha/per exi/stantai/ tines epi\ (hupo\?) _tô=n hupothumiôme/nôn_ en toi=s hieroi=s, <pha/smata~ (om. edd.)> ~horô=ntes ê\ tumpa/nôn ê\ aulô=n ê\ sumbo/lôn~ (scr. ~kumba/lôn~) akou/ontes~; cf. odorum delenimento potest animus humanus externari, Apul., _Ap._ 43.--For the use of smoke in the {274} Korybantic ceremonies see below.--The ~gaga/tês li/thos hupothumiathei/s~ is useful as an ~epilêptikô=n e/legchos~ (Dioscor. v, 145); it brings on the convulsions of the victim of ~hiera\ no/sos~ (epilepsy) [Orph.] _L._ 478 ff. (cf. further Damigeron, _de Lap._ 20, p. 179 Ab.; Plin., _NH._ 36, 141; and also Gal. xii, p. 203 K.).]

[40\8: Polak, _Persien_, ii, 245 ff.--We have only to read the accounts derived from personal experience of the sensations and hallucinatory states accompanying hashish-smoking--such as those given, for instance, by Moreau (de Tours) _Du hachisch et de l'aliénation mentale_ (Paris, 1845), esp. pp. 23 ff., 51 ff., 59 ff., 90, 147 ff., 151 ff., 369 ff.--to have a complete parallel to the condition which underlay Bacchic excitement. There, too, is the complete ~e/kstasis~ of the spirit, a waking dream-state, an ~oligochro/nios mani/a~. It only requires the special tone and character given to the hallucinations and illusions by deep-rooted religious or fanciful conceptions--and the external machinery for cultivating such illusions--to make them an exact equivalent of the delirious condition of the real ~ba/kchoi~ at the nightly festival of Dionysos. (The helpless state of impressionability to outward--e.g. musical--and inward influences is a marked feature of the intoxication and _fantasia_ of hashish.) Other narcotics also have similar effects (Moreau, p. 184 ff.).]

[41\8: Pl., _Ion_, 534 A (perhaps an allusion to the words of Aischines Socr. in the ~Alkibia/dês~ [Aristid. _Rh._ ii, 23 f. Dind.]).]

[42\8: E., _Ba._ 142 f., 706 ff. (144 ~Suri/as d' hôs liba/nou kapno/s~).]

[43\8: Anaesthesia of the Bakchai: ~epi\ de\ bostru/chois pu=r e/pheron oud' e/kaien~, _Ba._ 757 f.--suum Bacche non sentit saucia volnus, dum stupet Edonis exululata iugis, Ov., _Tr._ 4, 1, 41 f. qualis deo percussa maenas . . . atque expers sui volnus dedit nec sensit, Sen., _Troad._ 682 ff. Similar insensibility to pain (certainly not always feigned) was shown in their ekstasis by the self-wounding _galli_ of Kybele, the priests and priestesses of Mâ (Tibull. 1, 6, 45 ff.)--something of the sort is reported of the prophets of Baal (1 _Kings_ xviii, 28). See in general on the subject of anaesthesia and the ~orthô=s katecho/menoi hupo\ tô=n theô=n~, Iamb., _Myst._ 3, 4, p. 110 Par. In the case of the shamans, the Indian Yogis, the dervishes, and the natives of North America the existence of such states of insensibility in religious excitement has been actually observed.]

[44\8: ~katecho/menos ek tou= theou=~ (Pl., _Men._ 99 D; X., _Sym._ i, 10. ~katecho/menoi hô/sper hai ba/kchai~, Pl., _Ion_, 534 A; _Sym._ 215 C. ~mane/nti te kai\ kataschome/nô|~, _Phdr._ 244 E. ~hê d' aphro\n exiei=sa kai\ diastro/phous ko/ras heli/ssous', ou phronou=s' ha\ chrê=n phronei=n, ek Bakchi/ou _katei/cheto_~, E., _Ba._ 1122 ff. ~ka/tochoi~ above, n. 24.]

[45\8: ~e/ntheo/s te gi/gnetai kai\ _e/kphrôn kai\ ho nou=s ouke/ti en autô=| e/nestin_~, Pl., _Ion_, 534 B (where it is applied to the inspired poet but properly belongs to the Bakchai).]

