CHAPTER XIV

## PART II

[1\15: See above, chap. v, p. 162 f.]

[2\15: Lucian 50, _De Luctu_: washing, anointing, crowning of the dead body, ~pro/thesis~: c. 11. Violent dirge-singing over the dead, 12; accompanied by the ~aulo/s~, 19; and led by a special singer ~thrênô=n sophistê/s~, 20. Special lament by the father, 13. The dead is before them with jaws tied up and so secured against unsightly gaping--19 fin. (a stronger form of the Homeric ~su/n te sto/m' erei/dein~, ~l~ 426). For this purpose narrow bands are drawn round the chin, cheeks, and forehead of the dead man. We sometimes see them represented on vases depicting a lying-in-state, and they have also been found sometimes in graves in which case they have been made of metal (gold or lead): see Wolters, _Ath. Mitth._ 1896, p. 367 ff. ~esthê/s, ko/smos~ (even including horses and slaves) burnt or buried in company with the dead for his pleasure, 14. ~obolo/s~ given to the dead, 10. The dead fed by ~choai/~ and ~kathagi/smata~, 9. The gravestone crowned; sprinkled with ~a/kratos~; burnt offering, 19. ~peri/deipnon~ after a three days' fast, 24.]

[3\15: From a rather earlier period we hear that it is a bad thing to be dead ~mê\ tucho/nta tô=n nomi/môn~--it is an infamous deed for the son to deny his father ~ta\ nomizo/mena~ after death; Din., _Aristog._ viii, 18; cf. [D.] 25, 54.--The dead man says with satisfaction ~pa/nth' ho/sa toi=s chrêstoi=s phthime/nois no/mos esti\ gene/sthai tô=nde tuchô\n kagô\ to/nde ta/phon kate/chô~, _Epigr. Gr._, 137; cf. 153, 7-8.]

[4\15: ~homo/taphoi~ are mentioned among other associations as occurring in a Solonian law: _Digest._ 47, 22, 4. These would probably be special _collegia funeraticia_ (at any rate societies of which the exclusive or essential bond of union consisted in ~homou= taphê=nai~--and not, therefore, any of the ordinary ~thi/asoi~ or any "gentilician association" as Ziebarth thinks, _Gr. Vereinswesen_, p. 17 [1896]). There are also traces (but not very frequent) of common burial grounds belonging to ~thi/asoi~; e.g. in Kos, _Inscr. Cos_, 155-9. ~eranistai/~ bury their dead member, _CIA._ ii, 3308; ~summu/stai~ do the same, _Ath. Mitt._ ix, 35. A member contributes as ~tami/as~ of the _collegium_ out of his own means, for the benefit of dead members of an ~e/ranos, eis tê\n taphê/n, tou= euschêmonei=n autou\s kai\ teteleutêko/tas ktl.~, _CIA._ ii, 621 (about 150 B.C.). Another ~tami/as de/dôken toi=s metalla/xasin (thiasô/tais) ta\ taphiko\n parachrê=ma~ ins. from Attica, third century B.C. _CIA._ iv, 2, 623b; cf. ib., 615b, l. 14-15; Rhod. inscr. in _BCH._ iv, 138. Dionysiastai, Athenaistai in Tanagra ~e/thapsan to\n dei=na~: _GDI._ 960-2 (_IG. Sept._ i, 685-9). The Iobakchai in Athens (third century A.D.) offer a crown and wine at the burial of a member: _Ath. Mitt._ 1894, 261, l. 158 ff. ~hoi thi/asoi pa/ntes~ and even ~hoi e/phêboi kai\ hoi ne/oi, ho dê=mos, hê gerousi/a~ erect the monument, _CIG._ 3101, 3112. (Teos) ~sunodei=tai~ bury together the members of their ~su/nodoi~, _IPE._ ii, 60-5. A gymnasiarch also undertakes ~tô=n ekkomidô=n epime/leian~, _Inscr. Perg._, ii, 252, l. 16; noteworthy also is ii, 374 B, l. 21-5. A few more exx. are given by E. Loch, _Zu d. griech. Grabschriften_ (_Festschr. Friedländer_, 1895), p. 288.] {551}

[5\15: ~dêmosi/a taphê/~ frequently. Resolution ~pandêmei\ parape/mpsasthai to\ sô=ma tou= dei=nos epi\ tê\n kêdei/an autou=~, inscr. of Amorgos, _BCH._ 1891, p. 577 (l. 26); p. 586 (l. 17 ff.). Resolution of the council and people of Olbia (first century B.C.): when the body of a certain deserving citizen who has died abroad is brought into the city, all workshops are to close, the citizens wearing black shall follow his ~ekphora/~; an equestrian statue of the dead man to be erected and every year at the ~hippodromi/ai~ of Achilles the golden crown granted to the dead man to be proclaimed, etc.: _IPE._ i, 17, 22 ff.--Honour paid to a dead man by granting a golden crown, _CIG._ 3185; cf. Cic., _Flac._ 75. This example comes from Smyrna, where such honours were particularly common: see Böckh on _CIG._ 3216. Frequent on Asia Minor inss.: ~ha po/lis~ sc. ~stephanoi=, e/thapsen, to\n dei=na. ho da=mos tô=| dei=ni~, sc. ~ane/thêke~, on graves: see esp. G. Hirschfeld, _Greek Inscr. in Brit. Mus._ iv, 1, p. 34. More ap. Loch, op. cit., p. 287.]

[6\15: This seems to have been particularly common in Amorgos; cf. _CIG._ 2264b: four inss. from Amorgos. _BCH._ 1891, p. 574 (153-4 B.C.), 577, 586 (242 B.C.), 588 f. The Council of the Areopagos and the people of Athens decree the erection of a statue in honour of a young man of rank (T. Statilius Lamprias) who has died ~pro\ hô/ras~ in Epidauros, and also the dispatch of envoys to ~paramuthê/sasthai apo\ tou= tê=s po/leôs ono/matos~ his parents and his grandfather Lamprias. In the same way the citizens of Sparta send an embassy of sympathy and consolation to other relatives of the same youth (first century A.D.), _Fouil. d'Epidaur._ i, 205-9, pp. 67-70. Honorific decree of council and people of Corinth for the same person, ~Eph. Arch.~, 1894, p. 15. ~_psêphi/smata paramuthêtika/_~ of two Lydian cities at the death of a man of rank (first century A.D.), _Anz. Wien. Ak._, Phil. Hist. Cl., 16th Nov., 1893 (n. 24) = _Ath. Mitt._ 1894, p. 102 f.; cf. Paros, _CIG._ 2383 (the council and people decree the erection of a statue to a dead boy ~epi\ me/rous paramuthêso/menoi to\n pate/ra~); Aphrodisias in Karia, _CIG._ 277b, 2775b-d; Neapolis, _CIG._ 5836 = _IG. Sic. It._ 758.--The grounds of consolation, so far as they are alluded to, are regularly independent of any theological teaching: ~phe/rein summe/trôs ta\ tê=s lu/pês eido/tas ho/ti aparai/têto/s estin hê epi\ pa/ntôn anthrô/pôn moi=ra~ and the like (~phe/rein to\ sumbebêko\s anthrôpi/nôs~, _F. d'Epid._ i, 209). We are reminded of the ~paramuthêtikoi\ lo/goi~ of the philosophers which are literary expressions of these consolations--the philosophers in fact were expected _ex officio_ to offer such consolations to the mourners, cf. Plu., _Superst._ 186 C; D. Chr. 27, § 9 (ii, 285 Arn.).]

[7\15: In spite of any brevity in the narrative the fact of ritual burial is regularly alluded to (as an important circumstance) in the romance of Xen. Eph. and in the _Historia Apollonii_: _Griech. Roman_, 391, 3; 413, 1.]

[8\15: At Athens his friend vainly tries to obtain burial _intra urbem_ for the murdered Marcellus: quod religione se impediri dicerent; neque id antea cuiquam concesserunt (while in Rome people were occasionally buried in the city in spite of the prohibition of the XII tables: Cic., _Lg._ ii, 58): Servius to Cicero, _Fam._ 4, 12, 3 (45 B.C.). There it was permitted uti in quo vellent gymnasio eum sepelirent and finally his body was cremated and the remains buried in nobilissimo orbis terraram gymnasio, the Academy. ~entapha\ kai\ the/sis tou= sô/matos en tô=| gumnasi/ô|~ (of an aristocratic Roman) in Kyme: _GDI._ 311. To a living benefactor of that city ~sunechôrê/thê kai\ entaphê=nai~ (in the future) ~en tô=| gumnasi/ô|~, _CIG._ 279b (Aphrodisias in Karia). As a special mark of honour paid to a benefactor of the city it is permitted that his body in oppidum introferatur (into Smyrna: Cic., _Flac._ 75), ~entapha\ kata\ po/lin kai\ {552} tapha\ dêmosi/a, entapha\ kata\ po/lin en tô=| episamota/tô| tou= gumnasi/ou to/pô|~, Knidos, _GDI._ 3501, 3502 (time of Augustus). The city buries a youth ~gumna/dos en teme/nei~, _Epigr. Gr._ 222 (Amorgos).--Ulpian, _Dig._ 47, 12, 3, 5, implies the possibility that lex municipalis permittat in civitate sepeleri.]

[9\15: ~sê=ma~, i.e. probably grave and monument, of Messia set up by her husband in his own house: _Epigr. Gr._ 682 (Rome).]

[10\15: Thus _Inscr. Perg._ ii, 590, ~zô=n ho dei=na kateskeu/ase to\ mnêmei=on tê=| idi/a| ma/mmê| . . . kai\ tô=| pa/ppô|, heautô=|, gunaiki/, te/knois, ekgo/nois anexallotri/ôton he/ôs diadochê=s ktl.~ Similar directions, ib., n. 591, and frequently. The series includes the old and traditional circle of the ~_agchistei=s_~: see above, chap. v, nn. 141 and 146 (where ~me/chri anepsiadô=n pai/dôn~ should be read).]

[11\15: There was even a Solonian law against violation and plunder of tombs: Cic., _Lg._ ii, 64. The specially invented word ~tumbôru/chos~ shows that such practices were frequent at a quite early period; cf. ~sêma/tôn phô=ra~, Herond. v, 57. Complaint on account of the rifling of a tomb: Egypt, papyr. of 127 B.C., _Notices et extraits_, xviii, 2, p. 161 f. Frequent rescripts of emperors of the fourth century against the profanation of graves, _Cod. Theod._ ix, 17. But even emperors of second and third centuries had to deal with the subject: _Dig._ 47, 12, and cf. Paul., _Sent._ 1, 21, 4 ff.; _sepulchri violati actio_, Quint., _Decl._ 299, 369, 373. Grave-thieves were a favourite character in romance: e.g. ap. Xen. Eph., Chariton and others. Epigram of Greg. Naz. on the subject of looted graves, _Anth. Pal._ viii, 176 ff. From the fourth century the Christians in particular seem to have been a danger to heathen burial places (cf. Gothofred., ad _Cod. Theod._ iii, p. 150 Ritt.)--in fact, ecclesiastics were specially given to grave-robbery: _Novell. Valentin._ 5 (p. 111 Ritt.), Cassiod., _Var._ iv, 18; _bustuarii latrones_ (Amm. Marc. 28, 1, 12), were then frequent. An Egyptian anchorite had at an earlier period become latronum maximus et sepulchrorum violator: Rufin., _Vit. Patr._ 9 (p. 446b Rossw.).]

