CHAPTER IV

[1\4: Porph., _Abst._ 4, 22, p. 268, 23 Nauck.]

[2\4: It is not quite clear whether it is legitimate to see in what Paus. 2, 2, 2, says about the graves of Neleus and Sisyphos a first trace of the worship of Hero-relics, as Lobeck does, _Agla._ 284. The oracle verse from Oinom. ap. Eus., _PE._ 5, 28, p. 223 B, in which Lykourgos is warned to honour ~Mene/lan te kai\ a/llous athana/tous _hê/rôas_, hoi\ en Lakedai/moni di/ê|~--is certainly quite late, later than the ~hê/keis ô= Luko/orge~ that was known already to Herod.; earlier however than the second century, cf. Isyllos (_GDI._ 3342), l. 26. Oinomaos got it, like all the oracles that he used in making his ~Goê/tôn phô/ra~ from a collection of oracular sayings, certainly not from (or even indirectly from) Ephoros as has been groundlessly maintained.--Unquestionably the cult of Helen and Menelaos at Therapne was ancient: see Ross, _Arch. Aufs._ ii, 341 ff. Connexion with the legitimate pre-Dorian monarchy was eagerly sought for in Sparta; thus the bones of Orestes and Tisamenos were brought to Sparta and both honoured there as Heroes. The cult of Menelaos in Therapne has nothing whatever to do with his translation to Elysion (Od. ~d~).]

[3\4: One Daites ~hê/rôa timô/menon para\ toi=s Trôsi/n~ is mentioned by Mimn. _fr._ 18. Still earlier Alc. seems to refer to the cult of Achilles as a Hero, _fr._ 48 b: ~Achi/lleu, ho\ ga=s Skudi/kas me/deis~ (see Wassner, _de her. cult._, p. 33).]

[4\4: ~theoi\ ho/soi gê=n tê\n **Plataiï/da e/chete kai\ hê/rôes, xuni/store/s este~, Thuc. ii, 74, 2; ~ma/rturas theou\s kai\ hê/rôas egchôri/ous poiê/somai~, Th. iv, 87, 2; cf. Th. v, 30, 2-5.]

[5\4: Hdt. viii, 109: ~ta/de ga\r ouk hêmei=s katergasa/metha alla\ theoi/ te kai\ hê/rôes~.]

[6\4: Hdt. vii, 43.]

[7\4: In the first edition of this book I could not refer to the copiously documented article by Deneken on "Heros" in Roscher's _Myth. Lex._ Even now I must be content to refer the reader generally to the rich collections of material there supplied. The view taken of the nature and origin of the Hero is, however, one which I can only reject. According to that account (which in this follows the current view) the belief in Heroes arose from a weakened belief in gods, and the race of Heroes was composed of formerly divine figures who had come to be regarded in the course of time with diminished awe. But the _cult_ of Heroes was by no means an attenuated worship of the gods: on the contrary it was fundamentally contrasted in its essence to the cult of the gods above: ~enagi/zein~ can never have been derived from ~thu/ein~ in however attenuated a form. Equally little can the Heroes of cult have been ever (much less frequently) derived from gods directly. The "Heroes" (as objects of a cult) are invariably elevated souls of men, not reduced divinities. This rule holds good even though a considerable number of once divine figures after they had been deprived of their godhead and made into great _men_, were when they died exalted, as outstanding human beings, to the rank of Hero. In this respect they did not differ from the innumerable cases before and beside them of simple mortals who had never been gods. Only when and because they had become men and been mortal could such {140} ex-divine personages become Heroes: no one stepped straight from godhood to Herohood. The Hero is regularly a promoted human spirit and nothing else.--I intend here and generally in this book to avoid further polemic against the currently accepted view of the origin of the Hero out of degraded godhead and to content myself instead with the statement of my own positive attitude in these matters.]

[8\4: ~theô=n a/llois a/llai timai\ pro/skeintai kai\ hê/rôsin a/llai, kai\ hau=tai apokekrime/nai tou= theiou=~, Arr., _Anab._ iv, 11, 3.]

[9\4: Sacrifice to Heroes ~en duthmai=sin auga=n~ and throughout the night, Pi., _I._iv, 65 ff. ~hupo\ kne/phas~, Ap. Rh. i, 587 (= ~peri\ hêli/ou dusma/s~, Schol.). ~tô=| me\n (Alexa/nori hôs hê/rôï meta\ hê/lion du/nata enagi/zousin Euameri/ôni de\ hôs theô=| thu/ousin~, Paus. 2, 11, 7. ~nu/ktôr kata\ e/tos enagi/zousin~, (the Pheneatai to Myrtilos, Paus. 8, 14, 11. By night Solon sacrificed to the Salaminian Heroes, Plu., _Sol._ 9.--After noon, ~apo\ me/sou hême/ras~, must sacrifice be made to the Heroes, D.L. viii, 33; ~toi=s katoichome/nois apo\ mesêmbri/as~, _EM._ 468, 34 (cf. Procl. in _Hes. Op._ 763, Eust., ~Th~ 65, p. 698, 36). The Heroes also are among the ~katoicho/menoi~: ~toi=s hê/rôsin _hôs katoichome/nois_ e/ntoma e/thuon, apoble/pontes ka/tô es gê=n~, Schol. A.D., ~A~ 459.--In later times sacrifice seems to have been made to the ordinary dead even in broad daylight (see Stengel, _Chthon. u. Todtencult_, 422 f.), but to "Heroes", as once to the dead (~Ps~ 218 ff.), always towards evening or at night.]

[10\4: ~escha/ra~, see above, Ch. I. n. 53.]

[11\4: Cf. Stengel, _Jb. f. Phil._, 1886, pp. 322, 329.]

[12\4: Schol. A.D., ~A~ 459. Schol., _Ap. Rh._ i, 587. ~ente/mnein~, see Stengel, _Zt. f. Gymn._, 1880, p. 743 ff.]

[13\4: ~haimakouri/a~, Pi., _O._ i, 90. Plu., _Aristid._ 21. The word is supposed to be Boeotian acc. to Schol. Pi., _O._ i, 146 (hence Greg. Cor., p. 215, Schaefer).]

[14\4: Rightly (as against Welcker) Wassner, _de h. cult._, p. 6, maintains that the ~enagi/smata~ for Heroes were ~holokautô/mata~.]

[15\4: ~enagi/zein~ to heroes, ~thu/ein~ to gods. Pausanias in

## particular is careful in his use of the words, but even he, and

Herodotos, too, occasionally says ~thu/ein~ where ~enagi/zein~ would have been correct (e.g. Hdt. vii, 117, ~tô=| Artachai/ê| thu/ousi Aka/nthioi hôs ê/rôi~). Others frequently say ~thu/ein~ instead of ~enagi/zein~, which as the more special idea could easily be included in ~thu/ein~ the more generic word for making sacrifice.]

[16\4: Cf. Deneken, _de theoxeniis_ (Berl. 1881), cap. 1; Wassner, _de h. cult._, p. 12. The expressions used by primitive peoples allow us to see the ideas that lie at the bottom of this mode of offering; cf. Réville, _les rel. des peuples non-civ._ i, 73. The ritual may be regarded as specially primitive and even earlier than the practice of burnt offering (cf. Oldenberg, _Rel. d. Veda_, 344 f.).]

[17\4: See above, Ch. I, p. 14 ff.--~epi\ Aza=ni tô=| Arka/dos teleutê/santi a=thla ete/thê _prô=ton_; ei me\n kai\ a/lla ouk oi=da, hippodromi/as de\ ete/thê~, Paus. 8, 4, 5.]

[18\4: The same is implied by the observation of Aristarchos that Homer knows no ~hiero\s kai\ stephani/tês agô/n~, see _Rh. Mus._ 36, 544 f. (as to the observation there put forward that Homer in fact did not know the word ~ste/phanos~ or its use, cf. further Schol. Pi., _Nem._ intr., pp. 7, 8 ff., Abel; see also Merkel, _Ap. Rh._ proleg., p. cxxvi: ~eüste/phanos~ derived from ~stepha/nê~ not from ~ste/phanos~: Schol. ~Ph~ 511).]

[19\4: Many such Agones for Heroes are mentioned, esp. by Pindar.]

[20\4: e.g. on the command of the oracle an ~agô\n gumniko\s kai\ hippiko/s~ was founded in honour of the fallen Phocaeans in Agylla, Hdt. i, 167. {141} Agon for Miltiades, Hdt. vi, 38; for Brasidas, Thuc. v, 11; for Leonidas in Sparta, Paus. 3, 14, 1.]

[21\4: At the Iolaia in Thebes ~mursi/nês stepha/nois stephanou=ntai hoi nikô=ntes; mursi/nê| de\ stephanou=ntai dia\ to\ ei=nai _tô=n nekrô=n_ ste/phos~, Sch. Pi., _I._ iii, 117. (The myrtle ~toi=s chthoni/ois aphie/rôto~, Apollod. ap. Sch. Ar., _Ran._ 330; as adorning graves, Eur., _El._ 324, 511.)]