[46\8: ~e/kstasis, exi/stasthai~ is often used of the inspired state. ~mai/nesthai, enthousia=n, e/ntheon gi/nesthai, ekstê=nai~ are all used in the same sense and apply to the "inspired" prophets (~Ba/kides, Si/bullai~) and the poets: Arist., _Prob._ 30, 1, p. 954a, 34-9. ~exi/statai kai\ mai/netai~, Arist. _HA._ 6, 22, p. 577a, 12. The religious ~orgiasmoi/, eksta/sias psucha=s epa/gonti~: Phintys ap. Stob., _Fl._ iv, 23, 61a, p. 593 H. ~e/kstasis~ is a state in which the soul seems estranged from itself; when the ~oikei=ai kinê/seis ouk enochlou=ntai all' aporrapi/zontai~ (Arist., _Pa. Nat._ 464a, 25). The word became weak and commonplace enough in later usage, but it was evidently meant, originally, to express the "exit" of the "soul" from its body. In the same way the phrase used of one who {275} goes off into a faint: ~to\n d' e/lipen psuchê/~ originally meant the same thing and was so understood, see above (chap. i, n. 8). The same idea occurs again in _P. Mag. Par._, l. 725, p. 63 Wessely: ~ hupe/klutos d' e/sei tê=| psuchê=| kai\ ouk en seautô=| e/sei ho/tan soi apokri/nêtai~ [the god conjured up].]

[47\8: ~e/kstasis estin oligochro/nios mani/a~ [Galen] ~ho/r. iatr.~ 485 (xix, p. 462). ~mani/ê e/kstasi/s esti chro/nios~ Aretaeus, _Chr. Pass._ 1, 6, p. 78 K.]

[48\8: ~Dio/nuson maino/lên orgia/zousi ba/kchoi, ômophagi/a| tê\n _hieromani/an_ a/gontes, kai\ teli/skousi ta\s kreônomi/as tô=n pho/nôn anestemme/noi toi=s o/phesin epololu/zontes eua/n~, Clem. Al., _Protr._ ii, p. 11 P.]

[49\8: The ~enthousiô=ntes ek theou= tinos~ become like the god, ~lamba/nousi ta\ e/thê kai\ ta\ epitêdeu/mata (tou= theou=), katho/son dunato\n theou= anthrô/pô| metaschei=n~, Pl., _Phdr._ 253 A. More boldly ~heautô=n eksta/ntas ho/lous _enidru=sthai_ toi=s theoi=s kai\ enthea/zein~, Procl. _in _Rp.__ ii, 108, 23 Kr.--~ouk e/kstasis ha/plôs hou/tôs esti/n, alla\~ (in its positive sense) ~epi\ to\ krei=tton anagôgê\ kai\ meta/stasis~, Iamb. _Myst._ 3, 7, p. 114, 9 Parth.]

[50\8: ~e/ntheoi gunai=kes~ of the Bakchai, S. _Ant._ 963. ~hai Ba/kchai ho/tan e/ntheoi ge/nôntai~--Aesch. Socr. ap. Aristid., _Rh._ (ii, 23 Dind.). ~e/ntheos ê/de hê mani/ê~ (the religious sort) Aret., p. 84 K. The essential meaning of ~e/ntheon ei=nai~ (_plenum esse deo_) is clearly defined in Sch., E., _Hip._ 141: ~e/ntheoi le/gontai hoi hupo\ pha/smato/s tinos aphairethe/ntes to\n nou=n, kai\ hup' ekei/nou tou= theou= tou= phasmatopoiou= katecho/menoi kai\ ta\ dokou=nta kei/nô| poiou=ntes~. The ~e/ntheos~ is completely in the power of the god; the god speaks and acts through him. The ~e/ntheos~ has lost his consciousness of himself; like the ~thei=oi a/ndres~ (which phrase in Plato has the same meaning as ~e/ntheoi a/ndres~) esp. the ~theoma/nteis, le/gousi me\n alêthê= kai\ polla/, i/sasi d' oude\n hô=n le/gousi~, Pl., _Men._ 99 C. (Philo, _Spec. Leg._ ii, p. 343 M., says of the inspired prophet: ~enthousia=| gegonô\s en agnoi/a|, metanistame/nou me\n tou= logismou= . . . epipephoitêko/tos de\ kai\ enô|kêko/tos tou= thei/ou pneu/matos kai\ pa=san tê=s phô/nês organopoiï/an krou/ontos ktl.~; cf. Iamb., _Myst._ 3, 4, p. 109.)]

[51\8: ~e/ntheoi ma/nteis~ (Bakides, Sibyllai Arist., _Prb._ 30, 2, 954a, 37. ~theoma/nteis~ Pl., _Men._ ad fin. ~mantikê\ kata\ to\ e/ntheon, ho/per esti\n entheastiko/n~ [Plu.] _Plac. Phil._ 5, 1, 1 [_Dox._, p. 415].]