[12\15: Inscrr. indicating such sepulchral penalties are rare on the mainland of Greece, common in Thrace and the Greek cities of Asia Minor, but most frequent of all in Lykia. Most of them belong to the Roman period, but also appeal occasionally to ~to\n tê=s asebei/as no/mon~ of the city (cf. also Korkyra. _CIG._ 1933); or refer to the ~e/gklêma tumbôruchi/as~ as though it were a local process of law which had perhaps been confirmed by an Imperial ordinance (~hupeu/thunos e/stô toi=s diata/gmasi kai\ toi=s patri/ois no/mois~, inscr. from Tralles: see Hirschfeld, p. 121). They therefore cannot be simply borrowed from the Roman custom, but belong to the old law of the country esp. in Lykia where a similar prescription has been found dating from the third century B.C.: _CIG._ 4529; see Hirschfeld, _Königsb. Stud._ i, pp. 85-144 (1887)--doubt is thrown on the legal validity of the penal clauses in such inscrr. by J. Merkel, _Festg. f. Ihering_, p. 109 ff. (1892).]

[13\15: Curses directed against those who bury unauthorized persons in a grave or damage the monument are rare in European Greece: e.g. Aegina, _CIG._ 2140b; Thessaly, _BCH._ xv, 568; Athens, _CIA._ 1417-28; among these is a Thessalian grave, 1427; a Christian, 1428; 1417-22 are set up by Herodes Atticus to Apia Regilla and Polydeukion (cf. K. Keil, Pauly-Wiss. i, 2101), but his coquetting with the cult of the ~chtho/nioi~ proves nothing for the common opinion of his fellow citizens. Sepulchral curses are particularly common in inss. from Lykia and Phrygia; also Cilicia, _JHS._ 1891, p. 228, 231, 267; a few also from Halikarnassian graves; Samos, _CIG._ 2260.--The {553} grave and its peace are placed under the care of the underworld deities in these inss.: ~paradi/dômi toi=s katachthoni/ois theoi=s tou=to to\ hêrô=|on phula/ssein ktl.~, _CIA._ iii, 1423-4. Cf. also a Cretan inscr. _Ath. Mitt._ 1893, p. 211. Whoever introduces a stranger into the grave or damages the grave ~_asebê\s_ e/stô theoi=s katachthoni/ois~ (thus in Lykia, _CIG._ 4207; 4290; 4292), ~asebê/sei ta\ peri\ tou\s theou/s te kai\ thea\s pa/sas kai\ hê/rôas pa/ntas~ (from Itonos in Phthiotis, _BCH._ xv, 568). ~_hamartôlo\s_ e/stô theoi=s katachthoni/ois~, _CIG._ 4252b, 4259, 4300e, i, k, v, 4307, 4308; _BCH._ 1894, p. 326 (n. 9)--all from Lykia. (The formula occurs already in a Lyk. inscr. of 240 B.C.; _BCH._ 1890, p. 164: ~hamartôloi\ e/stôsan~--the archons and citizens who neglect to offer the yearly sacrifice to Zeus Soter--~theô=n pa/ntôn kai\ apotine/tô ho a/rchôn ktl.~, which thus corresponds exactly with the oldest Lyk. inscr. with sepulchral penalty, _CIG._ 4259). ~e/stô _hiero/sulos_ theoi=s ourani/ois kai\ katachthoni/ois~, _CIG._ 4253 (Pinara in Lykia). This must mean: he shall be regarded as having transgressed the _law_ against ~ase/beia, hierosuli/a~ (cf. ~_hoi no/moi_ hoi peri\ hierosu/lou~, Teos, _SIG._ 523, 51), ~tumbôruchi/a~, having at the same time offended against the gods (see Hirschfeld, op. cit., p. 120 f.). More particular is another Lyk. ins.: ~hamartôlo\s e/stô theô=n pa/ntôn kai\ Lêtou=s kai\ tô=n te/knôn~ (as the special gods of the country), _CIG._ 4259, 4303, (iii, p. 1138), 4303 e^3 (p. 1139). In Cilicia ~e/stô êsebêkô\s e/s te to\n Di/a kai\ tê\n Selê/nên~, _JHS._ xii, 231. Phrygian: ~kecholôme/non e/choito Mê=na katachtho/nion~, _BCH._ 1886, p. 503, 6; cf. ~enorkizo/metha Mê=na katachtho/nion eis tou=to mnêmei=on mêde/na eiselthei=n~, _Amer. School at Athens_ iii, 174. The same is intended by the peculiarly Phrygian denunciation ~e/stô autô=| pro\s to\n theo\n, pro\s tê\n chei=ra tou= theou=, pro\s to\ me/ga o/noma tou= theou=~, _CIG._ 3872b (p. 1099), 3890, 3902 f.o., 3963: _Amer. School_ iii, 411; _BCH._ 1893, p. 246 ff. That these are Christian formulae--as Ramsay, _JHS._ iv, p. 400 f., supposes--is hardly likely. Equally unlikely in the case of 3902r (Franz rightly protests against the idea): ~e/stai autô=| pro\s to\n zô=nta theo/n~ (the same occurs again in a decisively non-Christian sense: _BCH._ 1893, p. 241) ~kai\ nu=n kai\ en tô=| krisi/mô| hême/ra| (kri/sis~ apparently = death in _CIG._ 6731, from Rome, which, considering the words ~a/galma eimi Hêli/ou~, can hardly be Christian). ~tê=s tou= theou= orgê=s methe/xetai~, _CIA._ iii, 1427. Obscure threat: ~ou ga\r mê\ sunei/kê| . . .~, _CIG._ 2140b (Aegina. The profaner of graves is cursed in more detail: ~tou/tô| mê\ gê= batê/, mê\ tha/lassa plôtê/, alla\ ekreizôthê/setai pagge/nei~ (the ~arai/~ on the mss. of Herod. Att. agree so far at least in intention, _CIA._ iii, 1417-22). ~pa=si toi=s kakoi=s pei=ran dô/sei, kai\ phrei/kê| kai\ puretô=| kai\ tetartai/ô| kai\ ele/phanti ktl.~, _CIA._ iii, 1423-4 (similar curse on a lead tablet from Crete: _Ath. Mitt._ 1893, p. 211). The first half of this imprecation represents the regular formula in such ~arai/~ and ~ho/rkoi--mê\ gê= batê/ ktl.~; cf. Wünsch, _Defix._, p. vii, and a Jewish-Greek inscr. from Euboea: ~Eph. Arch.~, 1892, p. 175; it occurs also in _CIG._ 2664, 2667 (Halikarnassos); 4303 (p. 1138 Phrygia. ~dô/sei toi=s katachthoni/ois theoi=s di/kên~, 4190 (Cappadocia). ~o/rphana te/kna li/poito, chê=ron bio/n, oi=kon e/rêmon, en puri\ pa/nta da/moito, kakô=n hu/po chei=ras o/loito~ 3862, 3875, 400 (Phrygia). These are all peculiarly and originally _Phrygian_; something similar seems to occur in inss. in the Phrygian language: see _Ztschr. vergl. Sprachf._ 28, 381 ff.; _BCH._ 1896, p. 111 ff. Phrygian, too, is the curse ~hou=tos d' aô/rois peripe/soito sumphorai=s~, _Epigr. Gr._, p. 149, _Amer. Sch. Ath._ ii, 168--i.e. may his children die ~a/ôroi~. (More plainly ~te/knôn aô/rôn peripe/soito sumphora=|~, _BCH._ 1893, p. 272.) Sometimes the additional phrase is found ~kai\ meta\ tha/naton de\ la/boi tou\s hupochthoni/ous theou\s timôrou\s kai\ kecholôme/nous~, {554} _CIG._ 3915 (Phrygian). Besides the common imprecations we also have ~thano/nti de\ oude\ hê gê= pare/xei autô=| ta/phon~, 2826 (Aphrodisias in Karia); ~mê/te ourano\s tê\n psuchê\n autou= parade/xaito~, _Am. Sch. Ath._ iii, 411 (Pisidia). Barbarous in the extreme is an inscr. from Cilicia (_JHS._ 1891, p. 287): ~he/xei pa/nta ta\ thei=a kecholôme/na kai\ ta\s stugera\s Ereinu/as kai\ idi/ou te/knou hê/patos geu/setai~.--With these grave-imprecations we may compare also the threats uttered against those who shall neglect the directions for the honouring of King Antiochos of Kommagene who lies buried in his ~hierothe/sion~ (ib, 13; iiib, 3: hence correct ~hierothu/sion~ in Paus. 4, 32, 1) on the Nemrud Dagh: ~eido/tas ho/ti chalepê\ ne/mesis basilikô=n daimo/nôn, timôro\s homoi/ôs ameli/as te kai\ hu/breôs, ase/beian diô/kei kathôsiôme/nôn te hêrô/ôn ateimasthei\s no/mos aneila/tous e/chei poina/s. ta\ me\n ga\r ho/sion ha/pan koupho\n e/rgon, tê=s de\ asebei/as opisthobarei=s anagkai/~ (iiia, 22 ff., _Ber. Berl. Akad._ 1883).]

[14\15: From the point of view of religion, at any rate, it is true, though with considerable reservations, that most of the Greeks and Macedonians scattered over Asia and Egypt in _coloniae_, in Syros Parthos Aegyptios degenerarunt, Liv. 38, 17, 11-12. The only non-Greek nation (apart from the Romans) which learnt anything from the Greeks or from the semi-religious Greek philosophy was the Jewish--at once the most stubborn and the most pliable of them all.]

[15\15: At a quite late period, in order to explain the impiety of grave-robbing, Valentinian says (following the libri veteris sapientiae quite as much as Christian teaching) licet occasus necessitatem mens divina (of man) non sentiat, amant tamen animae sedem corporum relictorum et nescio qua sorte rationis occultae sepulchri honore laetantur (_Nov. Valent._ v, p. 111 Ritt.).]

[16\15: After the reception of the last person who has a right there ~apoierô=sthai to\n pla/tan, aphêrôï/sthai to\ mnêmei=on~, _CIG._ 2827, 2834. ~korakôthê/setai~, i.e. it will be finally shut up: 3919.]

[17\15: ~epea\n de\ toi=s kamou=sin egchutlô/sômen~, Herond. v, 84 (i.e. at the end of the month: festival of the dead at the ~triaka/des~, see above, chap. v, n. 88. ~hême/ras lêgou/sês kai\ mêno\s phthi/nontos eiô/thasin enagi/zein hoi polloi/~, Plu., _Q. Rom._ 34, p. 272 D). Offerings to the dead at the grave: see besides Luc., _Charon_, 22.]

[18\15: Epikteta: see above, chap. v, n. 126. Traces of a similar foundation on an inscr. from Thera ap. Ross, _Inscr. Gr._ 198 (ii, p. 81).--Otherwise the son will perhaps offer to his father ~tê\n taphê\n kai\ _to\n enagismo/n_~ (_CIG._ 1976, Thessalonike; 3645 Lampsakos)--~to\ hêrô=|on kateskeu/asen eis aiô/nion mnê/mên kai\ tê=| meta\ tha/naton aphôsiôme/nê| thrêskei/a|~ (_CIG._ 4224d, iii, p. 1119 Lykia). A dead man has left the council of a city a sum of money for a ~stephanôtiko/n~ (_CIG._ 3912, 3916 Hierapolis in Phrygia); i.e. in order that his grave may be crowned every year from the interest of the money: 3919. Another man leaves money to a society to celebrate his memory yearly by holding a ~euôchi/a~ with ~oinoposi/a~ illumination and crowns: 3028 Ephesos. An annual feast in honour of a dead man's memory on his ~gene/thlios hême/ra~: 3417 Philadelphia in Lydia (this is the proper day for a feast of the dead: see above, chap. v, n. 89). Annual memorial in the month ~Huaki/nthios~ for a dead ~archieranistê/s~ in Rhodos, ~anago/reusis~ of his crowns of honour and crowning of his ~mnêmei=on~, regular ~anago/reusis ta=n tima=n en tai=s suno/dois~ (of the ~e/ranos~) ~kai\ tai=s _epichu/sesin_~ (second century B.C.), _IGM. Aeg._ i, 155, l. 53 ff., 67 ff. Another foundation, in Elatea (_BCH._ x, 382), seems to have been much more elaborate in intention and to have included the sacrifice of a bull, as well as ~euôchi/a~ and an ~agô/n~.] {555}

[19\15: ~ta/phos, deuo/menos gera/ôn~, inscr. from Athens (second century A.D.): _Ath. Mitt._ 1892, p. 272, l. 6. ~the/lgein psuchê\n tethnêko/tos andro/s~ by libations at the grave: _Epigr. Gr._ 120, 9-10.]