[22\4: General statement: ~etelou=nto hoi palaioi\ pa/ntes agô=nes epi\ tisi teteleutêko/si~, Sch. Pi., _I_, p. 349 Ab. (~ta\s _epitumbi/ous_ tautasi\ panêgu/reis~, Clem. Alex. calls the four great games, _Protr._ ii, p. 29 P.). The Nemean as an ~agô\n epita/phios~ for Archemoros, Sch. Pi., _N._, pp. 7, 8 Ab.; later offered to Zeus first by Herakles, ib., p. 11, 8 ff.; 12, 14-13, 4 (cf. Welcker, _Ep. Cycl._ ii, 350 ff.). Victor's crown, since the Persian wars, of parsley ~epi\ timê=| tô=n katoichome/nôn~, ib., p. 10 (parsley on graves: Schneidewin on Dgn. viii, 57; see below. ~seli/nou ste/phanos pe/nthimos . . . Dou=ris en tô=| peri\ agô/nôn~, Phot. 506, 5). Black dress of the judges, ib., p. 11, 8 ff. Schol. Arg., _N._ iv, v.--Isthmian games as ~epita/phios agô/n~ for Melikertes and then for Sinis or Skiron, Plu., _Thes._ 25. Sch. Pi., _I._, pp. 350-2 Ab. Crown made of parsley or pine, both signs of mourning, Paus. 8, 48, 2 (and elsewhere see Meineke, _An. Alex._, 80 ff.). The Pythian games are said to be an ~agô\n epita/phios~ for Python; the Olympian for Oinomaos or Pelops (Phlegon, **_FHG._ iii, 603; cf. P. Knapp, _Corresp. Würt. Gelehr._ 1881, p. 9 ff.). These notices cannot all be learned invention. It is a fact, for instance, that the funeral games of Tlepolemos in Rhodes, known to Pindar, _O._ vii, 77 ff., were later transferred to Helios (cf. Sch. Pi., _O._ vii, 36, 146-7, and Böckh on v, 77).]

[23\4: "Half-gods," ~hêmi/theoi~. The name does not, as is sometimes declared, imply that the Heroes were spirits who thus constituted a class of intermediate beings between gods and men. The Heroes were not called ~hêmi/theoi~; the name was really applied to the kings and champions of the legendary age, more especially those who fought at Troy or Thebes (Hes., _Op._, 160; Hom. ~M~ 23; _h. Hom._, 31, 19; 32, 19. Callin., _fr._ i, 19, and often later). It applies to them, however, as living men not as glorified spirits (thus Pla., _Ap._ 41 A; cf. D.H. 7, 32, 13, ~hêmithe/ôn _genome/nôn_~ [on earth] ~hai psuchai/~).--The ~hêmi/theoi~ are a species of men not of spirits or daimones; they are those ~hoi\ pro/tero/n pot' epe/lonto, theô=n d' ex ana/ktôn ege/nonth' hui=es hêmi/theoi~ (Simon., _fr._ 36; cf. Pla., _Crat._ 398 D), the sons of gods and mortal women and then their companions as well (a potiori so named). Even the idea that the great men of the past, thus called ~hêmi/theoi~, were naturally made "Heroes" after their death as a consequence of their half-divine nature which might give them special privileges even then--this idea has no very ancient authority. Cicero, _ND._ iii, 45, seems to be the first to suggest such a view. That the Greeks of the best period ever regarded semi-divine origin as a qualification for becoming a Hero is refuted by the simple fact that for the great majority of the "Heroes" descent from a god was not claimed. Of course, poetry was always ready to give a Hero a divine father in order to enhance his value, cf. Paus. 6, 11, 2; but this was never a condition of being made a Hero (rather of being raised from Hero to god).]

[24\4: ~ma/kar me\n andrô=n me/ta, hê/rôs d' e/peita laosebê/s~, Pi., _P._ v, 94 f.]

[25\4: ~ti/na theo/n, ti/n' hê/rôa, ti/na d' a/ndra?~ Pi., _O._ ii init. ~ou/te theou\s ou/te hê/rôas ou/te anthrô/pous aischunthei=sa~, Antiph. i, 27. With "daimones" added: Gods, daimones, heroes, men: Pl., _Rp._ 392 A; 427 B; _Lg._ iv, 717 AB. In later times the distinction between ~theoi/, dai/mones, hê/rôes~, corresponded to a real and popular opinion, see e.g. _GDI_. {142} 1582 (Dodona, cf. also 1566, 1585 b.--There can be no question of identifying Heroes with the daimones (as Nägelsb., _N. Th._ 104, does). When philosophers call the _dead_ "daimones" that is from quite a different point of view. It is a speculative idea peculiar to Plutarch himself that, in view of the transition from men to Heroes and from these to daimones, the Heroes themselves might be regarded as a sort of lower daimon (_DO._ 10, 415 A; _Rom._ 28). A Schol. on Eur., _Hec._ 165, quite justifiably makes a parallel between gods and daimones on the one hand and Heroes and men on the other: the gods are ~hupsêlo/tero/n ti ta/gma tô=n daimo/nôn~ and this is the relation of ~hoi hê/rôes pro\s tou\s loipou\s anthrô/pous, hupsêlo/teroi/ tines dokou=ntes kai\ hupere/chontes~.]

[26\4: Aristarchos' remark that in Homer not only kings but ~pa/ntes koinô=s~ are designated as ~hê/rôes~, was directed against the mistaken limitation of the word by Ister; see Lehrs, _Aristarch._^3, p. 101. Before Aristarch., however, the mistaken idea that ~hoi hêgemo/nes tô=n archai/ôn mo/noi ê=san hê/rôes, hoi de\ laoi\ a/nthrôpoi~ seems to have been general: it is expressed in the [Arist.] _Probl._ 19, 48, p. 922b, 18; Rhianos, too, held it, see Schol. ~T~ 41 (Mayhoff, _de Rhiani stud. Hom._, p. 46).--It is incorrect to say that in the supposed "later" parts of the Odyssey ~hê/rôs~ is no longer used of all free men, but only of the aristocracy (Fanta, _Staat in Il. u. Od._, 17 f.). In ~d~ 268, ~th~ 242, ~x~ 97, the word is used as an honourable title of free men of superior rank, but there is no suggestion of a restriction of the word to such use. In addition to which, the word ~hê/rôs~ unmistakably appears in its wider sense also in other parts of the poem equally and rightly supposed to be late (~a~ 272, ~th~ 483, ~ô~ 68, etc.).]

[27\4: So for example esp. when Pausanias speaks of the ~kalou/menoi hê/rôes~, 5, 6, 2; 6, 5, 1; 7, 17, 1; 8, 12, 2; 10, 10, 1, etc.]

[28\4: ~andrô=n hêrô/ôn thei=on ge/nos~, Hes., _Op._ 159.]

[29\4: Of the "Heroes" of his fourth race the great majority fell according to Hesiod in the war of Troy or Thebes and died without any "illumination"; the few, on the other hand, who are translated to the Islands of the Blest are illuminated indeed, but have never died. To regard them as the prototypes and forerunners of the Heroes worshipped in later times (as many do is inadmissible.]

[30\4: Grave in the market: Battos in Kyrene, Pi., _P._ v, 87 ff., and frequently. Hero-graves in the Prytaneion at Megara, Paus. 1, 43, 2-3. Adrastos was buried in the market at Sikyon. Kleisthenes, to play a trick on him, brought from Thebes (the corpse of) Melanippos, who, when alive, had been his greatest enemy, and placed him ~en tô=| prutanei/ô| kai/ min hi/druse enthau=ta en tô=| ischurota/tô|~, Hdt. v, 67. Themistokles had a ~mnêmei=on~ in the market at Magnesia on the Maiander. Th. 1, 138, 5; i.e. a ~hêrô=|on~ (see Wachsmuth, _Rh. Mus._ lii, 140).]

[31\4: ~tu/mbon amphi/polon e/chôn poluxenôta/tô| para\ bô/mô|~, Pi., _O._ i, 93; i.e. the great ash-altar of Zeus. The excavations have confirmed Pindar's description (cf. Paus. 5, 13, 1-2).]

[32\4: Grave built in the gateway: ~en autê=| tê=| pulê=|~ at Elis Aitolos the son of Oxylos was buried, Paus. 5, 4, 4; cf. Lobeck, _Agl._ 281 f. Grave at the boundary of the country: Koroibos, the first Olympic victor, was buried ~Êlei/as epi\ tô=| pe/rati~ as the insc. stated: Paus. 8, 26, 4. Grave of Koroibos, son of Mygdon, ~en _ho/rois_ Phrugô=n Stektorênô=n~, Paus. 10, 27, 1.]

[33\4: The idea of the grave as the dwelling-place of the Hero is shown in a very strange fashion by the story that the Phliasians before the feast of Demeter ~kalou=sin epi\ ta\s sponda/s~ the hero Aras and his sons, _looking_ while so doing towards the graves of these Heroes: Paus. 2, 12, 5.] {143}

[34\4: This hero (Xanthippos or Phokos) ~e/chei epi\ hême/ra| te pa/sê| tima/s, kai\ a/gontes hierei=a hoi Phôkei=s to\ me\n hai=ma di' opê=s egche/ousin es to\n ta/phon ktl.~ Paus. 10, 4, 10. Similarly at the grave of Hyakinthos at Amyklai, Paus. 3, 19, 3. The meaning of such an offering is the same in Greece as in similar cases among any "savage" tribe. In Tylor, ii, 28, we read: "In the Congo district the custom has been described of making a channel into the tomb to the head or mouth of the corpse, to send down month by month the offerings of food and drink."]