[52\8: ~ma/ntis d' ho dai/môn ho/de~ (Dionysos)~; to\ ga\r bakcheu/simon kai\ to\ maniô=des mantikê\n pollê\n e/chei; ho/tan ga\r ho theo\s eis to\ sô=m' e/lthê| polu/s, le/gein to\ me/llon tou\s memêno/tas poiei=~, E., _Ba._ 298 ff. Here the inner relationship of the inspiration _mantikê_ and the "possession" which took place in ecstatic frenzy is expressed with all possible clearness (drunkenness is surely not referred to!). This is how Plu., _Smp._ 7, 10, p. 716 B, also understood Eur. Prophesying Mainads: ~maina/das thuosko/ous~ E., _Ba._ 224--~oudei\s e/nnous epha/ptetai mantikê=s enthe/ou kai\ alêthou=s, all' ê\ kath' hu/pnon tê\n tê=s phronê/seôs pedêthei\s du/namin ê\ dia\ no/son ê\ dia/ tina _enthousiasmo\n_ paralla/xas~, Pl., _Ti._ 71 E. ~nosê/mata mantika\ ê\ enthousiastika/~ make inspired ~ma/nteis~ what they are: Arist. _Prob._ 954a, 35. Such _mantikê_ takes place in the state of furor, cum a corpore animus abstractus divino instinctu concitatur, Cic., _Div._ i, 66. A famous case is that of Kassandra from whom the deus inclusus corpore humano, non iam Cassandra loquitur, § 67; cf. the Sibyl who prophesies ~mainome/nô| sto/mati~ (Heraclit. _fr._ 12 By. = 92 D.) and the Pythia at Delphi prophesying in a state of ~mani/a~. For the prophecy of Korybantic Phrygians possessed and "frenzied", see Arrian ap. Eust., on D.P. 809.]

[53\8: Hdt. vii, 111 (for Hdt. the ~Bêssoi/~ seem to be a division, perhaps a clan, of the Satrai. Polyb., Strabo, Pliny, Dio C., and others know them as an independent Thracian tribe: ~pro/mantis gunê\ chre/ousa kata/per en Delphoi=si~--which means that she prophesied in ecstasy, for that is what the Pythia at Delphi did. (See Sch. Ar., _Plut._ 39; {276} Plu., _Def. Or._ 51, p. 438 B. Lucan vi, 166 ff., clearly describes the phenomena supposed to attend their religious _ekstasis_: artus Phoebados irrupit Paean, mentemque priorem expulit, atque hominem toto sibi cedere iussit pectore. bacchatur demens aliena, etc.)]

[54\8: ~ho Thrê|xi\ ma/ntis Dio/nusos~, E., _Hec._ 1267. Rhesos dwelling in Mt. Pangaios is ~Ba/kchou prophê/tês~, _Rh._ 972. ~aphike/sthai toi=s Leibêthri/ois para\ tou= Dionu/sou ma/nteuma ek Thra/|kês~, Paus. 9, 30, 9. Aristoteles qui Theologumena scripsit, apud Ligyreos (?) ait in Thracia esse adytum Libero consecratum, ex quo redduntur oracula. Macr. 1, 18, 1. The wife of Spartacus, herself a Thracian, was ~mantikê/ te kai\ ka/tochos toi=s peri\ tô=n Dio/nuson orgiasmoi=s~, Plu., _Crass._ 8. Octavian in Thrace consulted in Liberi patris luco barbara caerimonia, i.e. an oracle: Suet., _Oct._ 94. Even in 11 B.C. the Bessoi still had a ~hiereu\s tou= Dionu/sou~, Vologeses, who by means of prophesyings (~polla\ thei/asas~) and ~tê=| para\ tou= theou= do/xê|~ stirred up his people to rebel against the Odrysai: D.C. 54, 34, 5. In 29 B.C. M. Crassus had handed over to the Odrysai the piece of land occupied by the Bessoi ~en hê=| kai\ to\n theo\n aga/llousi~, D.C. 51, 25, 5.--The spirit of the old Thracian ecstatic cult reappeared in the character of the Bacchic worship introduced from Greece into Italy whose excesses (in 186 B.C.) are narrated by Livy: 39, 8 ff.: among these being viros velut mente capta cum iactatione fanatica corporis vaticinari: 39, 13, 12.]