[20\15: The ~_apo/taphoi_~: this is the name given to those ~apesterême/noi tô=n progonikô=n ta/phôn~, _EM._ 131, 44. They even had a burial place of their own: ~apota/phôn ta/phôn~ on a marble vase from Rhodos, _IGM. Aeg._ i, 656.]

[21\15: This ~chai=re~ repeats the last farewell which accompanied the removal of the body from the house (Eur., _Alc._ 626 f.). Cf. ~chai=re/ moi ô= Pa/trokle kai\ ein Aï/dao do/moisin~, the words with which Achilles (~Ps~ 179) addresses his dead friend lying upon the funeral pyre. So too on tombstones ~chai=re~ must be intended to suggest the continued sympathy of the survivors and the appreciation by the dead of that sympathy. Does it also imply veneration of the departed as ~krei/ttôn~? Gods and Heroes were also addressed with this word: cf. ~chai=r' a/nax Hêra/klees~, etc.--The passer-by calls out ~chai=re~: ~chai/rete hê/rôes. ho para/gôn se aspa/zetai~, _Ath. Mitt._ ix, 263; and cf. _Epigr. Gr._ 218, 17-18; 237, 7-8; cf. Loch, op. cit., 278 f.]

[22\15: ~chai/rete~ is said by the dead man to the living; Böckh on _CIG._ 3775 (ii, p. 968); cf. ~chaire/tô ho anagnou/s~, _IG. Sic. et It._ [_IG._ xiv] 350.]

[23\15: ~chai/rete hê/rôes. chai=re kai\ su\ kai\ euo/dei~, _CIG._ 1956 (more given by Böckh, ii, p. 50; see also on 3278); _Inscr. Cos_, 343; _IG. Sic. et It._ 60, 319; _BCH._ 1893-4, 242 (5), 249 (22), 528 (24), 533 (36); specially noteworthy is p. 529 (28), ~Leu/kie Liki/nie chai=re. ke\ su/ ge ô= parodei=ta "chai/rois ho/ti tou=to to\ semno\n | ei=pas emoi\ chai/rein hei/neken eusebi/ês"~. To call upon the dead is an act of ~euse/beia~.]

[24\15: At the burial of a woman who is being given a public funeral ~epebo/ase ho da=mos tri\s to\ o/noma auta=s~, _GDI._ 3504 (Knidos; in the time of Trajan). In the same way the name of the ~hê/rôs~ was called out three times at a sacrifice in his honour: see above, chap. iv, n. 62.]

[25\15: Tombstone of Q. Marcius Strato (circ. second century A.D.), _Ath. Mitt._ 1892, p. 272, l. 5 ff. ~toi/gar ho/soi Bromi/ô| Paphi/ê| te ne/oi meme/lêsthe, deuo/menon gera/ôn mê\ maranei=sthe ta/phon; alla\ parastei/chontes ê\ ou/noma kleino\n homartê=| bôstre/et' ê\ rhadina\s sumpatagei=te che/ras~. Those who are thus charged answer, ~prosenne/pô Stra/tôna kai\ timô= kro/tô|~.]

[26\15: Often represented on Attic _lekythoi_: Pottier, _Les lécythes blancs_, p. 57.]

[27\15: The gods and their statues are honoured in this way: Sittl, _Gebärden_, p. 182.]

[28\15: ~belti/ones kai\ krei/ttones~, Arist., _Eudem. fr._ 37 [44].]

[29\15: ~chrêstou\s _poiei=n_~ euphemism for ~apoktinnu/nai~ in a treaty between Tegea and Sparta: Arist., _fr._ 542 [592]. They _become_ ~chrêstoi/~ only after death. This ancient and evidently popular expression gives far stronger grounds for believing that ~chrêsto/s~ applied to the dead than does the passage from Thphr., _Ch. _x, 16 (xiii, 3), for the opposite view (the ~peri/ergos~ writes on a tombstone that a dead woman and her family ~chrêstoi\ ê=san~, which Loch concludes that the word really "denotes a quality of the living and not of the dead", op. cit., 281). It is possible at the same time that those who used such words did not mean anything special by their ~chrêste\ chai=re~, and at any rate only thought of it as a vague adjective of praise. But that was not its real meaning.]

[30\15: ~chrêste\ chai=re~ and the like, with or without ~hê/rôs~, are very commonly met with on epitaphs from Thessaly, Boeotia, the countries of Asia Minor (and Cyprus as well: cf. _BCH._ 1896, pp. 343-6; 353-6). On {556} Attic graves the use of the title ~chrêsto/s~ seems to be confined to foreigners and those mostly slaves (see Keil, _Jahrb. Phil._ suppl. iv, 628; Gutscher, _Att. Grabinschr._ i, p. 24; ii, p. 13).]

[31\15: With Gutscher, op. cit., i, 24; ii, 39.--From the fact that in Attica this word does not seem to be given to natives no conclusion is to be drawn as to the opinions held by the Athenians about their dead (as though they thought of them with less respect). The word was simply not traditional in this sense in Attica. On the other hand, the word ~makari/tês~ was specifically Attic as applied to the dead (see above, ch. vii, n. 10), and this provides unmistakable evidence that the conception of the dead as "blessed" was current also in Attica.]

[32\15: ~chrêstô=n _theô=n_~, Hdt. viii, 111.--~ho hê/rôs~ (Protesilaos), ~chrêsto\s ô/n, xugchôrei=~ that people should sit down in his ~te/menos~: Philostr., _Her._ p. 134, 4 Ks.--Other modes of address intended to mollify the dead are ~a/lupe, chrêste\ kai\ a/lupe, a/riste, a/mempte~, etc. ~chai=re~ (cf. _Inscr. Cos_, 165, 263, 279, and Loch, op. cit., 281).]

[33\15: Paus. 4, 27, 6.]

[34\15: Paus. 4, 32, 4.]

[35\12: Paus. 9, 13, 5-6. Sacrifice (~ente/mnein~) of a white mare to the Heroines: Plu., _Pelop._ 20-2. The same thing is briefly referred to in Xen., _HG._ 6, 4, 7; see also D.S. xv, 54. Detailed account of the fate of the maidens ap. Plu., _Narr. Amor._ 3; Jerome, _a. Jovin._ i, 41 (ii, 1, 308 D Vall.).--~hai Leu/ktron thugate/res~, Plu., _Herod. Mal._ ii, p. 856 F.]

[36\15: ~Leôni/deia~ in Sparta (_CIG._ 1421) at which there were "speeches" about Leonidas (even in Sparta not a surprising circumstance at this late period), and an ~agô/n~ in which only Spartiates might take part: Paus. 3, 14, 1.--~agônisa/menoi to\n epita/phio[n Leôni/dou] kai\ Pausani/[ou kai\ tô=n loi]pô=n hêrô/ô[n agô=na]~, _CIG._ 1417.]

[37\15: At Marathon: crowning and ~enagismo/s~ at the ~polua/ndreion~ of the Marathonian Heroes carried out by the _epheboi_: _CIA._ ii, 471, 26. Cf. more generally Aristid. ii, p. 229 f. Dind. Nocturnal fighting of the ghosts there: Paus. 1, 32, 4 (the oldest prototype of the similar legends told, in connexion with the story of the battle between the dead Huns and Romans, by Damasc., _V. Isid._ 63).]

[38\15: ~a/ndras] eth' hê/rôas se/betai patri/s ktl.~, _Inscr. Cos_, 350 (beginning of Empire).]

[39\15: Speaking of the Attic tragedians, D. Chr. thinks (15, p. 237 M. = ii, 235 Arn.) ~hou\s ekei=noi apodeiknu/ousin hê/rôas tou/tois phai/nontai enagi/zontes (hoi He/llênes) hôs hê/rôsin, kai\ ta\ hêrô=|a ekei/nois ô|kodomême/na idei=n e/stin~. But this is only true in a very limited and qualified sense.]

[40\15: ~He/ktori e/ti thu/ousin en Ili/ô|~, says Luc. (expressly speaking of his own times), _D. Conc._ 12. Apparition of Hektor in Troad: Max. Tyr. 15, 7, p. 283 R. Miracles worked: Philostr., _Her._ pass. Hekt. in Thebes: Lyc. 1204 ff.]

[41\15: In the ~Hêrôiko\s~ Philostratos gives plenty of evidence of this. Most of what he says about the Heroes of the Trojan war is entirely without traditional basis, but not all of it: and especially where he speaks (in the first part of the dialogue) of the appearances and displays of power attributed in his own day to the Heroes he is far from inventing. (His powers of invention are exercised particularly in what he says about the events of their lives where he is expanding or correcting Homer.) Acc. To Philostr. (_Her._ 681, p. 149, 32 ff. Kays., 1871) ~horô=ntai~--at least by the shepherds of the Trojan plain--the figures of the Homeric champions (gigantic in size, pp. 136-40 [667]; ~phai/nontai~ in full armour, {557} p. 131, 1). Hektor in particular appears, works miracles, and his statue ~polla\ erga/zetai chrêsta\ koinê=| te kai\ es he/na~, pp. 151-2. Legend about Antilochos, p. 155, 10 ff. Palamedes appears, p. 154. On the south coast of the Troad opposite Lesbos he has an ancient temple in which ~thu/ousin~ to him ~xunio/ntes hoi ta\s aktai/as oikou=ntes po/leis~, p. 184, 21 (see also _V. Ap._ iv, 13). Sacrifice to Palamedes as a Hero, 153, 29 ff.--_Mantic_ power attributed to the ~hê/rôes~, 135, 21 ff.; 148, 20 ff. (to Odysseus in Ithaca, 195, 5 ff.). Hence Protesilaos in

## particular, who appears at Elaious in Thrac. Chers. to the

vineyard-keeper into whose mouth Philostr. puts his story, has so much to say even about what he had not himself seen or experienced. Protes. is still fully alive (~zê=|~, 130, 23); like Achilles (in Leuke, etc.) he has his ~hieroi\ dro/moi en hoi=s gumna/zetai~ (131, 31). A vision of Protes. appearing to an enemy makes him blind (132, 9). (To meet a Hero often blinds a mortal, cf. Hdt. vi, 117, and the case of Stesichoros and the Dioskouroi.) He protects his protégé's fields from snakes, wild beasts, and everything harmful: 132, 15 ff. He himself is now ~en Ha/idou~ (when he is with Laodameia), now in Phthia, and now in the Troad (143, 17 ff.). He appears about midday (143, 21, 32; cf. Append. vi). At his ancient oracle at Elaious (mentioned already by Hdt. ix, 116, 120; alluded to by Philostr., p. 141, 12) he dispenses oracles more particularly to the champions of the great games, the heroes of the age (p. 146, 13 ff., 24 ff., 147, 8 ff., 15 ff.; famous contemporaries are mentioned: Eudaimon of Alexandria, victor at Olympia in Ol. 237, and Helix well-known from the ~Gumnastiko/s~). He heals diseases, esp. consumption, dropsy, ophthalmia, and ague, and he helps people in the pains of love (p. 147, 30 ff.). Prot. also gives oracles in his Phthiotic home Phylake (where he pays frequent visits), 148, 24 ff.--It is the regular series of miraculous performances normally attributed to the ~hê/rôes~ of older legends, that Protesilaos carries out here.--On Mt. Ismaros in Thrace Maron (~Euanthe/os huio/s~, _Od._ ~i~ 197) appears and ~hora=tai toi=s geôrgoi=s~ to whom he sends rain (149, 3 ff.). Mt. Rhodope in Thrace is haunted (~oikei=~) by Rhesos, who lives there a life of chivalry, breeding horses, practising his weapons, and hunting; the woodland animals offer themselves willingly as sacrifices at his altar; the _heros_ keeps the plague away from the surrounding ~kô=mai~ (149, 7-19).--The legendary details from Philostratos here selected for mention may be taken as really derived from popular tradition (cf. also W. Schmid, _D. Atticismus_, iv, 572 ff.).]