[35\4: Most of the examples are mentioned by Lobeck, _Agl._ 281 [u], but he omits the most remarkable case, fully reported by Hdt. i, 67-8, of the transference of the bones of Orestes from Tegea to Sparta (cf. Paus. 3, 3, 6; 11, 10; 8, 54, 4. The reason is obvious, cf. Müller, _Dorians_, i, 72). Besides this note: the removal of the bones of Hektor from Ilion to Thebes, Paus. 9, 18, 5, Sch. and Tz., _Lyc._ 1194, 1204; of Arkas from Mainalos to Mantinea, Paus. 8, 9, 3; cf. 8, 36, 8; of Hesiod from Naupaktos to Orchomenos, Paus. 9, 38, 3; of Hippodameia from Midea in Argolis to Olympia, Paus. 6, 20, 7; of Tisamenos from Helike to Sparta, Paus. 7, 1, 8; of Aristomenes from Rhodes to Messene, Paus. 4, 32, 3. Strange story of the shoulder bone of Pelops, Paus. 5, 13, 4-6. In all these cases the removal followed upon a command of the oracle, cf. also Paus. 9, 30, 9-11. Practical stimulus may have been given occasionally by the discovery of abnormally large bones in dug-up graves; we often hear of such discoveries, cf. W. Schmid, _Atticismus_, iv, 572 f., and it was always believed that such gigantic bones were remains of one of ~tô=n kaloume/nôn hêrô/ôn~, Paus. 6, 5, 1 (cf. also 1, 35, 5 ff.; 3, 22, 9). It would be the business of the oracle to determine the name of the Hero concerned and see that the remains were reverently preserved. (One example may be given, though from a later period. In the dried-up bed of the Orontes a clay coffin 11 yards long was found and a corpse within it. The oracle of the Clarian Apollo on being applied to for enlightenment as to its origin answered ~Oro/ntên ei=nai, ge/nous de\ auto\n ei=nai tou= Indô=n~, Paus. 8, 29, 4; Philostr., _H._ 669 p. 138, 6-19 K.]

[36\4: Plu., _Cim._ 8; _Thes._ 36; Paus. 3, 3, 7.--In the year 437-6 we hear of the removal by Hagnon and his Athenians, at the command of the oracle, of the bones of Rhesos from Troy to Amphipolis: Polyaen. vi, 53. The neighbourhood of the mouth of the Strymon on the western slopes of Mt. Pangaios was the original home of Rhesos: he was already known to the Doloneia as the son of Eïoneus; to later writers as the son of Strymon and (like Orpheus) a Muse--which is the same thing (see Conon, 4). On M. Pangaios he still lived as an oracular deity: this must have been the popular belief of the district which the author of the _Rhesus_ explains after Greek fashion (ll. 955-66). He is a tribal god of the Edonians, of the same pattern as Zalmoxis of the Getai, and Sabos or Sabazios of other Thracian tribes. In the mind of the Greeks he had become since the poem of the Doloneia entirely detached from the site of his worship and was a mere mortal champion with whom fancy might do what it chose (cf. Parth. 36). The restoration of his bones to the neighbourhood of the lower Strymon (~mnêmei=on tou= Rhê/sou~ in Amphipolis: Marsyas ~ho neô/teros~ in Sch., _Rhes._ 346), and the heroic cult which was undoubtedly paid to him in connexion therewith, may have been a kind of official recognition by the Greeks of the worship of Rhesos discovered in that neighbourhood by the Athenian colonists. I see no reason for doubting the historical fact of the occurrence, though some of the details of Polyaenus' account have a fabulous colouring. It is true Cicero says of Rhesos, _nusquam_ {144} _colitur_ (_ND._ iii, 45), and so it may have been in C.'s time: for the earlier period the close of the tragedy clearly suggests the cult of R. as a divinity, while the story of Polyaen. implies his Hero-cult.]

[37\4: Sometimes only single parts of the body, e.g. the shoulder-blade of Pelops at Olympia (Paus. 5, 13).--In Argos on the road to the Akropolis their heads were buried in the ~mnê=ma tô=n Aigu/ptou pai/dôn~, while the rest of their bodies were in Lerne, Paus. 2, 24, 2.]

[38\4: See Lob., _Agl._ 281. This only can be the meaning of Soph., _OC._ 1522 f. (Nauck otherwise.--A strange case is that of Hippolytos in Troizen: ~apothanei=n auto\n ouk ethe/lousin (hoi Troizê/nioi) sure/nta hupo\ tô=n hi/ppôn oude\ to\n ta/phon apophai/nousin eido/tes; to\n de\ en ouranô=| kalou/menon hêni/ochon tou=ton ei=nai nomi/zousin ekei=non (ekei=noi?) Hippo/luton, timê\n para\ theô=n tau/tên e/chonta~ Paus. 2, 32, 1. Here it seems as if the grave were not shown because Hipp. was not regarded as having died and therefore would not have a grave; he is said to have been _translated_ and set among the stars. But there _was_ a grave and the translation story must therefore only be an afterthought. (The death of Hipp. is spoken of clearly enough by the poets: but what happened to him after Asklepios had restored him to life again? The Italian Virbius legend seems to have been little known in Greece. Paus. 2, 27, 4, knows it from Aricia.)--Very occasionally the possession of the relics of the Hero was secured by burning the bones and scattering the ashes in the market place of the city. Thus Phalanthos in Tarentum, Justin. 3, 4, 13 ff.; Solon in Salamis, D.L. i, 62; Plu., _Sol._ 32. As a rule the scattering of ashes is intended to serve a different purpose, cf. Plu., _Lycurg._ 31 fin.; Nic. Dam., _Paradox._ **16, p. 170 West.]

[39\4: A few examples: ~keno\n sê=ma~ of Teiresias in Thebes, Paus. 9, 18, 4; of Achilles at Elis, Paus. 6, 23, 3; of the Argives who fought in the war against Troy, at Argos, Paus. 2, 20, 6; of Iolaos at Thebes, Paus. 9, 23, 1; Sch. Pi., _N._ iv, 32 (in the tomb of Amphitryon? Pi., _P._ ix, 81); of Odysseus at Sparta, Plut., _Q. Gr._, 48, 302 C; of Kalchas in Apulia, Lyc. 1047 f.]

[40\4: Perhaps by ~ana/klêsis~ of the ~psuchê/~? see above, Ch. I, n. 86 (at the foundation of Messene ~epekalou=nto en koinô=| kai\ hê/rôa/s sphisin epanê/kein sunoi/kous~, Paus. 4, 27, 6).]

[41\4: ~kai\ tethneô\s kai\ ta/richos eô\n du/namin pro\s theô=n e/chei to\n adike/onta ti/nesthai~, Hdt. ix, 120.]

[42\4: No detailed proof of this statement is needed. We will only remark that the attempt to conceal the grave is often met with among so-called "savage" tribes and has the same purpose as in the Greek Hero-cult: cf. on this subject Herbert Spencer, _Princ. of Sociol._ i, p. 176.]

[43\4: See Helbig, _D. hom. Epos aus Denkm._^1, p. 41.]

[44\4: See above, p. 23.]

[45\4: ~B~ 603 ~hoi\ d' e/chon Arkadi/ên hupo\ Kullê/nês o/ros aipu/, Aipu/tion para\ tu/mbon~.--Cf. Paus. 8, 16, 2-3.--In the Troad the frequently mentioned ~I/lou sê=ma~, the ~sê=ma poluska/rthmoio Muri/nês~ which "men" call ~Bati/eia~, were similar monuments.]

[46\4: The ceremonial announcement of death, the ~katamiai/nesthai~ of the proper persons (as usual the next of kin to the dead); the assembling of Spartiates Perioikoi and Helots (cf. Tyrt. _fr._ 7) with their women to the number of several thousands, the extravagant expression of grief and praise of the dead, the period of mourning (no business in the market for ten days, etc.)--all this is described by Hdt. vi, 58. He compares this grandiose funeral with the pomp customary at the burial of an Asiatic (Persian) monarch.--The Lycurgan ~no/moi~ by these funeral rites ~ouch hôs anthrô/pous all' hôs _hê/rôas_ tou\s Lakedaimoni/ôn~ {145} ~basilei=s protetimê/kasin~, Xen., _Rep. Lac._ xv, 9. King Agis I ~e/tuche semnote/ras ê\ kat' a/nthrôpon taphê=s~, Xen., _HG._ 3, 3, 1.--A peculiar circumstance at the burial of a Spartan king is mentioned by Apollod., _fr._ 36.--The burial places of the royal Houses of the Agiadai and the Eurypontidai (apart even in their death), Paus. 3, 12, 8; 14, 2 (cf. Bursian, _Geog._ ii, 126).--Embalming of the body of a king who dies abroad, Xen., _HG._ 5, 3, 19: D.S. 15, 93, 6; Nep., _Ages._ 8; Plu., _Ages._ 40.--Besides this the participation in primitive times of the whole people in the funeral of the Herakleid kings in Corinth may probably be deduced from the story told of the compulsory attendance of the Megarian subjects of Corinth at the funeral at Corinth of a king of the Bakchiad family: Sch. Pi., _N._ vii, 155 (cf. _AB._ 281, 27 ff.; Zenob. v, 8; Dgn. vi, 34). In Crete ~tô=n basile/ôn kêdeuome/nôn proêgei=to purrichi/zôn ho strato/s~ (as at the funeral of Patroklos, ~Ps~ 131 ff.), Arist. ap. Schol. V., ~Ps~ 130.]

[47\4: ~Eupatri/dai, hoi . . . mete/chontes tou= basilikou= ge/nous~, _EM._ 395, 50.--Thus the Bakchiadai in Corinth were descendants of the royal family of the house of Bakchis. The ~Basili/dai~, a ruling family of oligarch nobles in Ephesos (Ael. _fr._ 48), Erythrai (Arist., _Pol._ 1305b, 19), and perhaps Chios as well (see Gilbert, _Gr. Alt._ ii, 153), also traced back their descent to the old kings of those Ionic cities. Respect paid to those who were descended ~ek tou= ge/nous~ of Androklos at Ephesos, Stra. 633.--The Aigid Admetos, priest of Apollo Karneios at Thera was descended ~Lakedai/monos ek basilê/ôn~, _Epigr. Gr._ 191; 192.]