[55\8: Compare, for example, what we are told of the religious dances of the Ostiaks (Erman, _Travels in Siberia_, ii, 45 f., E. T., Cooley), the Haokah dance of the Dakota, the "medicine-dance" of the Winnebago in North America (Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iii, 487 ff., 286 ff.), the dance of voodoo negroes in Haiti (_Nouv. annales des voyages_, 1858, iii, p. 90 ff.). For the violent religious dances of the people in ancient Peru see Müller, _Amerik. Urrelig._ 385; in Australia, R. Brough-Smith, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i, 166 ff. (1878). Among the Veddas of Ceylon there was a dance of the "devil's priests" (called Kattadias) dressed up as demons: see Tennent, _Ceylon_, i, 540 f.; ii, 442.--In antiquity the following have the closest relationship to the ecstatic cult of the Thracians: the dance festivals in honour of the "Syrian Goddess", of the Kappadocian Mâ, of the Phrygian Mountain Mother, and of Attis (the last having much the same origin as the Thracian festival, but being more strongly affected by Semitic influences, and perhaps by the religious practices of the prehistoric inhabitants of Asia Minor). Besides these we may remember the account given by Poseidonios ap. Strabo, 198, D.P. 570 ff., of the excited nocturnal festival celebrated in honour of "Dionysos" in an island at the mouth of the Loire by the women of the Namnites (Samnites, Amnites) ~Dionu/sô| katecho/menai~ in the wildest delirium (~lu/tta~).]

[56\8: This is regularly the meaning of such excesses practised by "magicians". The shaman (with his "soul") voyages out into the spirit-world; see the remarkably vivid account of Radloff, _Siberien_, ii, 1-67; and also Erman, _Zschr. f. Ethnologie_, ii, 324 ff.; A. Krause, _Tlinkitindianer_, p. 294 ff., 1885. So does the Lapp magician (Knud Leem, _Lappen in Finmarken_ [E.T. in Pinkerton's _Voyages_]). The Angekok enters into communion with his Torngak (Cranz, _Hist. of Greenland_, i, p. 194, E.T., 1820); the Butio with the Zemen (Müller, _Amerik. Urrelig._, 191 f.); the Piajes with the spirits (Müller, 217). Thus, too, communication with the divine "grandfather" of the people is established by means of dances, etc., among the Abipones (Dobrizhoffer, _Abipones_, ii, 64, E.T.). The expulsion of the soul to visit the spirit-world is also practised (in their convulsions) by the {277} magicians of the North American Indians, the people of the Pacific Islands (Tylor, ii, 133), etc. Such practices start out from a commonly held conception of the nature of body and soul and of their relations with the unseen. The magicians believe "that in their ecstatic condition they can break through the barrier between this world and the next", Müller 397. To facilitate this process they employ the various means alluded to of stimulating their senses.]

[57\8: The most remarkable case of this is provided by the history of a religious sect of our own day widely spread in Russia, who call themselves "the Christs", i.e. sons of God. The sect was founded by a holy man named Philippov in whose body God one day took up his abode; after which the man spoke as the living God himself and gave commandments. The sect particularly stood for the idea that the divine dwells in mankind, Christ in men and Mary in women, and that the sense of their presence can be awakened in men by the action of the Holy Ghost, through the force of strong belief, by saintliness and by religious ecstasy. To produce the ecstasy dances are held in common. About midnight, after long prayers, hymns, and religious addresses, the participators in the secret festival, both men and women, dressed in strange costumes begin to dance. Soon the ranks and circles of the dancers and singers break up; individuals begin to turn round and round, revolving on their own axis with incredible speed, balancing meanwhile on their heels. The excitement of the dancing and leaping crowd grows continually greater. Finally one of them calls out "He comes; He is near--the Holy Ghost". The wildest ecstasy takes hold of every one. Details may be found in N. Tsakni's _La Russie sectaire_, p. 63 ff. (cf. what is said in the same work, p. 80 ff., of the religious dances of the Skopzes, and p. 119 f. of the sect of the "Leapers").--All this is true _Bacchanalia christiana_ and therefore mentioned here.]

[58\8: e.g. Mariner, _Tonga Islanders_, i, 108 (1817); Wrangel, _Reise in Siberien_, i, 286 (i, 267 f., French trans.); Radloff, _Siberien_, ii, 58. Even the respectable Cranz, whose own point of view made it impossible for him to appreciate properly the Angekok practices so clearly observed by him, admits that many of them really saw visions that suggested "something supernatural" to them: _Hist. of Greenland_, p. 197 E.T. Something similar is said about ecstatically dancing dervishes by Lane, _Modern Egyptians_, ii, 197.]