[42\15: Again in 375 A.D. Achilles preserved Attica from an earthquake (Zosim. iv, 18); in 396 he kept Alaric away from Athens; ib., v, 6.]

[43\15: Plu., _Lucull._ 23; App., _Mithr._ 83. Lucullus was Roman enough to carry off from the inhabitants of Sinope their much-honoured statue of Autolykos, to which the elaborate cult was principally attached: ~eti/môn~ Autol. ~hôs theo/n. ê=n de\ kai\ _mantei=on_ autou=~, _Str._ 546.]

[44\15: See above, chap. iv, nn. 119-20.--_Heroon_ of Kyniska (sister of Agesilaos) in Sparta as victor at Olympos: Paus. 3, 15, 1.]

[45\15: Hero-physicians: see above, chap. iv, § 10. Our knowledge of the cult and activity of these Heroes is chiefly derived from evidence from later times.--An evidently late creation is the Hero Neryllinos in the Troad, of whose worship, healing, and prophetic powers Athenag., _Apol._ 26, has something to say (Lob. _Agl._ 1171). ~ho xe/nos iatro/s~, Toxaris, in Athens: Luc., _Scyth._ 1; 2. (The special name of the ~xe/nos iatro/s~ may be Lucian's invention, but not what he tells us of his cult.) There was a permanent cult of Hippokrates in Kos in the time of Soranos: the Koans offered sacrifice to him (~enagi/zein~) annually on his birthday {558} (see above, chap. v, n. 89): Soran. ap. Anon., _V. Hipp._ 450, 13 West. (miracle at the tomb of Hipp. in Larisa: ib., 451, 55 ff.). The doctor in Luc., _Philops._ 21, makes an elaborate sacrifice (something more than ~enagi/zein~) annually to his bronze statue of Hipp.--A good story thoroughly in the manner of popular folk-lore is that told of Pellichos the Corinthian general who was also worshipped as giving help in sickness and the magic tricks that he (simply as ~hê/rôs~) was able to play on the Libyan slave who had stolen the gold pieces which used to be offered to him: Luc., _Philops._ 18-20.]

[46\15: _Anth. Pal._ vii, 694 (~Addai/ou~, probably the Macedonian).]

[47\15: _CIG._ 4838b (see above, chap. iv, n. 60). The name expresses the idea: ~euo/dei~ was the greeting which the dead man returned to the traveller, _CIG._ 1956.]

[48\15: Another example: bulls are still sacrificed in Megara in the fourth century A.D. officially by the city to the Heroes who had fallen in the Persian wars, _IG. Sept._ i, 53.]

[49\15: At the monument of Philopoimen, Plu., _Philop._ 21.]

[50\15: ~en toi=s Hêrôïkoi=s kai\ en tai=s a/llais heortai=s~--in Priansos and Hierapytna in Crete (third century B.C.), _CIG._ 2556, 37. Annual festival of the ~Hêrô=|a~, in which were held ~eucharistê/rioi agô=nes~ for Asklepiades and those who had fought with him in one of the city's wars. A decree honouring the grandsons of this Asklep. has been found at Eski-Manyas near Kyzikos: _Ath. Mitt._ 1884, p. 33.]

[51\15: In taking an oath they swore by the gods ~kai\ hê/rôas kai\ hêrôa/ssas~ (Dreros in Crete): Cauer, _Delect._^1 38 A, 31 (third century B.C.). Treaty between Rhodos and Hierapytna (second century B.C.), Cauer, 44, 3: ~eu/xasthai tô=| Hali/ô| kai\ ta=| Rho/dô| kai\ toi=s a/llois theoi=s pa=si kai\ pa/sais kai\ toi=s archage/tais kai\ toi=s hê/rôsi, ho/soi e/chonti ta\n po/lin kai\ ta\n chô/ran ta\n Rhodi/ôn . . .~ Oath of citizenship from Chersonnesos (third century), _Sitzb. Berl. Akad._ 1892, p. 480: ~omnu/ô . . . hê/rôas ho/soi po/lin kai\ chô/ran kai\ teu/chê e/chonti ta\ Chersonasita=n~.--Similar exx. from earlier times: see above, chap. iv, n. 4 (and cf. Din., _Dem._ 64: ~martu/romai . . . kai\ tou\s hê/rôas tou\s egchôri/ous ktl.~).]

[52\15: e.g. inscr. from Astypalaia _BCH._ 1891, p. 632 (n. 4): Damatrios son of Hippias dedicates a fountain and trees ~theoi=s hê/rôsi/ te . . . athlopho/rou te/chnas antididou\s cha/rita~.--A grave is dedicated ~theoi=s hê/rôsi~, _CIG._ 3272 (Smyrna), i.e. probably ~th. kai\ hê/rôsi~ (cf. ~theoi=s dai/mosi~, 5827. etc.).]

[53\15: Collegia of ~hêrôistai/~: Foucart. _Assoc. relig._ 230 (49), 233 (56). _CIA._ ii, 630. In Boeotia, _Ath. Mitt._ 3, 299 = _IG. Sept._ i, 2725.]

[54\15: e g. inscr. on one of the seats in the theatre at Athens: ~hiere/ôs Ana/koin kai\ hê/rôos epitegi/ou~, _CIA._ iii, 290.]

[55\15: ~diame/nousi de\ kai\ es to/de tô=| Ai/anti par' Athênai/ois timai/, autô=| te kai\ Eurusa/kei~, Paus. 1, 35, 3 (~Aia/nteia~ in Salamis in first century B.C., _CIA._ ii, 467-71). ~enagi/zousi de\ kai\ es hêma=s e/ti tô=| Phorônei=~ (in Argos), 2, 20, 3. ~kai/ hoi~ (Theras) ~kai\ nu=n e/ti hoi Thêrai=oi kat' e/tos enagi/zousin hôs oikistê=|~, 3, 1, 8. He also bears witness to the still surviving cult of Pandion as Hero in Megara, 1, 41, 6; Tereus in Megara, 1, 41, 9; Melampous in Aigosthena, 1, 44, 5; Aristomenes in Messenia, 4, 14, 7; Aitolos in Elis (~enagi/zei ho _gumnasi/archos_ e/ti kai\ es eme\ kath' he/kaston e/tos tô=| Aitôlô=|~, 5, 4, 4; cf. the ~gumnasi/archos~ who looks after the ~ekkomidai/~: above, this chap., n. 4); Sostratos the ~erô/menos~ of Herakles in Dyme, 7, 17, 8; Iphikles in Phenea, 8, 14, 9; the boys slain at Kaphyai, 8, 23, 6-7; the four lawgivers of Tegea, 8, 48, 1; the ~Eusebei=s~ in Katana, 10, 28, 4-5.--Of course, it does not follow that when Paus. mentions other very numerous Heroes without so {559} expressly saying that their cult still survived, he means that those cults had died out.]

[56\15: Plu., _Aristid._ 21.]

[57\15: Aratos received from the Achaeans after his death ~thusi/an kai\ tima\s hêrôika/s~ in which he may take pleasure himself ~ei/per kai\ peri\ tou\s apoichome/nous e/sti tis ai/sthêsis~, Polyb. 8, 14, 8. He was buried at Sikyon, as ~oikistê\s kai\ sôtê\r tê=s po/leôs~, in a ~to/pos peri/optos~ called the ~Ara/teion~ (cf. Paus. 2, 8, 1; 9, 4). Sacrifice was made to him twice a year, on the day when he had freed Sikyon, 5th Daisios, the ~Sôtê/ria~, and on his birthday; the former was carried out by the priest of Zeus Soter, the latter by the priest of Aratos. They included: Hymn by the Dionysiac ~techni=tai~, procession of ~pai=des~ and ~e/phêboi~ in which the _gymnasiarchoi_, the _boule_ wearing crowns, and the citizens took part. Of all this only ~dei/gmata mikra/~ still survived in Plutarch's time, ~hai de\ plei=stai tô=n timô=n hupo\ chro/nou kai\ pragma/tô=n a/llôn ekleloi/pasin~, Plu., _Arat._ 53 (~sôtê/r~: cf. epigram in c. 14).]

[58\15: ~pa/ntes hê/rôas nomi/zousi tou\s spho/dra palaiou\s a/ndras, kai\ ea\n mêde\n exai/reton e/chôsi, di' auto\n oi=mai to\n chro/non~. But only a few of them have regular ~teleta\s hêrô/ôn~: D. Chr. 31, p. 335 M. [i, 243 Arn.]. omnes qui patriam conservarint, adiuverint, auxerint become immortal: Cic., _Som. Sci._ 3, which also goes too far.]

[59\15: Pelopidas, Timoleon, Leosthenes, Aratos become Heroes: see Keil, _Anal. epigr. et onom._ 50-4. Kleomenes Plu., _Cleom._ 39. Philopoimen, _Philop._ 21. ~iso/theoi timai/~ annual sacrifice of a bull and hymns of praise to Philop. sung by the ~neoi/~: D.S. 29, 18; Liv. 39, 50, 9; _SIG._ 289. See Keil, op. cit., 9 ff.]

[60\15: In Sikyon Aratos is held to be the son of Asklepios who had visited his mother in the form of a snake: Paus. 2, 10, 3; 4, 14, 7-8 (favourite form of stories of divine parentage: see Marx, _Märchen v. dankb. Thieren_, 122, 2).]

[61\15: The very charming and characteristic story of Drimakos, the leader and law-giver of the ~drape/tai~ in Chios, is told by Nymphodoros (ap. Ath. vi, c. 88-90), as having happened ~mikro\n pro\ hêmô=n~. He had a ~hêrô=|on~ in which he was honoured under the name of ~hê/rôs eumenê/s~ (by the ~drape/tai~ with the firstfruits of their plunder). He frequently appeared to masters to whom he revealed the ~oiketô=n epiboula/s~.]

[62\15: Hsch. ~Gathia/das; hê/rôos o/noma, ho\s kai\ tou\s katapheu/gontas eis auto\n rhu/etai [kai\] thana/tou~.]

[63\15: Pixodaros, a shepherd of Ephesos, discovered in a strange fashion a very excellent kind of marble, a discovery which he communicated to the authorities (for use in temple-building). He was made a Hero and renamed ~hê/rôs eua/ggelos~: sacrifice was made to him officially every month, _hodieque_, Vitruv. x, 2.]

[64\15: Luc., Macrob. 21 (for Athenod. see _FHG._ iii, 485 f.).--In Kos an _exedra_ in the theatre was dedicated to C. Stertinius Xenophon (court-physician to the Emp. Claudius) ~hê/rôi~, _Inscr. Cos_, 93.--In Mitylene there was even an apotheosis of the historian Theophanes (the friend of Pompeius: cf. ~Gn. Pompê/ios Hieroi/ta huio\s Theopha/nês~ with full name, _Ath. Mitt._ ix, 87): Tac., _A._ vi, 18. ~Theopha/nês theo\s~ on coins of the city, and cf. ~Se/xston hê/rôa, Lesbô=nax hê/rôs ne/os~, etc., on the same city's coins (Head, _Hist. Num._ 488).]

[65\15: On a _stele_ in Messene there was a portrait of a certain Aithidas of the beginning of the third century B.C.; instead of whom a descendant of the same name is worshipped: Paus. 4, 32, 2. In the market place of Mantinea stood a _heroon_ of Podares who had {560} distinguished himself in the battle of Mant. (362). Three generations before Paus. visited the place the Mantineans had altered the inscription on the _heroon_ and dedicated it to a later Podares, a descendant of the original one, who lived in the Roman period: Paus. 8, 9, 9.]