[48\4: Here some reference might have been expected to Fustel de Coulanges' brilliant and penetrating work _La Cité antique_. In that book the attempt is made to fix upon ancestor-worship, _la religion du foyer et des ancêtres_, as the root of all the higher types of worship (among the Greeks: only that part of the book concerns us here); and to show how out of these ancestor-worshipping aggregations, begun by the family, larger communities of ever-widening membership developed, and finally out of these the ~po/lis~ itself--the highest and most extensive political as well as religious community of all. For the author of that book the proof of his theory lies entirely in the simple logical consequence with which the details and, as far as we know it, the development of both private and public law follow from the original causes adopted by him essentially as postulates. A strictly historical proof that should not have to deduce the original causes from the results but should start from known beginnings and demonstrate the actual existence of every step was indeed an impossibility. The whole historical process must have been already finished when our knowledge first begins: for Homer shows us the ~po/lis~ and its component parts (~kri=n' a/ndras kata\ phu=la kata\ phrê/tras Aga/memnon~) as well as the worship of the gods as fully established and developed. It is no disparagement of the valuable and fruitful suggestions made in that book if we say that its leading idea--as far as Greece is concerned--cannot be considered as more than an intuition, which though it may be just and true, must remain unproved. If there ever was a time when ancestor-worship was the only Greek religion at least we cannot see into that dim epoch long anterior to all tradition. To that remote period long before both the all-powerful religion of the gods and the earliest records of the Greek genius, even the narrow and slippery path of inference and reconstruction will hardly lead us. Natural as it might seem, therefore, so far as the subject itself is concerned to deal with such questions, I have taken no notice in the {146} present work of any attempts to deduce Greek religion from an original sole worship of ancestors (such as have been made by many scholars besides F. de Coulanges both in England and in Germany).]

[49\4: Those worshipped by a ~ge/nos~ regarded as its progenitors, ~gonei=s~: _AB._ 240, 31 ~(ta\ thu/mata di/dôsin) eis ta\ _gone/ôn_ (hiera\) ta\ ge/nê~.--Physical relationship between the ~gennê=tai~, originally a fact though afterwards only occasionally demonstrable, is indicated by the ancient name ~homoga/laktes~ applied to the members of the same clan (Philoch. _fr._ 91-4) and meaning strictly ~pai=des kai\ pai/dôn pai=des~ (Arist., _Pol._ 1252b, 18).--The word ~pa/tra~ with the same meaning as ~ge/nos~ (~Midulida=n pa/tra~, Pi., _P._ viii, 38), makes it still more clear that the members of such a group are regarded as the descendants of a single ancestor. See Dikaiarch. ap. St. Byz. ~pa/tra~.]

[50\4: Whose names were chosen by the voice of the Delphic oracle out of a hundred submitted to the Pythia. Arist. ~Athp.~ 21, 6. Cf. Mommsen, _Philol._, N.F. i, 456 f.]

[51\4: Instead of the common ~epô/numoi~ we also find the word ~_archê/getai_~ used of the Heroes of the phylai: Ar. ~Gê=ras~, _fr._ 126 H.-G. (_AB._ 449, 14); Pl., _Lys._ 205 D, cf. _CIA._ ii, 1191; 1575. It is even plainer that the Hero is regarded as the ancestor of his ~phulê/~ when he is called ~_archêgo/s_~: thus Oineus was the ~archêgo/s~ of the Oineïdai, Kekrops the ~archêgo/s~ of the Kekropidai, Hippothoön ~archêgo/s~ of the Hippothoöntidai in [Dem.] 60, 30-1. The ~archêgo\s tou= ge/nous~ is its physical forebear and progenitor, Poll. iii, 19: thus Apollo ~archêgo\s tou= ge/nous~ of the Seleucids, _CIG._ 3595, 26; cf. Isocr. 5, 32. Thus too the members of a phyle are actually described as the ~suggenei=s~ of their Hero eponymos: [Dem.] 60, 28.]

[52\4: Thus we know of both ~dê=mos~ and ~ge/nos~ of the Ionidai, Philaïdai, Boutadai (for the intentional distinctness of the Eteoboutadai see Meier, p. 39), Kephalidai, Perithoïdai, etc.: Meier, _de gentil. Attica_, p. 35. Such demes were called ~apo\ tô=n ktisa/ntôn~, others ~apo\ tô=n to/pôn~: Arist. ~Athp.~ 21, 5 (in which case a name as much like a personal name as possible was extracted out of the place-name and made into the local Hero: cf. Wachsm., _Stadt Athen_, ii, 1, 248 ff.). Similar conditions existed at other places. In Teos the same names occur as ~pu/rgoi (= dê=moi~ and ~summori/ai (= ge/nê~, e.g. ~Kolôti/ôn, tou= Alki/mou pu/rgou, Alkimi/dês~ (also names which differ ~Nai/ôn, tou= Mêra/dou pu/rgou, Bruski/dês~), _CIG._ 3064, where see Böckh II, p. 651. In Rhodos a ~pa/tra~ as well as its larger inclusive group (~ktoi/na~) is called ~Amphinei=s~: _IGM. Aeg._ i, 695, ~Amphine/ôn pa/trai; Euteli/dai, Amphinei=s~, etc. (Ancestor worship ~progonika\ hiera/~ in the Rhodian ~ktoi=nai~ is vouched for by Hesych. ~ktu/nai~: see Martha, _BCH._ iv, 144.)]

[53\4: Thus the descendants of Bakchis in Corinth traced their descent to Aletes (D.S. 7, 9, 4; Paus. 2, 4, 3); the descendants of Aipytos in Messenia to Kresphontes (Paus. 4, 3, 8), the descendants of Agis and Eurypon in Sparta to Eurysthenes and Prokles. The real ancestors were in these cases well known and could not be entirely eclipsed (being too deeply rooted in cult); thus later, as well as in the earlier period, these same families are called ~Bakchi/dai, Aiputi/dai~, not ~Hêraklei=dai~ (D.S., loc. cit., Paus. 4, 3, 8); the Spartan royal families are still Agidai, Eurypontidai, while the fictitious ancestors Eurysthenes and Prokles never quite achieved the status of ~archêge/tai~: Ephoros ap. Str. 366. In many other, perhaps more numerous, cases the fictitious ancestor may have ousted the real and once better known from men's minds altogether.]

[54\4: [Arist.] _Mirab._ 106.] {147}

[55\4: See Paus. 10, 4, 10. In an oracle ap. Plu., _Sol._ 9: ~_archêgou\s_ chô/ras thusi/ais _hê/rôas_ enoi/kous hi/laso~.]

[56\4: Plu., _Arist._ 11, names seven ~archêge/tai Plataie/ôn~; Clem. Al., _Protr._ ii, 35 P., gives four of these (~Kuklai=os~ seems to be a mistake). Androkrates seems to have been the most prominent; his ~te/menos~ is mentioned by Hdt. ix, 25, his ~hêrô=|on~ Thuc. iii, 24, 1; it stood in a thick grove, Paus. loc. cit.]

[57\4: Paus. 6, 24, 9-10.]

[58\4: A.R. ii, 835-50, says that this Hero was Idmon the prophet, others called him Agamestor. Sch. ad 845: ~le/gei de\ kai\ promathi/das, ho/ti dia\ to\ agnoei=n ho/stis ei/ê _epichô/rion hê/rôa_ kalou=sin hoi Hêrakleô=tai~. He was the local daimon worshipped on the spot before the colony came, and then taken over by the colonists for their own. Cf. the case of Rhesos, above, n. 36.]

[59\4: Paus. 6, 20, 15-19. It was a round altar, according to many ~ta/phos andro\s auto/chthonos kai\ agathou= ta\ es hippikê/n~--the grave and altar being one as was the grave and altar of Aiakos at Aegina, Paus. 2, 29, 8--whose name was Olenios. Acc. to others it was the grave of Dameon son of Phlious and of his horse; or the ~keno\n êri/on~ of Myrtilos set up in his honour by Pelops; or of Oinomaos; or of Alkathoös son of Porthaon, one of the suitors of Hippodameia--to say nothing of the learned suggestion of the ~anê\r Aigu/ptios~ given by Paus. l.c. as a last resort. Acc. to Hesych. ~tara/xippos~ it belonged to Pelops himself, acc. to Lyc. 42 f. to a giant called Ischenos (see Sch. and Tz.). Besides all this a ~tara/xippos~ seems to have been almost indispensable on the racecourses of the great games. The Isthmus and Nemea had theirs as well (Paus. § 19)--and Paus. 10, 37, 4, mentions it as something unusual that the course at Delphi had no ~tara/xippos~. Cf. Pollak, _Hippodromica_, p. 91 ff., 1890.]