[59\8: Magicians called by the name of the god (_Keebet_) among the Abipones: Dobrizhoffer, ii, 248. Similar cases elsewhere: Müller, 77. In Tahiti the person inspired by the god so long as the "inspiration" lasted (several days sometimes) was himself called "god" or given the name of some particular god: Waitz, _Anthropol._ vi, 383. In the case of an African tribe dwelling on the banks of Lake Nyanza the chief spirit sometimes takes temporary possession of one of the magicians (man or woman) who then bears the name of the spirit: Schneider, _Relig. d. Afrik. Naturv._ 151. Sometimes the identity of the magician with the god is expressed by the wearing of the god's distinguishing dress and imitation of his outward appearance (in the manner of the Thracian ~Ba/kchoi~); cf. the devil-dancers in Ceylon, etc.]

[60\8: When it acquires a more philosophical temper mysticism seeks its unification with the highest (the ~e/llampsis tê=s phu/seôs tê=s prô/tês~) more by means of the completest passivity of mind and body. It employs the ~eis hautê\n xulle/gesthai kai\ athroi/zesthai~ of the soul (Plato), or its withdrawal from all that is finite and

## particular (the _recojimiento_ of the Spanish mystics). The

profoundest quietude of spirit brings {278} about the unification with the One behind all multiplicity; cf. the Neoplatonic mystics, the Buddhists, etc. Sometimes both are found together; absorption and passivity of the spirit side by side with wild excitement. Both methods were practised by the Persian Sufis. Chardin, _Voyage en Perse_, iv, 458 (cd. Langlés) says of them, cependant ils se servent plus communément du chant de la danse et de la musique, disant qu'ils produisent plus sûrement leur extase. It may be that the cult of religious exaltation is always the real origin of these ecstatic states. Though the cult sometimes falls into decay itself, its offspring the ~e/kstasis~ survives.]

[61\8: In the language of these mystics the words mean: he knows that the passionate longing for reunion with God, the Soul of the universe, breaks down the individual personality and its limitations--"for where Love awakes to life the Self dies, that gloomy tyrant."]

[62\8: ~Ge/tai hoi athanati/zontes~, Hdt. Iv, 93-4 (~apathanati/zontes~, Plato and others, see Wesseling on D.S. i, p. 105, 32).]

[63\8: . . . ~oude/na a/llon theo\n nomi/zontes ei mê\ to\n sphe/teron~ (the Zalmoxis just mentioned) Hdt. iv, 94 fin. There we are told that the Getai ~pro\s brontê/n te kai\ astrapê\n toxeu/ontes a/nô apeileu=si tô=| theô=|, oude/na ktl.~ If it were true (as most people seem to think) that the god (~ho theo/s~) threatened by the Getai during thunder was their own god Zalmoxis, then it certainly is difficult, or, indeed, impossible, to understand the point of explaining the threatening of this god by the statement that they hold him for the only true god. The truth is that the ~tô=| theô=|~ refers simply to the "sky" during a thunderstorm. The usage is common in Greek and is only transferred to the Getai by a rather awkward extension. This thundering ~theo/s~ is not Zalmoxis at all (hence Z. is not as some have thought a "sky-god"). The Getai regarded Zalmoxis as the only god: the Thunderer is no real god to them (at the most a bad demon or a magician or something of the kind). To show that they are not afraid of him they shoot arrows against him, probably in the hope of breaking the thundercloud. (Parallels in other countries: Grimm, p. 1088; Dobrizhoffer, ii, 78. In India, Oldenberg, 491-4. Excitement during an eclipse of the moon: Weissenborn on Livy, 26, 5, 9. Reminiscence of such customs in the myth of Herakles: [Apollod.] 2, 5, 10, 5. From Hdt. by indirect channels comes Isig., _Mir._ 42 [p. 162 West.]; cf. also the account of D.C. 59, 28, 6 about Caligula.--Pallad., _RR._ i, 35 [_contra grandinem_].)]

[64\8: ~athanati/zousi de\ to/nde to\n tro/pon . . . ou/te apothnê/skein heôutou\s nomi/zousi, ie/nai te to\n apollu/menon para\ Za/lmoxin dai/mona (hoi de\ autô=n to\n auto\n tou=ton ounoma/zousi Gebele/ïzin)~, Hdt. iv, 94. Here, as regularly in Greek use of the words, we must not understand by ~atha/naton ei=nai~ a mere shadowy (if timeless) survival of the soul after death as in the Homeric Hades. Such a belief if it had been held by the Getai would not have struck Hdt. or his readers as remarkable in the slightest degree. It must therefore imply an unending and fully conscious existence, in this last respect resembling the life on earth.]