[66\15: Cf. Keil, _Anal. Epigr._ 62.]

[67\15: Cult paid to king Lysimachos in his lifetime in Samothrake, _SIG._ 190 (_Archäol. Unters. auf. Samoth._ ii, 85, n. 2). "Heroizing" of Diogenes _phrourarchos_ of Demetrios; in 229 B.C. he was bribed by Aratos to lead the Macedonian garrison out of Attica: see Köhler, _Hermes_, vii, 1 ff.--~hupe\r ta=s Niki/a tou= da/mou huiou=, philopa/tridos, _hê/rôos_, euerge/ta de\ ta=s po/lios, sôtêri/as~ a dedication ~theoi=s patrô=|ois~, _Inscr. Cos_, 76. This is a decree made in the lifetime of the _heros_ (or why ~sôtêri/as~?), who is probably identical, as the editors suggest, with Nikias, tyrant of Kos in the Strabo's time: _Str._ 658; Perizonius on Ael., _VH._ i, 29.]

[68\15: ~hê/rôs~ applied to a living person occasionally on inss. of the Imperial age, _CIG._ 2583, Lyttos, Crete; 3665 ~hêrôi/s~, living, Kyzikos second century; _Ath. Mitt._ vi, 121 (Kyzikos again) ~hipparchou=ntos Kleome/nous hê/rôos~ also certainly living.]

[69\15: When Demetrios Poliorketes conquered and rebuilt Sikyon in 303 the inhabitants of the city which is now called "Demetrias" offer to him while still alive, sacrifice, festival, and annual ~agô=nes~ as ~kti/stê| (alla\ tau=ta me\n ho chro/nos êku/rôsen~): D.S. 20, 102, 3. Later this frequently occurred: Marcellea, Lucullea, etc., are well known. But the matter did not stop there. The inhabitants of Lete in Macedonia in the year 117 B.C. decree to a prominent Roman, besides other honours, ~ti/thesthai autô=| agô=na hippiko\n kat' he/tos en tô=| Daisi/ô| mêni/, ho/tan kai\ toi=s a/llois euerge/tais hoi agô=nes epitelô=ntai~ (_Arch. des miss. scientif._ 3e série, iii, p. 278, n. 127). This implies that all ~euerge/tai~ were by custom offered such games at this time.]

[70\15: D.S. 17, 115. Alexander after inquiry at the oracle of Ammon commanded that he should be worshipped as ~hê/rôs~ (the oracle having granted in his case ~enagi/zein hôs hê/rôi~, but not ~hôs theô=| thu/ein~): Arrian, _An._ 7, 14, 7; 23, 6; Plu., _Alex._ 72 (an ~hêrô=|on~ was immediately set up to him in Alexandria Aeg.: Arr. 7, 23, 7). This did not prevent the superstition and servility which flourished together in Alexander's empire from occasionally worshipping Heph. as ~Hêphaisti/ôn theo\s pa/redros~.--D.S. probably only exaggerates the truth: 17, 115, 6; cf. Luc., _Calumn._ 17-18. (The new _heros_ or god immediately gave proof of his power by appearances, visions sent in dreams, ~ia/mata, mantei=ai~, ib. 17.)--Elaborate pomp at the funeral of Dem. Poliork.: Plu., _Demetr._ 53.]

[71\15: Cf. the Testament of Epikteta and other foundations mentioned above, this chap., n. 18, and chap. v, n. 126. Or cf. the elaborate arrangements which Herodes Atticus made for the funeral, etc., of Regilla and Polydeukes (but ~_hê/rôs_ Poludeuki/ôn~ is only said in the weakened sense in which ~hê/rôs~ had been current for a long time): collected by Keil in Pauly-Wiss. i, 2101 ff. The extravagant manifestations of grief that Cicero offered to the memory of his daughter were modelled on Greek originals (and upon the certainly Greek auctores qui dicant fieri id oportere: _Att._ 12, 81, 1). In _Att._ 12 he gives an account of their architectural side: he frequently calls the object that he meditates an ~apothe/ôsis~; cf. _consecrabo te_ (_Consol. fr._ 5 Or.).--Cf. the Temple-tomb of Pomptilla, who like another Alkestis died instead of her husband, whom she followed into exile as far as Sardinia: her death was caused by breathing in the breath of the sick man. Her {561} temple is at Cagliari in Sardinia, and is adorned with many inss. in Latin and Greek: _IG. Sic. et It._ 607, p. 144 ff. (first century A.D.).]

[72\15: ~ho da=mos~ (occasionally also ~ha boula\ kai\ ho da=mos) aphêrô/ïxe~--Thera, _CIG._ 2467; Ross, _Inscr. Gr. Ined._ 203 ff. (and sometimes outside Thera: Loch, _Zu d. gr. Grabschr._ 282, 1) ~ho da=mos eti/mase (to\n dei=na) . . . hê/rôa~. Cf. also (Thera) _Ath. Mitt._ xvi, 166; _Epigr. Gr._ 191-2.]

[73\15: ~phronti/sai de\ tou\s orgeô=nas~ (the members of a _collegium_ of Dionysiasts) ~ho/pôs aphêrôisthei= Dionu/sios kai\ anatethei= en tô=| hierô=| para\ to\n theo/n, ho/pou kai\ ho patê\r autou=, hi/na hupa/rchei ka/lliston hupo/mnêma autou= eis to\n ha/panta chro/non~, inscr. of Peiraeus, second century B.C.; _CIA._ iv, 2, n. 623e, 45 ff. In Argos a guild, apparently of tanners, puts up an inscr. ~tô=| dei=ni, kti/sta| hê/rôi~, _CIG._ 1134.]

[74\15: Like that Naulochos whom Philios of Salamis saw three times in a dream appearing in company with Demeter and Kore. The city of Priene thereupon ordered that he should be worshipped (~hê/rôa se/bein~, _Epigr. Gr._ 774).]

[75\15: ~Ka/rpos ta\n idi/an gunai=ka aphêrô/ïxe~ (Thera) _CIG._ 2471. From the same place come many more exx. of ~aphêrôi/zein~ by members of a family: 2472b-d, 2473; cf. ~Androsthe/nên Phi/lônos ne/on hê/rôa . . . hê mê/têr~ (Macedonia) _Arch. miss. scient._ iii, 1876, 295, n. 130.--This is probably how we should understand the matter when in sepulchral epigrams one member of the family addresses or refers to another as ~hê/rôs~: _Epigr. Gr._ 483, 510, 552, 674.--But ~hê/rôs suggenei/as~, _CIA._ iii, 1460, must have a fuller sense than the otherwise usual ~hê/rôs~. It distinguishes a true ~archêge/tês~. Prob. this is also the meaning of ~Charmu/lou hê/rôos tô=n Charmulei/ôn~, _GDI._ 3701 (Kos). Something more than simple ~hê/rôs~ is also probably intended by the language of the Pergamene inscr. (specially distorted to suit the ~isopsêphi/a~) _Inscr. Perg._ ii, 587, ~I. Niko/dêmos, ho kai\ Ni/kôn (a|phig) agatho\s ei=en a\n hê/rôs (a|phig)~.]

[76\15: It is true that it is difficult to find certain exx. of the identification of a dead man with an already existing and honoured _heros_ of another name. Of the various examples generally quoted for this perhaps the only relevant is the Spartan inscr. ~Aristoklê=s ho kai\ Zê=thos~, _Ath. Mitt._ iv, _tab._ 8, 2. Identification with a god is of frequent occurrence: cf. imagines defuncti, quas ad habitum dei Liberi formaverat (uxor), divinis percolens honoribus: Apul., _M._ viii, 7. (Cf. Lob., _Agl._ 1002, who also thinks of the example given in the ~Prôtesi/laos~ of Eur.; but the resemblance is only a distant one.) The dead man as ~Ba/kchos~, _Epigr. Gr._ 821; ~Dionu/sou a/galma~, ib. 705; cf. the dead man of _CIG._ 6731, ~a/galma eimi Hêli/ou~. Many similar exx. of the representation of the dead in accordance with the types of Dionysos, Asklepios, Hermes are given by Ross, _Archäol. Aufs._ i, 51; Deneken in Roscher, _Lex._ i, 2588.]

[77\15: See above, chap. iv, p. 128 ff.]

[78\15: See Keil, _Syll. Inscr. Boeot._, p. 153.]

[79\15: In Thespiai the inss. do not show the addition of ~hê/rôs~ to the name of the dead until Imperial times: see Dittenberger on _IG. Sept._ i, 2110, p. 367.]

[80\15: Many exx. of ~hê/rôs, hê/rôs chrêste\ chai=re~, etc., are collected and arranged by Deneken in Roscher's _Lex._ s. _Heros_, i, 2549 ff. See also Loch, _Gr. Grabschr._, p. 282 ff.]

[81\15: As Keil has already observed, loc. cit. [n. 78].--At any rate ~hêrôi/nê~ still preserves its full sense when the council and people of Athens, in the first century A.D., so describe a woman of position after her death, _CIA._ iii, 889. Or again, when the Athenian as well as the {562} Spartan decree calls P. Statilius Lamprias expressly ~hê/rôs~ (see above, n. 6)--_Fouilles d'Epid._ i, n. 205-9.]

[82\15: It is curious how, much later, in Christian times, ~ho hê/rôs~ is applied to one who has recently died (exactly synonymous with ~ho makari/tês~): cf. ~ho hê/rôs Eudo/xios, ho hê/rôs Patri/kios, Ia/mblichos~ in _Schol. Basilic._]

[83\15: ~hu/pnos e/chei se ma/kar . . . , kai\ zê=|s hôs hê/rôs kai\ ne/kus ouk ege/nou~, _Epigr. Gr._ 433; where it is evident that the ~hê/rôs~ is something more living than the mere ~ne/kus. aspa/zesth' hê/rôa, to\n ouk edama/ssato lu/pê~ (i.e. who has not been made nothing by death), ib., 296. The husband ~timai=s iso/moiron e/thêke ta\n homo/lektron hê/rôsin~, 189, 3. The title ~hê/rôs~ still has a stronger and deeper sense in inss. such as _CIG._ 1627 (referring to a descendent of Plutarch's) and 4058 (~. . . a/ndra philo/logon kai\ pa/sê| aretê=| kekosmême/non eudai/mona hê/rôa~). Cf. Orig., _Cels._ 3, 80, p. 359 Lom.: ~hoi biou=ntes hô=sth' hê/rôes gene/sthai kai\ meta\ theô=n he/xein ta\s diatriba/s~. In 3, 22, p. 276, he distinguishes between ~theoi/, hê/rôes, hapaxaplô=s psuchai/~ (the soul can divina _fieri_ et a legibus mortalitatis educi, Arnob. ii, 62; cf. Corn. Labeo ap. Serv., _Aen._ iii, 168).]

[84\15: ~a/ôroi, biotha/natoi, a/taphoi~ see Append. vii.--~tha/ptein kai\ hosiou=n tê=| Gê=|~, significantly, Philostr., _Her._ 714, p. 182, 9 f. K.]

[85\15: Plu., _Dio_, 2: some say that only children and women and foolish men see ghosts, ~dai/mona ponêro\n en autoi=s deisidaimoni/an e/chontes~. Plu. on the other hand thinks that he can confound the unbelieving by pointing to the fact that even Dio and Brutus had seen ~pha/smata~ shortly before their death.]