[60\4: ~hê/rôs eu/odos~, _CIG._ 4838b, cf. Welcker, _Rhein. Mus._, N.F. vii, 618--~kalami/tês hê/rôs~ (Dem. 18, 129, with Sch. and Hesych. s.v.)--~hê/rôs teichophu/lax en Muri/nê|~, Hesych.--~hê/rôs epite/gios~, _CIA._ iii, 1, 290, and 1, 194-206, see Hiller v. Gärt., _Philol._ 55, 180 f.--With place-names ~ho epi\ blau/tê| hê/rôs~, Poll. vii, 87--~hê/roin em pedi/ô|~, Att. ins. ap., _Leg. Sacr._ i, p. 5.--In Epidauros on an architrave occurs the inscr. ~hê/rôos klaïkopho/rou~, _F. d'Epid._ i, n. 245. ~tô=| klaïkopho/rô|~ also occurs in an inscr. from Mt. Ithome, _Leg. Sacr._, p. 36 (n. 15, l. 11).--Probably to this class belongs the ~hê/rôs pa/nops~ at Athens, Pl. _Lys._ init.; Hesych. Phot. s.v.]

[61\4: ~hê/rôs iatro/s~ in Athens, _CIA._ ii, 403-4, see below.--A ~hê/rôs stratêgo/s~ is mentioned by a (late ins. ~Eph. Arch.~, 1884, p. 170, l. 53. From their activities are named also the Heroes Matton, Keraon in Sparta, Deipneus in Achaea (Polemon: Ath. ii, 39 C; iv, 173 F).--The ~Stephanêpho/rou hêrô=|on~ was mentioned by Antiph., ~stephanê/phoros hê/rôs~ by Hellan., but his name was unknown: Harp. Phot. Suid. s.v.; _AB._ 301, 19 ff. Cf. Böckh, _Econ. of Ath._^2, p. 144 Lew.; _CIG._ 1, p. 168.]

[62\4: In Phaleron there was an altar, ~kalei=tai de\ "hê/rôos"~--the learned declared it to be an altar of Androgeos the son of Minos: Paus. 1, 1, 4.--Cf. 10, 36, 6: ~Charadrai/ois~ (at Charadra in Phocis) ~Hêrô/ôn kaloume/nôn~ (i.e. they were _called_ "the Heroes") ~eisi\n en tê=| agora=| bômoi/, kai\ autou\s hoi me\n Dioskou/rôn, hoi de\ epichôri/ôn phasi\n ei=nai hêrô/ôn.--hêrôi, hêrôï/nê|~ a sacrifice is offered at Marathon: sacrificial Calendar of the Attic Tetrapolis (fourth century B.C.) in _Leg. Sacr._ i, p. 48. ~hê/rôi, hêrôï/nê|~, ib., p. 2; _CIA._ i, 4: fifth century.--Decree ordering a record to be set up in the Peiraeus ~para\ to\n hê/rô~, _SIG._ 834, 26; _CIA._ ii, 1546-7: ~hê/rô| ane/thêken ho dei=na~. Roehl, _IG._ {148} _Ant._ 29: (Mykenai) ~tou= hê/rôo/s êmi~, cf. Furtwängler, _Ath. Mitth._ 1896, p. 9; ib. 323; ~ane/thêkan tô=| hêrôi~ (Locris).--On the different superimposed layers of stucco on the so-called **Heroön west of the Altis at Olympia were the ins. ~Hê/rôos, Hê/rôor~, and once also ~Hêrô/ôn~. There seems to me to be no reason to suppose that this nameless Hero was Iamos in particular, the ancestor of the Iamidai (as Curtius does, _Die Altäre v. Olymp._, p. 25, _Abh. Berl. Ak._ 1881). For what reason should the name of this highly honoured oracular Hero--which had by no means been forgotten--be suppressed? The name of the Hero was not given for the simple reason that it was unknown. Nameless ~hê/rôes epichô/rioi~, who according to some had set up the great sacrificial altar of Zeus in Olympia, are mentioned by Paus. 5, 13, 8. In some cases the namelessness of a Hero is explained by the fear of uttering awful names, which esp. in the case of the spirits of the lower world are very frequently suppressed or referred to by a circumlocution (cf. Erinyes and spirits of the dead, _Rh. Mus._ 50, 20, 3): cf. Ant. Lib. 13, p. 214, 19 W. This was perhaps why Narkissos was called ~hê/rôs sigêlo/s~, Str. 404. On the other hand, it was a special form of respect, at the sacrifice to a Hero, to call out his _name_: ~tô=| Artachai/ê| thu/ousi Aka/nthioi ek theopropi/ou hôs hê/rôï epounoma/zontes to\ ou/noma~, Hdt. vii, 117. ~Hu/la| thu/ousin kai\ auto\n ex ono/matos eis tri\s ho hiereu\s phônei= ktl.~ Anton. Lib. 26 fin. Cf. Paus. 8, 26, 7; ~epikalou/menoi to\n Mui/agron~.--No one will miss the obvious analogy with the worship of the gods. In many places in Greece nameless (or merely "adjectival") gods were worshipped, ~a/gnôstoi theoi/~, as at Olympia, Paus. 5, 14, 8, and elsewhere. At Phaleron ~bômoi\ theô=n te onomazome/nôn agnô/stôn kai\ hêrô/ôn~ (sc., ~agnô/stôn~?) Paus. 1, 1, 4. (~agnô=tes theoi\~ Poll. viii, 119. Hesych. s.v.: ~bômoi\ anô/numoi~ in Attica D.L. i, 110.)]

[63\4: ~Tlapole/mô| archage/ta|~ Pi., _O._ vii, 78; _P._ v, 56. The regular custom is mentioned by Ephorus ap. Str. 366: ~oud' archêge/tas nomisthê=nai; ho/per pa=sin apodi/dotai oikistai=s~.]

[64\4: ~Dêmoklei/dên de\ katastê=sai tê\n apoiki/an _autokra/tora_~. Official decree about Brea: _CIA._ i, 31 [Hicks and Hill^2, n. 41, l. 8].]

[65\4: Pi., _P._ v, 87 ff.]

[66\4: Hdt. vi, 38.]

[67\4: D.S. 11, 66, 4.]

[68\4: Hdt. i, 168.]

[69\4: Thuc. v, 11.--Thus in the fourth century at Sikyon Euphron the leader of the demos has been murdered by some of the other party, but ~hoi poli=tai autou= hôs a/ndra agatho\n komisa/menoi e/thapsa/n te en tê=| agora=| kai\ hôs archêge/tên tê=s po/leôs se/bontai~, Xen., _HG._ 7, 4, 12.]

[70\4: Worship of the law-givers of Tegea as Heroes: Paus. 8, 48, 1.]

[71\4: In the case of Sophokles the "heroizing" had a special superstitious reason. He had once received Asklepios as a guest into his house (and established a worship of A.) and was therefore regarded as especially favoured by heaven and after his death worshipped as Hero ~Dexi/ôn~: _EM._ 256, 7-13. (In the temple of Amynos, an Asklepiad daimon, on the west of the Akropolis an honorific decree dating from the end of the fourth century B.C. has been discovered, referring to the ~orgeô=nes tou= _Dexi/ônos_~ together with those of Amynos and Asklepios: _Ath. Mitt._ 1896, p. 299.) In this way many mortals who had entertained the gods as guests were themselves made Heroes, cf. Deneken, _de Theoxen._ c, ii.]

[72\4: In the examples collected in n. 35 above the removal of the Hero's bones was in each case commanded by the Delphic oracle. Typical examples of the foundation of an annual festival of a Hero on {149} the recommendation of an oracle: Hdt. i, 167; Paus. 8, 23, 7; 9, 38, 5.]

[73/4: Plu. _Cim._ 19--his authority is Nausikrates ~ho rhê/tôr~ the pupil of Isokrates. The god ordered ~mê\ amelei=n Ki/mônos~. Kimon's spirit was thus expressing its anger at the "neglect" by sending pestilence and ~gê=s aphori/a~--he wanted a cult.]

[74\4: Appearance at the battle of Marathon, command of the oracle ~tima=n Echetlai=on hê/rôa~, Paus. 1, 32, 5.--Swarm of bees in the severed head of Onesilos at Amathos; the oracle orders his head to be buried ~Onêsi/lô| de\ thu/ein hôs hê/rôi ana\ pa=n e/tos~, Hdt. v, 114.]

[75\4: Before the battle of Plataea: Plu., _Arist._ 11. Before the occupation of Salamis the oracle ordered Solon ~archêgou\s hê/rôas _hi/laso_~, Plu. _Sol._ 9.]

[76\4: The Persian Artachaies, of the family of the Achaimenidai, was given a burial of great pomp after his death, by Xerxes at Akanthos: ~thu/ousi Aka/nthioi ek theopropi/ou hôs hêrôi epounoma/zontes to\ ou/noma~, Hdt. vii, 117 (--the ~Artachai/ou ta/phos~ remained a well-known spot, Ael., _HA._ xiii, 20). It is hardly likely that the unusual size of the Persian of which Hdt. speaks was the cause of his being made a Hero by the oracle.]

[77\4: Paus. 6, 9, 6-7. Plu., _Rom._ 28. Oinom. ap. Eus., _PE._ 5, 34, p. 230 C (Vig.). Celsus _c. Xt._ also refers to the miracle, Or., _Cels._ iii, 33, p. 292 L. Cf. iii, 3, p. 256; iii, 25, p. 280.]

[78\4: Kleomedes ~moi/ra| tôi\ daimoni/a| _die/ptê_ apo\ tê=s kibôtou=~, Cels. ap. Orig., _Cels._ iii, 33, p. 293 L. Oinom. ap. Euseb., _PE._ 5, 34, 1, (p. 296 Giff.): ~hoi theoi\ _anêrei/psanto/_ se hô/sper hoi tou= Homê/rou to\n Ganumê/dên~. Thus the gods, acc. to the popular opinion derided by Oinom., gave Kleomedes _immortality_, ~athanasi/an e/dôkan~, p. 297 Giff.]