[65\8: ~athanati/zousi de\ kai\ Te/rizoi (teretizoi~ Phot.) ~kai\ Kro/buzoi kai\ tou\s apothano/ntas hôs Za/lmoxi/n phasin oi/chesthai~, Phot. Suid., _EM._ ~Za/molxis~. The Krobyzoi are a well-known Thracian stock. The Terizoi are not elsewhere mentioned; perhaps they may be placed in the neighbourhood of ~Ti/ristis, Ti/rixis a/kra~ = C. Kaliakra (cf. C. Müller on Arrian, _P. Eux._ 35); there we also hear of a ~Ti/ristis po/lis~, Ptolem. With this Tomaschek also agrees (_D. alten Thraker_, _Ber. Wien. Ak._ 128, iv, p. 97). In this case they would be neighbours of the Krobyzoi.] {279}

[66\8: ~ouk apothnê/|skein alla\ metoiki/zesthai nomi/zontes~ is what we hear of the Getai in Julian, _Caes._ 327 D. animas (putant) non extingui sed ad beatiora transire, Mela, ii, 18.]

[67\8: ~. . . tou\s apothano/ntas hôs Za/lmoxi/n phasin oi/chesthai, hê/xein de\ au=this. kai\ tau=ta aei\ nomi/zousin alêtheu/ein. thu/ousi de\ kai\ euôchou=ntai hôs au/this hê/xontos tou= apothano/ntos~, Phot. Suid., _EM._ ~Za/molxis~. Mela, ii, 18: alii (among the Thracians) redituras putant animas obeuntium.]

[68\8: Hdt. iv, 95, Zalmoxis, a slave of Pythagoras in Samos, is set free and comes back a rich man to his **poverty-stricken country. He collects together the leading men of the race in a room, where he entertains them and seeks to persuade them of the belief that neither he nor they nor their descendants will die but that they will all come after death to a place where they will enjoy all good things in abundance. Thereupon he withdraws into a secret underground chamber and lives there for three years. In the fourth year he comes to light again and "the Thracians are persuaded of the truth of what Zalmoxis had told them." This implies--though Hdt. omits to say so, and so does [Hellan.] ~p. nom. barb.~ (following Hdt.) ap. Phot., etc., s. ~Za/molxis~--that he had also promised that he and his adherents should _return_ to earth alive after the expiry of a definite period (three years). That such a belief in the "return" of the dead was actually held by the Thracians is clear enough from the quotations given in the last note. The story of Zalmoxis' trick (which was perhaps intended humorously by its inventors) seemed suspicious even to Hdt., but it is not pure invention (any more than the analogous stories about Pythagoras, Trophonios, and later Empedotimos): it is rather a euhemerist version of a miraculous legend. The disappearance of Zalmoxis into a subterranean chamber is a distortion of the belief in his permanent abode in a hollow mountain-side, an ~antrô=de/s ti chô/rion~ in Mt. Kogaionon of which Str. 298 speaks plainly enough. In that mountain the god dwells; just as Rhesos ~krupto\s en a/ntrois tê=s hupargu/rou chthono/s~ of Mt. Pangaios, dwells there as an ~anthrôpodai/môn~ [E.], _Rh._ 970; cf. chap. iv, n. 36. He lives there undying like the ~Ba/kchou prophê/tês~, who has become a god, to whom the tragedy obscurely alludes in ll. 972 f. as living on Mt. Pangaios (this may perhaps refer to Lykourgos--see G. Hermann, _Op._ v, 23 f.--surely not to Orpheus as Maass, _Orpheus_, p. 68 [1895], suggests). The obvious parallel is Amphiaraos and Trophonios in their caves, and Orig., _Cels._ iii, 34 (see above, chap. iii, n. 13), puts them and Zalmoxis together. We may safely complete Hdt.'s account of how the ~apollu/menoi~ of the Getai go away and have everlasting life ~para\ Za/lmoxin dai/mona~ (iv, 94), by saying that they reach this same hollow mountain, a subterranean place of delight where they dwell with the god. Mnaseas compares Zalmoxis with Kronos (_FHG._; Phot. Suid. _EM._, as before) and the similarity doubtless resides in the fact that both rule over the spirits of the blest in another world. But besides this the Thracian belief must also have included the idea of a periodical appearance of the god in the upper world. Hdt.'s story of the trick practised by Zalmoxis shows this (the return of the souls to which the story also points, is a sort of counterpart of this). Are we to suppose that the ~epipha/neia~ of the god was expected after the expiry of three years (just as it was after two years in the Dionysos festival; see above, n. 27)? We do not know whether these Thracian tribes celebrated the ~epipha/neia~ of the god with "enthusiastic" worship. Such an element in the cult of Zalmoxis seems to be suggested by the fact that we hear of "physicians of Zalmoxis" (Pl., _Charm._ 156 D) and of _mantikê_--which is generally closely bound up with ~iatrikê/~--{280} in the cult of this god. This must be the meaning of calling Zalm. himself ~ma/ntis~: Str. 762, 297; cf. also the otherwise valueless account of Ant. Diog. ap. Porph. _VP._ 14-15. Finally, the enthusiastic character of the cult seems to be implied in the identifying of the priest with the god by the Getai (as in the similar cases mentioned above, notes 32 and 59). Thus, the high priest is himself called "god": Str. 298 (he has authority over both king and state: cf. the ~hiereu\s tou= Dionu/sou~ among the Bessoi, above, n. 53; cf. Jordanes, _Get._ 71). This made it easy for the "god" Zalmoxis, whom even Hdt. quite rightly regarded as ~dai/môn tis Ge/tê|si epichô/rios~ (iv, 96) to be metamorphosed into a man of the historical past (he is this in D.S. 1, 94, 2; Str. vii, 297; cf. Jordanes, _Get._ 39). If the contemporary priest was called "god" it might naturally be concluded that the "god" Zalmoxis was once only a priest too.]