[86\15: Cf. the story of Philinnion and Machates in Amphipolis: Phleg., _Mirab._ 1. Procl. _in Rp._, p. 64 Sch. [ii, p. 116 Kr.; see Rohde in _Rh. Mus._ 32, 329 ff.]. The Erinyes in Aesch. are conceived as vampire-like: _Eum._ 264 f.: see above, chap. v, n. 161.--Souls of the dead as nightmare, ~ephia/ltês~, _incubo_ oppressing a man's enemy: Soran. ap. Tert., _An._ 44; Cael. Aurel., _Morb. Chron._ 1, 3, 55 (_Rh. Mus._ 37, 467, 1).]

[87\15: The ~_Philopseudê/s_~ is a genuine treasure-house of typical narratives of apparitions and sorceries of every kind. ~dai/monas ana/gein kai\ nekrou\s heô/lous anakalei=n~ is a mere bagatelle, according to these sage doctors, to the magician: c. 13. An example is given of this conjuration of the dead (the seven-months dead father of Glaukias): 14. Appearance of the dead wife of Eukrates whose golden sandals they had forgotten to burn with her: 27 (see above, chap. i, n. 51). As a rule the only haunting ghosts are ~hai tô=n biai/ôs apothano/ntôn psuchai/~ not those of the ~kata\ moi=ran apothano/ntôn~ as the learned Pythagorean instructs us, c. 29. Then follows the story of the ghost of Corinth (30-1), which must be taken from a widely known ghost-story, as it agrees completely in its circumstances with the story told with such simple candour by Pliny (_Ep._ vii, 27). ~dai/mona/s tinas ei=nai kai\ pha/smata kai\ nekrô=n _psucha\s_ peripolei=n hupe\r gê=s kai\ phai/nesthai hoi=s a\n ethe/lôsin~ (29) is the fixed conviction of these philosophers. The living too can sometimes catch a glimpse of the underworld: 22-4. A man's soul can be detached from his body and go down to Hades, and afterwards, again reunited to his body, relate its adventures. Thus the soul of Kleodemos, while his body lay in fever, is taken down to the lower world by a messenger but then sent back again since he had been taken by mistake for his neighbour, the smith Demylos: 25. This edifying narrative is certainly intended as a parody of the similar story told in good faith by Plu. _de An. fr._ 1, preserved {563} ap. Eus., _PE._ 11, 36, p. 563. It is certain that Plu. did not simply invent such a story; he may perhaps have found it in some older collection of miraculous ~anabiô/seis~ such as, for example, Chrysippos did not disdain to make. The probability that Plu. got this story of mistaken identity from a collection of folk-tales is made all the likelier since the same story occurs again in a popular guise. Of a similar character is what Augustine has to say on the authority of Corn. Labeo: _Civ. Dei_ 22, 28 (p. 622, 1-5 Domb.). Augustine himself, _Cur. pro Mort._ 15, tells a story exactly like that of Plu. (about Curma the _curialis_ and Curma the _faber ferrarius_), which, of course, is supposed to happen a little before his time in Africa; and once more at the end of the sixth century Gregory the Great introduces a vision of Hell by the same formula: _Dial._ 4, 36, p. 384 AB Migne. The inventive powers of ghoststory-tellers is very limited: they keep on repeating the same few old and tried motifs.]

[88\15: Plu., _Dio_, 2, 55: _Cimon_, 1; _Brut._ 36 f., 48.]

[89\15: Cf. above, chap. v, n. 23; chap. ix, nn. 105 ff.]

[90\15: ~psucha\s hêrô/ôn anakalei=n~ among the regular arts of the magician, Cels. ap. Orig., _Cels._ 1, 68, p. 127 Lomm.]

[91\15: See Append. xii.]

[92\15: And in consequence we sometimes have the most surprising confusion of the two states of being. Lucian, e.g. (in _D. Mort._ frequently, cf. 18, 1, 20, 2, and _Necyom._ 15, 17; _Char._ 24) speaks of the dead in _Hades_ as skeletons lying one upon another, Aiakos allowing them each one foot of earth, etc. (The Romans have the same confusion of ideas: nemo tam puer est, says Sen., _Ep._ 24, 18, ut Cerberum timeat et tenebras et larvalem habitum nudis ossibus cohaerentium. Cf. Prop. iv, 5, 3, Cerberus . . . ieiuno terreat ossa sono, etc.) There is also a confusion between the grave and Hades in such expressions as ~met' eusebe/essi _kei=sthai_~: _Epigr. Gr._ 259, 1; ~skê=nos nu=n kei=mai Ploute/os emmela/throis~, 226, 4; cf. above, chap. xii, n. 95. Such a mixture of ideas was all the more natural seeing that ~Ha/idês~ also occurs as a metaphor for ~tu/mbos~ (see below, n. 135).]

[93\15: ~ho polu\s ho/milos hou=s idiô/tas hoi sophoi\ kalou=sin, Homê/rô| kai\ Hêsio/dô| kai\ toi=s a/llois muthopoioi=s peri\ tou/tôn peitho/menoi, to/pon tina\ hupo\ tê\n gê=n bathu\n Ha/idên hupeilê/phasi ktl.~, Luc., _Luct._ 2 (continued to c. 9). Plu., _Suav. Viv._ 27, 1105 AB, thinks that ~ou pa/nu polloi/~ are afraid of Kerberos, having to fill broken pitchers and the other terrors of Hades, as being ~mête/rôn kai\ titthô=n do/gmata kai\ lo/gous muthô/deis~. And yet as protection against these things people are always seeking ~teleta\s kai\ katharmou/s~.]

[94\15: See _Griech. Roman_, 261, Ettig _Acheruntica_ (_Leipz. Stud._ 13, 251 ff.).]

[95\15: Man hopes that after death he will see ~tou\s nu=n hubri/zontas hupo\ plou/tou kai\ duna/meôs ktl. axi/an di/kên ti/nontas~, Plu., _Suav. V._ 28, 2, 1105 C. Reversal of earthly situation in Hades: ~ta\ pra/gmata es tou/mpalin anestramme/na; hêmei=s me\n ga\r hoi pe/nêtes gelô=men, aniô=ntai de\ kai\ oimô/zousin hoi plou/sioi~, Luc., _Catapl._ 15; cf. _DM._ 15, 2; 25, 2: ~isotimi/a, isêgori/a~ in Hades and ~ho/moioi pa/ntes~. aequat omnes cinis; impares nascimur, pares morimur, Sen., _Ep._ 91, 16--a favourite commonplace: see Gataker on M. Ant. vi, 24, p. 235 f.]

[96\15: How far indeed this really happened is of course not to be answered decisively. The Celsus against whom Origen wrote his polemical treatise looks at the matter from the popular point of view on the whole. (He is no Epicurean as Orig. supposes; but neither in fact is he a professional philosopher of any kind, but rather {564} an ~idiô/tês~ with inclinations to philosophy of all sorts and esp. to the semi-Platonism current at the time.) He distinctly says ~mê/te tou/tois~ (the Christians) ~ei/ê mê/t' emoi\ mê/t' a/llô| tini\ anthrô/pôn apothe/sthai to\ peri\ tou= kolasthê/sesthai tou\s adi/kous kai\ gerô=n axiôthê/sesthai tou\s dikai/ous do/gma~ (ap. Orig., _Cels._ 3, 16, p. 270 Lomm.).--On the other hand, it is significant of the temper of the very "secular" Graeco-Roman society which was at the head of affairs at the end of the last century B.C., that Cicero at the end of his work, _de Nat. Deor._ (iii, 81 ff.), in discussing the various means of obtaining a balance between desert and punishment, virtue and reward, in the circumstances of human life, never even mentions the belief in a final balance and recompense after death. (He only mentions among other things the visiting of the sins of the father upon his **descendants on earth--90 ff.--that old Greek belief [see above, chap. xii, n. 65] which really excludes the idea of an after life.) Between the days of Cic. and those of Celsus ideas had changed. We know this from innumerable indications; even the next world was looked at in quite a different light in the second century A.D. from what it had been two centuries earlier.]

[97\15: ~timôri/ai aiônioi hupo\ gê=n kai\ kolasmoi\ phrikô/deis~ are expected after death by many (while others regard death as merely an ~agathô=n ste/rêsis~): Plu., _Virt. Moral._ 10, 450 A. Horrible tortures in the ~kolastê/rion~ in Hades, fire, scourging, etc.: Luc., _Necyom._ 14 (carried still further in Plu.'s pictures of Hades, _Gen. Soc._ and _Ser. NV._). Fire, pitch, and sulphur belong to the regular apparatus of this place of torment; already in _Axioch._ 372 A, sinners are scorched by burning torches ~aïdi/ois timôri/ais~ (cf. Lehrs, _Popl. Aufs._ 308 ff.). How far such horrors really represented popular belief it is difficult to say for certain (they became quite familiar to Christian writers on Hell from classical tradition: cf. Maury, _Magie et l'astrol. dans l'antiq._ 166 ff.). But Celsus, for example, though he himself believes in the punishments of Hell (Orig., _Cels._ 8, 49, p. 180) only appeals in confirmation of his belief to the teaching of ~exêgêtai\ telestai/ te kai\ mustagôgoi/~ of certain (not precisely defined) ~hiera/~: 8, 48, p. 178; cf. above, chap. vii, § 2; chap. x, n. 62.]

[98\15: See above, chap. ii, § 1.]

[99\15: Peleus, Kadmos, Achilles in the Islands of the Blest: Pi., _O._ ii, 86 ff. (Peleus and Kadmos the supreme examples of ~eudaimoni/a~: _P._ iii, 86 ff.). In Eur., _Andr._ 1254 ff. Thetis promises to Peleus immortal life ~Nêre/ôs en do/mois~. An ancient poem must have spoken to this effect of Kadmos (and of Harmonia his wife); both are transported ~maka/rôn es ai=an~ Eur., _Ba._ 1338 f.; ~poiêtai/~ and ~muthogra/phoi~ ap. Sch. Pi., _P._ iii, 153 (this would be after their "death" in Illyria where their graves were shown, and the snakes of stone into which they had been changed: see Müller on Scylax, 24, p. 31). Achilles and Diomedes are ~nê/sois en maka/rôn~ acc. to the _skolion_ on Harmodios: _Carm. pop. fr._ 10 Bgk. (Thus we often hear that Achilles is in the Is. of the Blest or in the ~Êlu/sion pedi/on~ which was regularly identified with them--cf. ~Êlu/sios leimô/n~ in the ~maka/rôn nê=sos~: Luc., _Jup. Conf._ 17; _VH._ ii, 14--e.g. Pla. _Smp._ 199 E; A.R. iv, 811; [Apollod.] _Epit._ v, 5. His special place of abode on the island of Leuke is also a ~maka/rôn nê=sos~ and an older invention than the common Is. of the Blest of which we first hear in Hes., _Op._ 159 ff. Diomedes in the same way after his ~_aphanismo/s_~ enjoyed immortal life in the island named after him in the Adriatic: Ibyc. ap. Sch. Pi., _N._ x, 12; _Str._ 283-4, etc.; but the _skolion_ transferred him to the common dwelling-place of the blessed Heroes.) Achilles, sometimes in Leuke, sometimes on the Is. {565} of the Blest, is accompanied by his wife Medea (in Elys.: Ibyc. Simon. Sch. A.R. iv, 814; A.R. iv, 811 ff.) or Iphigeneia who had once been betrothed to him (in Leuke: Ant. Lib. 27 after Nikand.; different version by Lycophr. 183 ff.) or Helen (Paus. 3, 19, 11-13; Conon, 18; Sch. Pl., _Phdr._ 243 A; Philostr., _Her._ 211 ff. Kays.).--Alkmene after her _body_ had vanished from the sight of those who were bearing the coffin (cf. Plu., _Rom._ 28) was translated to the ~maka/rôn nê=soi~: Ant. Lib 33 after Pherecyd.--Neoptolemos is transported ~es êlu/sion pedi/on maka/rôn epi\ gai=an~, Q.S. iii, 761 ff.--Among the other Heroes there Agamemnon is also implied: Artemid. v, 16.--In all these fabulous accounts the Is. of the Blest (Elysion) remain invariably the abode of special and chosen Heroes (Harmodios' translation there in the _skolion_ is no exception; nor is Lucian's jesting reference, _VH._ ii, 17). It was only later imagination that, under the influence of theology, made this kingdom of bliss the common dwelling-place of almost all the ~eusebei=s~.]