[79\4: We rarely hear of other oracles directing Heroes to be worshipped. But cf. Xenag. ap. Macr. 5, 18, 30: on the occasion of a failure of the crops at Sicily ~e/thusan Pediokra/tê| tini\ hê/rôi prosta/xantos autoi=s tou= ek Palikô=n chrêstêri/ou~.--This Hero is probably the same as Pediakrates, one of the six ~stratêgoi/~ of the ~egchô/rioi Sikanoi/~ in Sicily who were slain by Herakles and ~me/chri tou= nu=n hêrôïkê=s timê=s tucha/nousin~. D.S. 4, 23, 5: from Timaeus?]

[80\4: The lines of the oracle about Kleomedes may very well be ancient (~e/schatos hêrô/ôn ktl.~) simply on the ground that its assertion had not been fulfilled. If oracles that come true are rightly regarded as subsequent to the events which they profess to foresee, then it is only reasonable to regard an oracle which is proved incorrect by later events as _earlier_ than the events which contradict its prophecy.]

[81\4: ~hou=tos ga\r ho theo\s peri\ ta\ toiau=ta pa=sin anthrô/pois pa/trios exêgêtê\s en me/sô| tê=s gê=s epi\ tou= omphalou= kathê/menos exêgei=tai~, in the words of Plato, _Rp._ 427 C.]

[82\4: ~gi/netai en Delphoi=s hê/rôsi xe/nia, en hoi=s dokei= ho theo\s epi\ xe/nia kalei=n tou\s hê/rôas~, Sch. Pi. _N._ vii, 68.]

[83\4: Plu., _Arist._ 21.--Grave of the Megarians who had fallen in the Persian wars, erected in the market of that city: _CIG._ 1051 (= Sim., _fr._ 107 _PLG._), Paus. 1, 43, 3. We hear nothing of the Hero-worship of these men, but it is natural to suppose it.--Thus in Phigaleia in the market place there was a common grave of the hundred Oresthasians who had died fighting for Phigaleia, ~kai\ hôs _hê/rôsin_ autoi=s enagi/zousin ana\ pa=n e/tos~, Paus. 8, 41, 1.]

[84\4: Paus. 1, 32, 4: ~se/bontai de\ hoi Marathô/nioi tou/tous, hoi\ para\ tê\n ma/chên ape/thanon _hê/rôas_ onoma/zontes~. They lay buried on the field of battle, Paus. 1, 29, 4; 32, 3. Every night could be heard the neighing {150} of horses and the sound of battle. Those who attempted to witness the doings of the spirits suffered for it, Paus. l.c. The sight of the spirits made men blind or killed them. This is well known of gods--~chalepoi\ de\ theoi\ phai/nesthai enargô=s~. As to the results of seeing a Hero cf. the story in Hdt. vi, 117.]

[85\4: Pi., _I._ iv, 26 ff.; cf. _N._ iv, 46 ff.]

[86\4: Hdt. ii, 44, has recourse to the idea that there was a difference between the god Herakles and the Hero Herakles the son of Amphitryon: ~kai\ doke/ousi de/ moi hou=toi ortho/tata Hellê/nôn poie/ein, hoi\ dixa\ Hêra/kleia hidrusa/menoi e/ktêntai kai\ tô=| me\n hôs athana/tô| Olumpi/ô| de\ epônumi/ên thu/ousi, tô=| de\ hete/rô| hôs hê/rôï enagi/zousi~. Combination of ~thu/ein~ and ~enagi/zein~ in one sacrifice to Herakles, at Sikyon: Paus. 2, 10, 1. Herakles ~hê/rôs theo/s~ Pi., _N._ iii, 22.]

[87\4: Varying worship of the same person as Hero and as god, e.g. Achilles. He was a god in Epirus for example (called upon as ~A/spetos~, Plu., _Pyr._ 1) in Astypalaia (Cic., _ND._ iii, 45) in Erythrai (third century ins. _SIG._ 600, 50, 75), etc. As Hero he was worshipped in Elis where an empty grave was erected to him ~ek mantei/as~, and where at his annual festival at sunset the women ~ko/ptesthai nomi/zousin~, i.e. lament over him as dead. Paus. 6, 23, 3.]

[88\4: I shall not multiply examples and only note Plu., _M. Virt._, p. 255 E: ~tê=| Lampsa/kê| pro/teron hêrôïka\s tima\s apodido/ntes, hu/steron hôs theô=| thu/ein epsêphi/santo~.]

[89\4: In the well-known lines ~hê/keis ô= Lu/ko/orge ktl.~ Hdt. i, 65.]

[90\4: Thus Eupolis calls the Hero Akademos ~theo/s~, as Sophokles does the Hero Kolonos, and others do the same, see Nauck on Soph., _OC._ 65.]

[91\4: ~hoi hê/rôes kai\ hai hêrôi/des toi=s theoi=s to\n auto\n e/chousi lo/gon~ (i.e. for dream-interpretation), ~plê\n ho/sa duna/meôs apolei/pontai~, Artemid. iv, 78.--Paus. 10, 31, 11: the ancients considered the Eleusinian mysteries as ~tosou=ton entimo/teron~ than all other religious ceremonies ~ho/sô| kai\ theou\s epi/prosthen hêrô/ôn~.]

[92\4: Machaon's ~mnê=ma~ and ~hiero\n ha/gion~ at Gerenia, Paus. 3, 26, 9. His bones had been brought by Nestor when he came home from Troy: § 10. Cf. Schol. Marc. and Tz. Lyc. 1048. The first to sacrifice to him was Glaukos the son of Aipytos: Paus. 4, 3, 9.--Podaleirios. His ~hêrô=|on~ lay at the foot of the ~lo/phos Dri/on~ by Mt. Garganus 100 stades from the sea, ~rhei= de\ ex autou= pota/mion pa/nakes pro\s ta\s tô=n thremma/tôn no/sous~, Str. 284. The method of _incubation_ given in the text is described by Lyc. 1047-55. He also speaks of a river Althainis (so called because of its medicinal properties, cf. _EM._ 63, 3, from Schol. Lyc.), which cured disease if one sprinkled oneself with water from it.--? from Timaeus, cf. Tz. on 1050. (Cf. also the spring by the Amphiaraion at Oropos: Paus. 1, 34, 4.)]

[93\4: Paus. 2, 38, 6.--The brother of Polemokrates, Alexanor, had a **heroön at Titane in the territory of Sikyon: Paus. 2, 11, 7; 23, 4; but we hear nothing of sick-cures (though his name would lead us to suspect such).--Other Asklepiadai: Nikomachos, Gorgasos, Sphyros (Wide, _Lac. Culte_, 195).]

[94\4: Sanctuary of ~Hê/rôs iatro/s~ near the Theseion: Dem. 19, 249; 18, 129; Apollon., _V. Aesch._, p. 265, 5 f. West. Decree about melting down silver votive-offerings (third and second century), _CIA._ ii, 403-4.--Acc. to Usener (_Götternamen_, 149-53) ~Iatro/s~ is to be regarded as the _proper_ name of this Hero (really a functional "_Sondergott_") and not as an adjectival description of a nameless Hero (as in ~hê/rôs stratêgo/s, stephanêpho/ros, klaïkopho/ros~--this last in two different places, like ~hê/rôs iatro/s~, see above, n. 61). Acc. to {151} his view ~Iatro/s~ was given the adj. title ~hê/rôs~ to distinguish him from a ~theo\s Iatro/s~. But this would only be possible if there existed a god who was not merely an ~iatro/s~ and so called by this title, like ~Apo/llôn, Poseidô=n iatro/s~, but whose _proper name_ was ~Iatro/s~. But there was no such god. Usener (151) infers the existence of a god ~Iatro/s~ out of the proper name ~Iatroklê=s~. But this would only be justifiable if there were not a whole host of proper names compounded with ~-klê=s~, the first part of which is anything but a god's name (list in Fick, _Griech. Personennamen_^2, p. 165 ff.).--There seems no real reason for understanding the name ~hê/rôs iatro/s~ differently from the analogous ~hê/. stratêgo/s, hê/. teichophu/lax~, etc.--There existed besides even ~nu/mphai iatroi/, peri\ Êlei/an~. Hesych.]

[95\4: _CIA._ ii, 404, distinguishes the Hero referred to by the decree as the ~hê/rôs iatro\s ho en a/stei~. This clearly implies a second ~hê/rôs iatro/s~, outside Athens. But the Rhet. Lex. in _AB._ 262, 16 f. (cf. Sch. Dem., p. 437, 19-20 Di.), speaks of a ~hê/rôs iatro/s~ called Aristomachos ~ho/s eta/phê en Marathô=ni para\ to\ Dionu/sion~, who it is clear cannot be the ~hê/rôs iatro\s~ that Demosthenes meant--for he is ~ho en a/stei~; but the description applies very well to the Hero Physician worshipped in Attica outside the ~a/stu~. See L. v. Sybel, _Hermes_, xx, 43.]

[96\4: Cenotaph of Kalchas in Apulia near the heroön of Podaleirios, Lyc. 1047 ff.--his body was said to be buried in Kolophon: ~No/stoi~; Tz. Lyc. 427; Schol. D.P. 850. ~egkoi/mêsis~ at his heroön, sleeping on the skin of the sacrificed ram: Str. 284; the same as, acc. to Lycophron, in the temple of Podaleirios. It almost looks like a mistake in either Strabo or Lyc. But the ritual may quite well have been the same in both temples and we find it again in the dream-oracle of Amphiaraos in Oropos, Paus. 1, 34, 5.--At the present day the Archangel Michael is worshipped at Monte Sant' Angelo beneath Mt. Garganus. He appeared there during the fifth century and in a cave which is perhaps rightly regarded as the former site of the incubation-oracle of Kalchas: Lenormant, _à travers l'Apulie_, i, p. 61, Paris, 1883. S. Michael had in other cases also taken over the duties of the ancient _incubation_ mantic, and continued them in a Christian form--though the task belonged more often to SS. Cosmas and Damian--e.g. in the Michaelion in Constantinople, the ancient ~Sôsthe/nion~: see Malal., pp. 78-9 Bonn.; Soz., _HE._ ii, 3.]