[69\8: Hermip. ap. Jos., _Ap._ i, 22.]

[70\8: In E., _Hec._ (1265 ff.) the Thracian Polymestor prophecies to Hekabe that she shall become a dog after her death, ~pu/rs' e/chousa de/rgmata~. Hekabe asks ~pô=s d' oi=stha _morphê=s_ tê=s emê=s _meta/stasin_;~ Pol.: ~ho Thrê|xi\ ma/ntis ei=pe Dio/nusos **ta/de~. It looks as if Eur. in this allusion to a belief in metempsychosis was intending to give a realistic touch of Thracian national character. He was well informed in such matters.]

[71\8: The connexion between Thracian Dionysos-worship and the belief in immortality and cult of the dead is vouched for, acc. to Rapp, _Dionysosc._ 15 ff., by the insc. found by Heuzey in Thracian districts. An epitaph found at Doxato (near Philippi) says of one who has died young (ll. 12 ff.): reparatus vivis in Elysiis. Sic placitum est divis aeterna vivere forma qui bene de supero lumine sit meritus.--nunc seu te Bromio signatae (see Anrich, _Antike Mysterienwesen_, 123 f.) mystides ad se florigero in prato congregem uti Satyrum, sive canistriferae poscunt sibi Naïdes aeque, qui ducibus taedis agmina festa trahas . . . (_CIL._ iii, 686). It is true that this remarkable fantasy contains nothing directly alluding to specifically Thracian worship. On the other hand this is certainly suggested and both the Thracian god and his connexion with a cult of the dead is implied in the use of the local cult-title of Dionysos in an offering made by Bythos and Rufus to the thiasi Liberi patris Tasibasteni of 300 denarii ex quorum reditu annuo rosalibus (and so at the yearly festival of the dead) ad monimentum eorum vescentur. _CIL._ iii, 703; cf. 704. Even the conjunction by E., _Hec._ 1265 ff., of the belief in palingenesia with the oracle of the Thracian Dionysos seems to imply a connexion between that belief and the cult of Dionysos.]

[72\8: ~polloi\ me\n narthêkopho/roi, pau=roi de/ te Ba/kchoi~ ap. Pl., _Phd._ 69 C. The strict meaning of this Orphic verse (Lob., _Agl._ 813 ff.) is that out of the multitudes who take part in the Bacchic festival only a few have any real right to call themselves by the name of the god--as having become one with him through their ecstasy and exaltation. A special morbid state was necessary for that: the same state which in other circumstances made the real shamans, Piajes, etc.]