[100\15: Fortunatorum memorant insulas quo cuncti qui aetatem egerint caste suam conveniant, Plaut., _Trin._ 549 f. Menand. Rh., _Encom._ 414, 16 ff. Sp., recommends the use in a ~paramuthêtiko\s lo/gos~ of the words: ~pei/thomai to\n metasta/nta to\ êlu/sion pedi/on oikei=n~ (--and even ~kai\ ta/cha pou ma=llon meta\ tô=n theô=n diaita=tai nu=n~); cf. p. 421, 16-17 Sp. And much later, ~cha/rin amei/psasthai auto\n eu/chomai tou\s theou/s, en maka/rôn nêsois ê/dê suzê=n êxiô/menon~, Suid. ~Antô/nios Alexandreu/s~ (410 B Gaisf.) from Damascius.]

[101\15: Sertorius: Plu., _Sert._ 8-9; Sall., _H._ 1, _fr._ 61, 62; Flor. 2, 10 (Hor., _Epod._ 16, 39 ff.). Some even thought that they had found (cf. Phoen. legends: _Gr. Roman_ 215) the ~mak. nê=s.~ off the west coast of Africa: Str. i, p. 3; iii, 150; Mela, iii, 10; Plin., _NH._ vi, 202 ff.; Marcellus, ~Aithiop.~ ap. Procl., _in Tim._, p. 54 F, 55 A, 56 B, etc. Islands inhabited by spirits in the north: Plu., _Def. Or._ 18, p. 419 F; _fr._ vol. v, 764 ff. Wytt. Procop., _Goth._ iv, 20 (the ~maka/rôn nê=soi~ are in the middle of the African continent acc. to Hdt. iii, 26; in Boeot. Thebes, Lyc. 1204 with Sch.). Ps. Callisth. makes Alex. the Great reach the land of the Blest, ii, 39 ff. There may have been many such fables which have been parodied by Lucian in _VH._ ii, 6 ff., where he and his company ~e/ti zô=ntes hierou= chôri/ou epibai/nousin~ (ii, 10). It was always natural to hope that at the _Antipodes_ (cf. Serv., _A._ vi, 532) such a land of the Souls and the Blest might some day be discovered--as indeed many have thought they _had_ discovered it in the progressive geographical discovery of the Middle Ages and modern times.]

[102\15: Leuke, to which already in the _Aithiopis_ Achilles had been translated, was originally a purely mythical place (see above, p. 65), the island of the pallid shades (like the ~Leuka\s pe/trê~ of _Od._ ~ô~ 11, at the entrance of Hades; cf. ~k~ 515. It is the same rock of Hades from which unhappy lovers cast themselves down to death, ~arthei\s dêu=t' apo\ Leuka/dos pe/três ktl.~ Anacr. 17, etc. [cf. Dieterich, _Nek._ 27 f.]. ~leu/kê~, the white poplar, as the tree of Hades, was used to make the garlands of the Mystai at Eleusis; cf. ~leukê\ kupa/rissos~ at the entrance of Hades, _Epigr. Gr._ 1037, 2).--It was probably Milesian sailors who localized this island of Achilles in the Black Sea (there was a cult of Ach. in Olbia and in Miletos itself). Alc. already knows of the champion as ruling over the country of the Scythians: _fr._ 48b, ~en Euxei/nô| pela/gei phaenna\n Achileu\s na=son (e/chei)~, Pi. _N._ iv, 49. Then Eur., _Andr._ 1259 ff.; _IT._ 436 ff.; finally Q.S. iii, 770 ff. Leuke was particularly identified with an uninhabited islet rising with its white limestone cliffs out of the sea at the mouth of the Danube: {566} ~Ke/ltou pro\s ekbolai=si~, Lyc. 189 (probably the Istros is meant but the latest editor simply substitutes ~I/strou pro\s ek.--a far too facile conjecture).--It stood, more exactly, before the ~psilo\n sto/ma~, i.e. the most northerly mouth of the river (the Kilia mouth): Arrian, _Peripl._ 20, 3 H.: [Scylax] _Peripl._ 68 prob. means the same island; cf. Leuke, ~euthu\ I/strou~, Max. Tyr. 15, 7. It has been proposed to identify it with the "snake island" which lies more or less in the same neighbourhood: see H. Koehler, _Mém. sur les îles et la course cons. à Achille_, etc., Mém. acad. S. Petersb. 1826, iv, p. 599 ff. It was only by a confusion that the long sandy beach at the mouth of the Borysthenes, called ~Achille/ôs dro/mos~, was identified with Leuke (e.g. by Mela, ii, 98; Plin., _NH._ iv, 93; D.P. 541 ff.); legends of Achilles' epiphanies may have been current there too (as in other islands of the same name: Dionys. of Olbia ap. Sch. A.R. ii, 658); the Olbiopolitai offer a cult to ~Achilleu\s Ponta/rchês~ there: _CIG._ 2076-7, 2080, 2096b-f (_IPE._ i, 77-83). But as a settled abode of Achilles only Leuke was generally recognized (there was a ~dro/mos Achille/ôs~ there as well: Eur., _IT._ 437; Hesych. ~Achill. pla/ka~; Arr. 21--hence the confusion mentioned above). Strabo's remarks on the subject are peculiar (vii, 306 f.). He distinguishes the ~Ach. dro/mos~ (which had already been mentioned by Hdt. iv, 55) from Leuke altogether; and he places that island not at the mouth of the Istros but 500 stades away at the mouth of the Tyras (Dniester). But the place where sacrifice and worship was made to Achilles, as the abode of his spirit, was definitely fixed; and this was, in fact, the island at the mouth of the Danube (~kata\ tou= I/strou ta\s ekbola/s~, Paus. 3, 19, 11), of which Arr. 23, 3, gives an account based partially on the evidence of eye-witnesses (p. 399, 12 Müll.). It was an uninhabited, thickly wooded island only occupied by numerous birds; there was a temple and a statue of Ach. on it, and also an oracle (Arr. 22, 3), which must have been an oracle taken by casting or drawing lots (for there were no human intermediaries) which those who landed on the island could make use of for themselves. The birds--which were perhaps regarded as incarnations of the Heroes, or as handmaidens of the "divinity of light" which Achilles was, acc. to R. Holland, _Heroenvögel in d. gr. Myth._ 7 ff., 1896--the birds purify the temple every morning with their wings, which they have dipped in the water: Arr., p. 398, 18 ff. Philostr., _Her._ 746, p. 212, 24 Kays. (Cf. the comrades of Diomedes changed into birds on his magic island: Iuba ap. Plin., _NH._ x, 127--another bird miracle: ib., x, 78). No human beings dared to live on the island, though sailors often landed there; they had to leave before nightfall (when spirits are abroad): Amm. Marc. 22, 8, 35; Philostr., _Her._ 747, p. 212, 30-213, 6. The temple possessed many votive offerings and Greek and Latin inss. (_IPE._ i, 171-2). Those who landed there sacrificed the goats which had been placed on the island and ran wild. Sometimes Ach. appeared to visitors; at other times they heard him singing the Paian. In dreams too he sometimes appeared (i.e. if a person happened to sleep--there was no Dream-oracle there). To sailors he gave directions and sometimes appeared like the Dioskouroi (as a flame?) on the top of the ship's mast (see Arr., _Peripl._ 21-3; Scymn. 790-6; from both these is derived Anon., _P. Pont. Eux._ 64-6; Max. Tyr. 15, 7, p. 281 f. R.; Paus. 3, 19, 11; Amm. Marc. 22, 8, 35). (The account in Philostr., _Her._ 745, p. 211, 17-219, 6 Kays., is fantastic but uses good material and is throughout quite in keeping with the true legendary spirit--esp. in the story also of the girl torn to pieces by ghosts: 215, 6-30. Nor is it likely that {567} Phil. himself invented the marvellous tale laid precisely in the year 163-4 B.C.). Achilles is not regarded as living quite alone here: Patroklos is with him (Arr. 32, 34; Max. Tyr. 15, 7), and Helen or Iphigeneia is given him as his wife (see above, n. 99). Leonymos of Kroton, sixth century B.C., meets the two Aiantes and Antilochos there: Paus. 3, 19, 13; Conon 18; D.P. (time of Hadrian) says (545): ~kei=thi d' Achillê=os kai\ hêrô/ôn pha/tis a/llôn psucha\s heili/ssesthai erêmai/as ana\ bê/ssas~ (which Avien., _Des. Orb._, misunderstands and improves on: 722 ff.). Thus the island, though in a limited sense, became a true ~maka/rôn nê=sos~--insula Achillea eadem Leuce et Macaron appelata, Plin., _NH._ iv, 93.]

[103\15: Cic., speaking of the "translations" of Herakles and Romulus, says non corpora in caelum elata, non enim natura pateretur . . . (ap. Aug., _CD._ 22, 4); only their animi remanserunt et aeternitate fruuntur, _ND._ ii, 62; cf. iii, 12. Plu., _Rom._ 28, speaks in the same way of the old translation stories (those of Aristeas, Kleomedes, Alkmene, and finally Romulus)--it was not their bodies which had disappeared together with their souls, for it would be ~para\ to\ eiko/s, entheia/zein to\ thnêto\n tê=s phu/seôs hama\ toi=s thei/ois~ (cf. _Pelop._ 16 fin.); cf. also the Hymn (represented as ancient) of Philostr. dealing with the translated Achilles: _Her._ 741, p. 208, 24 ff. K.]

[104\15: Celsus and Plutarch both know and describe the ancient cult and oracular power of Amphiaraos (only at Oropos now) as still in existence; the same applies to that of Trophonios (like that of Amphilochos also in Cilicia. An inscr. from Lebadeia (first half third century A.D.) mentions a priestess ~tê=s Homonoi/as tô=n Hellê/nôn para\ tô=| Trophôni/ô|~, _IG. Sept._ i, 3426.]

[105\15: ~Astaki/dên to\n Krê=ta, to\n aipo/lon, _hê/rpase_ nu/mphê ex ore/ôn kai\ nu=n _hiero\s_ Astaki/dês~ (he has become divine, i.e. immortal): Call., _Ep._ 24. Of a similar character is the legend of Hylas: ~aphanê\s ege/neto~, Ant. Lib. 26; and of Bormos among the Maryandynoi (~numpho/lêptos~ Hesych. ~Bô=rmon, aphanisthê=nai~ Nymphis, _fr._ 9). The Daphnis legend is another example, and even the story of Odysseus and Kalypso, who detains him in her cave and would like to make him immortal and ageless for ever, is in reality based on such legends of the Nymphs. (Even the name of the Nymph in this case indicates her power: to ~kalu/ptein~ her mortal lover, i.e. ~aphanê= poiei=n~.) Only in this case the spell is broken and the ~apathana/tisis~ of the translated lover is never carried out. For other exx. of legends of the love of Nymphs for a youth see _Griech. Roman_, 109, 1; a Homeric ex. in ~Z~ 21 of the ~nêi\s Abarbare/ê~ and Boukolion the son of Laomedon. The idea that a person translated by the nymphs did not die but lived on for ever, remained current: cf. inscr. from Rome, _Epigr. Gr._ 570, 9-10: ~toi=s pa/ros ou=n mu/thois pisteu/sate; pai=da ga\r esthlê\n hê/rpasen hôs terpnê\n Naï/des, ou tha/natos~. And again, n. 571: ~Nu/mphai krênai=ai/ me sunê/rpasan ek bio/toio, kai\ ta/cha pou _timê=s_ hei/neka tou=t' e/pathon~.]