[97\4: Lyc. 799 f. Arist. and Nicand. in Schol. ad loc. Was there a legend that made Odysseus die there? Lyc. himself, it is true, gives quite a different story a little later (805 ff.), much to the amazement of his scholiasts. Perhaps in 799 f. he was thinking, in spite of the dream oracle, only of a ~keno\n sê=ma~ of Odysseus in Aetolia (as in the case of Kalchas).]

[98\4: Grave of Prot.: Hdt. ix, 116 ff.; Lyc. 532 ff. ~hiero\n tou= Prôtesila/ou~ Thuc. viii, 102, 3. Oracle: Philostr., _Her._ 678, p. 146 f. K. It was esp. also an oracle of healing: ib., 147, 30 f. K.]

[99\4: An oracle "_Sarpedonis in Troade_" is mentioned in a cursory enumeration of oracular sites by Tert., _An._ 46. It is difficult to imagine how Sarpedon, the Homeric one--no other can be meant here--whose body had been so ceremoniously brought to Lykia, can have had an oracle in the Troad. It may be merely a slip of the pen on Tertullian's part.--At Seleucia in Cilicia there was an oracle of Apollo Sarpedonios, D.S. 32, 10, 2; Zos. 1, 57. Wesseling on D.S. ii, p. 519, has already called attention to the more detailed account in the _Vit. S. Theclae_ of Basilius bishop of Seleucia; see the extracts given by R. Köhler, _Rhein. Mus._ 14, 472 ff. There the oracle is described {152} as a dream-oracle of Sarpedon himself who was consulted at his grave in Seleucia. It is also certain, as Köhler remarks, that Sarpedon, the son of Europa and brother of Minos, is meant. (This Cretan Sarpedon appears first in Hesiod and is quite distinct from the Homeric one: Aristonic. on ~Z~ 199. Indeed, Homer knows no other brother of Minos except Rhadamanthys: ~X~ 322. In spite of this he was often regarded as the same as the Homeric Sarpedon who came from Lykia [cf. the name Zrppädoni on the Obelisk of Xanthos: _Lyc. Inscr._ tab. vii, l. 6]; acc. to [Apollod.] 3, 1, 3, he lived through three ~geneai/~, cf. Schol. V., ~Z~ 199: which seems a marvellous feat much in the manner of Hellanikos. Others made the Cretan Sarp. into the grandfather of the Lykian: D.S. 5, 79, 3.) The oracle belonged properly to Sarpedon; Apollo seems merely to have been an intruder here and to have taken the place of the Hero as he did with Hyakinthos at Amyklai. That Sarpedon, however, was not therefore quite forgotten is shown by the Christian notice of him. Perhaps Apollo was regarded as merely the patron of the oracle whose real guardian was still Sarpedon. It certainly indicates community of worship when Ap. is there called ~Apo/llôn Sarpêdo/nios~; so too in Tarentum--brought thither from Sparta and Amyklai--there was a ~ta/phos para\ me/n tisin Huaki/nthou prosagoreuo/menos, para\ de/ tisin Apo/llônos Huaki/nthou~ (in which no alteration is necessary), Plb. 8, 30, 2. In Goityn there was a cult of Atymnos (Solin. 11, 9, p. 73 Mom.), the beloved of Apollo (or of Sarpedon): he too was worshipped as Apollo Atymnios (Nonn., _D._ 11, 131; 258; 12, 217).]

[100\4: The inhabitants of Gadeira sacrificed to Men.; Philostr., _VA._ 5, 4, p. 167, 10 K. ~to\ Menesthe/ôs _mantei=on_~ on the Baetis is mentioned by Str., p. 140. How it got there we do not know.]

[101\4: Str. 546. Autol. came there as a sharer in the expedition of Herakles against the Amazons and with the Argonauts. A.R. ii, 955-61. Plut., _Luc._ 23.]

[102\4: For Anios see Meineke, _An. Alex._ 16-17; Wentzel in Pauly-Wissowa _Anios_. Apollo taught him the mantic art and gave him great ~tima/s~: D.S. 5, 62, 2. He is called ~ma/ntis~ also by Clem. Al., _Strom._ i, p. 400 P. Perhaps he was also a mantic Hero in the cult that was paid to him at Delos; in giving a list of the ~dai/monas epichôri/ous~, Clem. Al., _Protr._ ii, p. 35 P., mentions also ~para\ d' Êlei/ous A/nion~, which Sylburg corrected to ~para\ Dêli/ois~. A priest of Anios ~hiereu\s Ani/ou~ at Delos is given _CIA._ ii, 985 D 10; E 4, 53.]

[103\4: D.S. 5, 63, 2. There she is identified with Molpadia, daughter of Staphylos. In that case ~hêmithe/a~ would more probably be an adjectival title of a Heroine whose real name was unknown, like the names of the unknown Heroes mentioned above, nn. 60-2. The daughter of Kyknos of the same name is quite a different person.]

[104\4: Plut., _Agis_, 9, cf. Cic., _Div._ i, 43. At Thalamai we hear of a dream-oracle of _Ino_ in front of which was a statue of Pasiphaë: Paus. 3, 26, 1. This probably means, as Welcker, _Kl. Schr._ iii, 92, says, that the same oracle had once belonged to Pas., but had then been afterwards dedicated to Ino. (Not of course that Pasiphaë = Ino, and this is not suggested by W., but merely that Ino may have taken the place of Pas.) A ~mantei=on tê=s Pasiphi/lês~ is also mentioned by Apollon., _Mir._ 49: see also Müller, _FHG._ ii, 288 [see Keller, _Paradoxogr._, p. 55, 15].]

[105\4: Something of the kind seems to be suggested by Pi., _P._ viii, 57: I praise Alkmaion ~gei/tôn ho/ti moi kai\ ktea/nôn phu/lax emô=n hupa/ntase/ t' io/nti ga=s omphalo\n par' aoi/dimon manteuma/tôn t' epha/psato suggo/noisi {153} te/chnais~. Those much-discussed words I can only interpret as follows. Alkmaion had a ~hêrô=|on~ near Pindar's house: he could only be "Guardian of his possessions" if he were either the guardian spirit of his neighbour or if Pindar had deposited money for safe keeping in his temple--the custom is well known, see Büchsenschütz, _Besitz in Cl. Alt._, p. 508 ff. As Pindar was once thinking of going to Delphi "Alk. applied himself to the prophetic arts traditional in his family" (~te/chnais~ to be connected with ~epha/ps.~, a construction common in Pind.): i.e. he made him a revelation in a dream--on what subject Pindar does not say--as was customary in the family of the Amythaonidai, though not generally undertaken by Alkmaion (elsewhere who unlike his brother Amphilochos nowhere seems to have had a dream-oracle of his own. (It seems to be a mere slip when Clem. Al., _Str._ i, p. 400 P. attributes the Oracle in Akarnania to Alk. instead of Amphil.)]

[106\4: Plu., _Q. Gr._, 40, 300 D.]

[107\4: Thus no herald might approach the heroön of Okridion in Rhodes, Plu., _Q. Gr._, 27, 297 C. No flute-player might approach, nor the name of Achilles be mentioned in the heroön of Tenes at Tenedos, ib., 28, 297 D. How an old grievance of a Hero might be continued into his after-life as a spirit is shown by an instructive example given by Hdt. v, 67.]

[108\4: Paus. 9, 38, 5. The fetters were no doubt intended in such cases to fasten the statue (as the abode of the Hero himself) to the site of his worship. Thus in Sparta an ~a/galma archai=on~ of Enyalios was kept in fetters. About this the ~gnô/mê tô=n Lakedaimoni/ôn~ was that ~ou/pote to\n Enua/lion pheu/gonta oichê/sesthai/ sphisin enecho/menon tai=s pe/dais~, Paus. 3, 15, 7. Similar things elsewhere: Lob., _Agl._ 275; cf. again Paus. 8, 41, 6. The striking effect of the statue fastened to the rocks may then very well have given rise to the (aetiological) legend of the ~pe/tran e/chon ei/dôlon~.]

[109\4: Hdt. vii, 169-70.]

[110\4: Hdt. vii, 134-7.]

[111\4: Sanctity of trees and groves dedicated to a Hero: Ael., _VH._ v, 17: Paus. 2, 28, 7; but esp. 8, 24, 7.]

[112\4: The story of the wrath of the Hero of Anagyros is told, with a few variations in detail, by Jerome ap. Suid. ~Ana/g. dai/môn~ = Apostol. ix, 79; Dgn., _Prov._ iii, 31 (in cod. Coisl., p. 219 f. Götting.); cf. Zenob. ii, 55 = Dgn. i, 25. Similar stories of a ~dai/môn Kili/kios, Ai/neios~, are implied but not related by Macarius, iii, 18 (ii, p. 155 Gött.).]

[113\4: The story in Suid. goes back to Hieron. Rhod. ~peri\ tragô|diopoiô=n~ (_fr._ 4 Hill.), who compared the story with the theme of the Euripides _Phoenix_.]