[73\8: Even when their ~e/kstasis~ had ceased the ecstatic worshippers still regarded as real the visions which they had enjoyed in that condition: ~hoi=on sune/bê Antiphe/ronti tô=| Ôrei/tê| kai\ a/llois existame/nois. ta\ ga\r phanta/smata e/legon hôs geno/mena kai\ hôs mnêmoneu/ontes~, Arist. ~p. mnê/mês~, 1, p. 451a, 8. "Magicians who had subsequently been converted to Christianity were still convinced of the reality of their earlier visions: they thought they had seen something perfectly real." {281} Müller, _Amerik. Urrelig._ 80. Add: Tylor, ii, 131; Cranz, _Greenland_, p. 197.]

[74\8: See above, chap. i, p. 7 ff.]

[75\8: Hdt. v, 4 (speaking of the ~Trausoi/~. Hsch. has the same, s.v. ~Trauso/s~). The story was then added to the regular list of ~no/mima barbarika/~ used for illustrating the variability of ~no/mos~. It was soon after told of the _~Kro/buzoi~_: Isig., _Mir._ 27 (they were also regarded as strong adherents of a belief in immortality; see above, n. 65); then of the ~Kausianoi/~: Nic. Dam., _Mir._ 18 West. Zenob., _Prov._ v, 25, p. 128, 5 L.-Schn. (~Kau/sioi, Kausianoi/~). It occurs again in a fragment of some collection of ~no/mima barbarika/~ written before the third century (there is no reason to ascribe it to Aristotle) given by Mahaffy, _On the Flinders Petrie Papyri, Transcript._, p. 29: ~Kausianoi=s de\ no/mimon tou\s me\n gignome/nous thrênei=n tou\s de\ teleutô=ntas eudaimoni/zein hôs pollô=n kakô=n anapepaume/nous (kakô=n~ as above or ~po/nô=n~ must be supplied to fill the gap; cf. the well-known fragment of Eur. _Cresph._: ~echrê=n ga\r hêma=s . . .~ _fr._ 449, which perhaps alludes to Hdt.'s account). It is told of Thracians in general, or of some tribe not particularly named, by S. E., P. iii, 232; Val. Max. 2, 6, 12 (both clearly drawing on collections of ~no/mima barbarika/~); Mela, ii, 18; _AP._ ix, 111 (Archias). There were thus three sources of the story: Besides Hdt.'s, two in which either the Krobyzoi or the Kausianoi were named as the Thracian tribe instead of Hdt.'s Trausoi.]

[76\8: ~ho/sôn kakô=n exapallachthei\s e/sti en pa/sê| **eudaimoni/ê|~, Hdt. v, 4.]

[77\8: See Jul., _Caes._ 327 D, Mela, ii, 18. Likewise of the ~Kausianoi/~ in Anon. ap. Mahaffy (see n. 75), p. 29, 10-12. Iamb., _VP._ 173: as a result of the (Pythagorean) doctrine of immortality taught by Zalmoxis ~e/ti kai\ nu=n hoi Gala/tai~ (because they had been instructed by Zalm.; from a similar fabulous source comes Hippol., _RH._ i, 2, p. 14, 93 D.-S.) ~kai\ hoi Tra/leis kai\ polloi\ tô=n barba/rôn tou\s hautô=n huiou\s pei/thousin hôs ouk e/sti phtharê=nai **tê\n psuchê/n . . . kai\ ho/ti to\n tha/naton ou phobête/on, alla\ pro\s tou\s kindu/nous eurô/stôs hekte/on~.--~Tra/lleis~ Scaliger for the MS. ~tralis~, rightly as far as sense goes. But we find the name ~TRALEIS~ given to the Pergamene mercenaries called after the Thracian tribes: _Ins. Perg._ i, n. 13, 23, 59. These had already served as infantry in 331 in the army of Alexander the Great: D.S. 17, 65, 1; cf. Hsch. ~Trallei=s~. They were a south Thracian tribe: Plu., _Ages._ 16; _Ap. Lac._ 42; Str. 649 (where read ~Tralle/ôn~); Tralli Thraeces, Liv. 38, 21, 2, who elsewhere calls them Illyriorum genus, 27, 32, 4; 31, 35, 1. It appears that a branch of the Thracian tribe of the Tralles reached Illyria in their wanderings; there Theopompos, too, knew them: Steph. Byz. ~Tralli/a~; cf. also s. vv. ~Bê=gis, Bo/louros~ (cf. Tomaschek, _Sitzb. Wien. Ak._, 128, iv, p. 56 f.).]

[78\8: Appetitus maximus mortis, Mart. Cap. 6, 656. The Thracians esp. are meant by Galen when he speaks of ~barba/rôn eni/ois~ who entertained the belief ~ho/ti to\ apothnê/skein esti\ kalo/n~ (xix, p. 704 K).]

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