[114\4: According to Paus. the ghost was explained to be one of the companions of Odysseus. Strabo says more particularly Polites, who was one of these. But a copy of an ancient picture representing the adventure called the daimon Lykas and made him black and grim-looking and dressed in a wolf-skin. The last is probably merely symbolic and represents _full_ wolf-shape such as belonged to the Athenian Hero Lykos: Harp. ~deka/zôn~. Wolf-shape given to a death-bringing spirit of the underworld, as often: cf. Roscher, _Kynanth._ 60-1. This must have been the more ancient form of the legend and the daimon was only subsequently changed into a Hero.]

[115\4: The story in its general outline recalls esp. the other Greek legends in which similar rescues occur; we are reminded not merely of the stories of Perseus and Andromeda or Herakles and Hesione, but also of the fight of Herakles with Thanatos for the sake of Alkestis, {154} in Eurip., _Alc._, and of Koroibos' struggle with the ~Poi/nê~ in Argos. But the story of Euthymos and the Hero of Temesa agrees even in its details with a story coming from a far distant locality, Krisa at the foot of Mt. Parnassos, where lived the monster Lamia, or Sybaris, who was overthrown by Eurybatos--as it is told in Nikander's ~Heteroiou/mena~, ap. Ant. Lib. viii--and is even to this day related as a fairy-tale; see B. Schmidt. _Gr. Märchen_, 142, 246 f. It is unnecessary to suppose imitation of either legend by the other; both independently reproduce the same fairy-tale motif, which is in fact very common everywhere. The monster overcome by the champion is regularly a chthonic being, a fiend from below: Thanatos, Poine, Lamia (which is the generic name, ~Su/baris~ being apparently the special name of this particular Lamia) and the ghostly "Hero" of Temesa.]

[116\4: Paus. 6, 6, 7-11, the main source; Str. 255; Ael., _VH._ viii, 18; Plut. Paroem. ii, 31; Suid. ~Eu/thumos~. The "translation" occurs in Paus. Ael., and Suid. According to Aelian he went to the River Kaikinos near his old home Locri and disappeared: ~aphanisthê=nai~. (The river-god Kaikinos is regarded as his real father: Paus. 6, 6, 4.) Perhaps the heroön of Euthymos may have been near the river. "Heroizing" of Euthymos by a flash of lightning is confirmed by his statue: Callim., _fr._ 399; Pliny, _NH._ 7, 152; Schol. Paus. _Hermes_, 29, 148. Inscription on base of statue of E. at Olympia: _Arch. Zeit._, 1878, p. 82.]

[117\4: Paus. 6, 11, 2-9; D. Chr. 31, 340 M. [i, 247 Arn.]. Cf. Oinom. ap. Eus. _PE._ 5, 34, p. 231-2 V. Oinomaos 232 C refers to a similar legend of the _pentathlos_ Euthykles and his statue, at Locri.]

[118\4: The story of Mitys (or Bitys) in Argos is known from Arist. _Po._ 9, p. 1452a, 7 ff. (_Mirab._ 156). A few more such stories are recorded in Wyttenbach, Plu. _M._ vii, p. 316 (Oxon.); cf. also Theoc. 23. Just as in the story of Theagenes, the statue was punished as responsible for the murder, so, too, the attribution of a fetichistic personality to inanimate objects lies at the bottom of the ancient customs observed in the Athenian murder laws, by which judgment was given in the Prytaneion ~peri\ tô=n apsu/chôn tô=n empeso/ntôn tini\ kai\ apokteina/ntôn~: Poll. viii, 120, after Dem. 23, 76, cf. Arist. ~Athp.~ 57, 4. Such judgments cannot originally have been merely symbolical in meaning.]

[119\4: Luc., _D. Conc._ 12; Paus. 6, 11, 9.]

[120\4: Luc., l.c. On Polydamas see Paus. 6, 5, and among many others Eus. _Chron. Olympionic._, Ol. 93, p. 204 Sch.]

[121\4: His victory was won in Ol. 6 (see also Eus. _Chron._, Ol. 6, p. 196); the statue erected to him only in Ol. 80; Paus. 7, 17, 6.]

[122\4: Paus. 7, 17, 13-14.]

[123\4: Plu., _Thes._ 35.]

[124\4: Paus. 1, 15, 3; 32, 5.]

[125\4: Hdt. viii, 38-9.]

[126\4: Hdt. viii, 64. The difference should be noted: ~_eu/xasthai_ toi=si theoi=si kai\ _epikale/sasthai_ tou\s Aiaki/das _summa/chous_~. So, too, we are told in Hdt. v, 75, that both the Tyndaridai ~epi/klêtoi ei/ponto~ the Spartans into the field. (The Aeginetans sent the Aiakidai to the help of the Thebans, but as they proved unprofitable the Thebans ~tou\s Aiaki/das apedi/dosan~. Hdt. v, 80).]

[127\4: Plu., _Them._ 15.]

[128\4: Hdt. viii, 121.]

[129\4: Kychreus: Paus. 1, 36, 1. The Hero himself appeared as a snake, as also e.g. Sosipolis in Elis before the battle, Paus. 6, 20, 4-5; Erichthonios, Paus. 1, 24, 7: for ~hoi palaioi\ ma/lista tô=n zô/ôn to\n dra/konta toi=s hê/rôsi sunô|kei/ôsan~, Plu., _Cleom._ 39. The temple snake, {155} the ~Kuchrei/dês o/phis~ kept at Eleusis, was undoubtedly the Hero himself; though acc. to the rationalizing account in Str. 393-4 it had merely been reared by Kychreus.]

[130\4: Themistokles in Hdt. viii, 109.]

[131\4: Xen., _Cyn._ i, 17.]

[132\4: The Dioscuri helped the Spartans in war, Hdt. v, 75; the Locrian Aias the Locrians in Italy: Paus. 3, 19, 12-13; Conon 18 (artistically elaborated and no longer naive legend but both taken from the same source).]

[133\4: Hdt. vi, 61 (hence Paus. 3, 7, 7); grave of Helen at Therapne, Paus. 3, 19, 8.]

[134\4: Hdt. vi, 69. Thus, too, the Theagenes mentioned above was regarded in Thasos not as the son of Timosthenes, ~tou= Theage/nous de\ tê=| mêtri\ Hêrakle/ous suggene/sthai pha/sma eoiko\s Timosthe/nei~, Paus. 6, 11, 2.--Everyone will be reminded, too, of the fable of Zeus and Alkmene. But it should be noticed how near such stories as that so naively told by Herod. approach the risky novel-plot in which some profane mortal visits in disguise an unsuspecting woman and plays the part of a god or spirit-lover. That in Greece, too, such stories were current we may perhaps deduce from Eur., _Ion_, 1530 ff. Ov., _M._ iii, 281; says outright: multi nomine divorum thalamos iniere pudicos. An adventure of this sort is told by the writer of [Aeschines] _Ep._ 10, and he is able to produce two similar cases which he certainly has not invented himself (8-9).--In more recent times both western and Oriental nations have delighted in telling such stories; a typical Oriental example is the story of "the Weaver as Vishnu" in the Panchatantra (see Benfey, _Pantsch._ i, § 56); in the West there is the story of Boccaccio dealing with Alberto of Imola as the angel Gabriel, _Decam._ iv, 2--Very suspicious, too, seems the account of a miracle that occurred in Epidauros: a barren woman comes to the temple of Asklepios to seek advice by ~egkoi/mêsis~. A big snake approaches her and she has a child. ~Eph. Arch.~ 1885, pp. 21-2, l. 129 ff.]

[135\4: ~ek tou= hêrôi/ou tou= para\ tê=|si thu/rê|si **tê=|si aulei/ê|si hidrume/nou~, Hdt. vi, 69.]

[136\4: Hero ~epi\ prothu/rô|~, Callim., _Ep._ 26; a Hero ~pro\ pu/lais, pro\ do/moisin~, late epigram from Thrace, _Epigr. Gr._ 841; ~hê/rôas plêsi/on tê=s tou= ido/ntos oiki/as hidrume/nous~, Artemid. iv, 79, p. 248, 9 H. This, too, is how Pindar's words about the Hero Alkmaion as his ~gei/tôn~ are to be understood: _Pyth._ viii, 57, see above, n. 105. An Aesopian fable dealing with the relations of a man with his neighbour-Hero begins ~hê/rôa/ tis epi\ tê=s oiki/as e/chôn tou/tô| polutelô=s e/thuen~, 161 Halm.; cf. also Babr. 63.--A similar idea is at work when a son put up a monument to his father at the doorway of his house--see the fine lines of Eur., _Hel._ 1165 ff.]

[137\4: ~Ku/prô| e/ntha Teu=kros _apa/rchei_~. Aias ~_e/chei_~ Salamis and Achilles his island in the Pontus; ~The/tis de\ _kratei=_ Phthi/a|~, and so, too, Neoptolemos in Epirus: Pi., _N._ iv, 46-51; ~_amphe/pei_~ used of a Hero, _P._ ix, 70; ~toi=s theoi=s kai\ hê/rôsi toi=s _kate/chousi_ tê\n po/lin kai\ tê\n chô/ran tê\n Athênai/ôn~: Dem. 18, 184.]

[138\4: Cf. Alabandus whom the inhabitants of Alabanda sanctius colunt quam quemquam nobilium deorum: Cic., _ND._ iii, 50 (in connexion with an anecdote relating to the fourth century)--Tenem, qui apud Tenedios sanctissimus deus habetur, Cic., _V._ ii, 1, 49.]

{{156}}

##