[106\15: In the extravagant and fanatical worship of Dionysos that was transplanted from Greece to Italy and Rome in the year 186 B.C. the miracle of translation was carried out in a very practical fashion (belief in its possibility was evidently firmly established). Machines were prepared upon which those whose disappearance was to be effected were bound; they were then transferred by the machine _in abditos specus_; whereupon the miracle was announced: _raptos a dis homines istos_: Liv. 39, 13. This only becomes intelligible in the light of such legends of the translation of mortals, body and soul, to immortality, of which we have been speaking.] {568}

[107\15: Plainly so in the case of Berenike the consort of Ptolemy Soter: Theoc. 17, 46. Theocritus addresses Aphrodite: ~se/then d' he/neken Bereni/ka eueidê\s Ache/ronta polu/stonon ouk epe/rasen, alla/ min _harpa/xasa_ pa/roith' epi\ nê=a katelthei=n kuane/an kai\ stugno\n aei\ porthmê=a kamo/ntôn, es nao\n kate/thêkas, hea=s d' apeda/ssao tima=s~ (as ~thea\ pa/redoros~ or ~su/nnaos~: cf. _Inscr. Perg._ i, 246, 8). Cf. also Theoc. 15, 106 ff. As a rule, however, this idea is not so definitely expressed (though it is plainly implied that translation is the normal way in which deified princes depart this life, in the story indignantly rejected by Arrian, _Anab._ 7, 27, 3, that Alexander the Great wanted to throw himself into the Euphrates ~hôs _aphanê\s_ ex anthrô/pôn geno/menos pistote/ran tê\n do/xan para\ toi=s e/peita egkatalei/poi ho/ti ek theou= te autô=| hê ge/nesis sune/bê kai\ _para\ theou\s hê apochô/rêsis_~--which is the regular and ancient idea of translation, exhibited e.g. in the story of Empedokles' end; see above, chap. xi, n. 61: and Christian pamphleteers transferred the fable to Julian and his end). The Roman Emperors also allowed such conventional miracles to be told of themselves, in which at least they were imitating the practice of the Hellenistic monarchs and the "consecration" fables usual at their death (they do not die but ~methi/stantai ex anthrô/pôn, meth. eis theou/s~, _SIG_^1. 246, 16; _Inscr. Perg._ i, 249, 4; inscr. from Hierapolis given by Fränkel, ib. i, p. 39a). That the god is _translated_, his whole personality _in caelum redit_, is implied as occurring at the death of an Emperor on the coins of consecration, in which the translated is represented as being carried up to heaven by a _Genius_ or a bird (e.g. the eagle which was set free at the _rogus_ of the emperor: D.C. 56, 42, 3; 74, 5, 5; Hdn. 4, 2 fin.): see Marquardt, _Röm. Staatsverw._ 3, 447, 3. Nor were there lacking people who maintained on oath that they had actually witnessed the translation of the emperor body and soul to heaven, as had once happened to Julius Proculus and Romulus. Thus at the end of Augustus' life: D.C. 56, 46, 2. and that of Drusilla: 59, 11, 4. Sen., _Apocol._ 1. It was the official and only recognised manner in which a god can leave this life.]

[108\15: _Phdr._ 246 CD. ~pla/ttomen . . . theo\n, atha/nato/n ti zô=|on, e/chon me\n psuchê/n, e/chon de\ sô=ma, to\n aei\ de\ chro/non tau=ta xumpephuko/ta~. In acc. with the will of the ~dêmiourgo/s~ body and soul in the gods remain joined together (though in itself ~to\ dethe\n pa=n luto/n~. It is to this that Klearch. alludes ap. Ath. 15, 670 B, ~_ho/ti luto\n_ [lu/etai~ the MSS.] ~me\n pa=n to\ dedeme/non~): hence they are ~atha/natoi~, _Tim._ 41 AB.]

[109\15: Hasisatra, Enoch: see above, chap. ii, n. 18. Moses, too, was translated acc. to later legend, and Elijah (cf. after the battle of Panormos Hamilcar disappears and for that reason is worshipped with sacrifice: Hdt. vii, 166-7). In Egypt too: D.S. 1, 25, 7, speaks of the ~ex anthrô/pôn meta/stasis~, i.e. translation, of Osiris (for the expression cf. ~Ka/stôr kai\ Poludeu/kês ex anthrô/pôn êphani/sthêsan~, Isoc., _Archid._ (6), 18, etc., frequently).]

[110\15: Stories of the disappearance (non comparuit, nusquam apparuit = ~êphani/sthê~) of Aeneas and Turnus, King Latinus, Romulus and others: Preller, _Röm. Myth._^2, pp. 84-5; 683, 2; 704. Anchises: Procop., _Goth._ iv, 22 fin.]

[111\15: So too Caesar in deorum numerum relatus est non ore modo decernentium sed et persuasione volgi, Suet., _Jul._ 88.]

[112\15: D.C. 79, 18.--It is natural to suppose that some prophecy of the return of the great Macedonian was current and encouraged the attempt to turn the prophecy into a reality and predisposed people to believe in it. This at least is what happened in the case of Nero {569} and the false Fredericks of the middle ages. This seems to have been at the back of the superstitious cult of Alexander

## particularly flourishing just at that time (cf. the story told of

the family of the Macriani by Treb. Poll. _xxx Tyr._ 14, 4-6). Caracalla (Aur. Vict., _Epit._ 21; cf. Hdn. 4, 8; D.C. 77, 7-8) and Alexander Severus actually regarded themselves as Avatars of Alexander reborn and incarnated in themselves (the latter was first called Alexander at his elevation to the principate, certainly _ominis causa_, and was supposed to have been born, on the anniversary of Alexander's death, in A.'s temple: Lamprid., _Al. Sev._ 5, 1; 13, 1, 3, 4. He paid special honour to Alex., and as we are expressly told by Lamp. 64, 3, se magnum Alexandrum videri volebat).]

[113\15: The Christian anticipation of the return of Nero (as Antichrist) is well known: he was supposed to have disappeared and not to have died. They based their expectation, however, on a widespread belief of the populace which the various ~Pseudone/rônes~ who actually appeared turned to their advantage (Suet., _Ner._ 57; Tac., _H._ i, 2; ii, 8: Luc., _Indoct._ 20).]

[114\15: This was the idea lying behind the deification of Antinous commanded by the Emperor; as may be seen from the connexion in which Celsus speaks of the matter (ap. Orig., _Cels._ 3, 36, p. 296 Lomm.): he mentions the disappearance of Ant. in the same context as the translation of Kleomedes, Amphiaraos, Amphilochos, etc. (c. 33-4).--The language in which the deification of Ant. is spoken of on the obelisk at Rome gives no precise idea of what happened: see Erman, _Mit. arch. Inst. röm. Abt._ 1896, p. 113 ff.--In this case, then, we have a translation effected by a river-god: cf. the water-nymphs mentioned above, n. 105. In the same way Aeneas disappeared into the river Numicius: Serv., _Aen._ xii, 794; Sch. Veron., _Aen._ i, 259; D.H. i, 64, 4; Arnob. i, 36; Ov., _M._ xiv, 598 ff.; Liv. i, 2, 6. cf. the fable of Alex. the Great's translation into a river: n. 107. Euthymos in the same way vanished into the river Kaikinos (supposed to be his real father: Paus. 6, 6, 4); see above, chap. iv, n. 116.]

[115\15: Philostr., _V. Ap._ viii, 29-30 (not indeed from Damis as Ph. himself definitely asserts; but certainly from sincere accounts derived from the various adherents of Apoll.--none of the facts in the biography are Phil.'s own invention). Apoll. either died in Ephesos or disappeared (~aphanisthê=nai~) in the temple of Athene at Lindos or disappeared in the temple of Diktynna in Crete and ascended to heaven ~autô=| sô/mati~ (as Eus. _adv. Hierocl._ 44, 408, 5 Ks. rightly understands it). This was the legend generally preferred. His ~aphanismo/s~ was confirmed by the fact that no grave or cenotaph of Apoll. was to be found: Philostr. viii, 31 fin. The imitation of the legends about the disappearance of Empedokles is obvious.]

[116\15: ~tou= Apollôni/ou ex **anthrô/pôn êdê o/ntos, **thaumazome/nou de\ epi\ tê=| metabolê=| kai\ mêd' antile/xai tharrou=ntos mêde/nos hôs ouk a tha/natos eiê~, Philostr. viii, 31. Then follows a miracle vouchsafed to an unbelieving Thomas to whom Apoll. himself appears.]

[117\15: Pre-existence of the soul, return of the souls of the good to their home with God, punishment of the wicked, complete ~athanasi/a~ of all souls as such--all this belongs to the wisdom of Solomon. The Essene doctrine of the soul as described by Jos., _BJ._ 2, 8, 11, is also thoroughly Greek; it belongs to the Stoico-Platonic teaching (i.e. the Neopythagorean variety); see Schwally, _Leben n. Todt n. Vorst. alt. Israël_, p. 151 ff., 179 ff. [1892]. The _carmen Phocylideum_ is the work of some Jewish author who obscurely mixes up {570} Platonic ideas with those of Greek theologians (cf. 104 where Bgk., _PLG._ ii, p. 95, rightly defends the MSS. ~theoi/~ against Bernays), and of the Stoics (108)--adding also ideas derived from the Jewish doctrine of the resurrection (115 at least is completely Greek: ~psuchê\ d' atha/natos kai\ agê/rôs zê=| dia\ panto/s~). In Philo's doctrine of the soul everything comes from Platonic or Stoic sources.]

[118\15: e.g. in Sikyon as it appears: Paus. 2, 7, 2.]

[119\15: Perhaps in _Epigr. Gr._ ed. Kaibel (which will be referred to in this section as _Ep._), 35a, p. 517; but this belongs to the fourth century B.C. A late example (in prose, _IG. Sic. et It._ 1702.]

[120\15: ~gai=an e/chois elaphra/n~, _Ep._ 195, 4; cf. 103, 9; 538, 7; 551, 4; 559, 3; _IG. Sic. et It._ 229; Rhodian inscr., _IGM. Aeg._ i, 151, 3-4 (first-second century A.D.); ~alla\ su/, dai=mon, tê=| phthime/nê| kou/phên gai=an hu/perthen e/chois~.--Eur. already has something similar: _Alc._ 463: see above, chap. xii, n. 121.]

[121\15: The confusion of ideas is evident, e.g. in _Ep._ 700, ~kou=phon e/chois gai/ês ba/ros eusebi/ês eni\ chô/rô|~, cf. 222b, 11-12.--The real meaning of such wishes is indicated by Luc., _Luct._ 18; the dead son says to his mourning father, ~de/dias mê/ soi apopnigô= katakleisthei\s en tô=| mnê/mati~.]

[122\15: ~Phersepho/nês tha/lamos, tha/lamoi~, _Ep._ 35, 4; 50, 2; 201, 4; 231, 2; _Anth. Pal._ vii, 507-8 "Simonides". ~phthime/nois ae/naos tha/lamos~, _Ep._ 143, 2. ~do/mos Nukto/s~, _AP._ vii, 232. (We need not hesitate to use the grave-epigrams in the _Anthology_ side by side with the actual sepulchral inss. The former are sometimes the models of the latter, sometimes modelled upon actual epitaphic inscriptions, but always closely related to the more literary epitaphs.)]

[123\15: ~Lê/thês pausi/ponon po/ma~, _Ep._ 244, 10. ~ê\n katabê=|s es pô=ma Lê/thês~, 261, 20. (~Nu/x, lê/thês dô=ra phe/rous' ep' emoi/~, 312.) ~Moi=rai kai\ Lê/thê me katê/gagon eis Ai/dao~, 521. (Cf. _AP._ vii, ~Lê/thês do/moi~, 25, 6; ~Lê/thês limê/n~, 498; ~Lê/thês pe/lagos~, 711, 716.) ~La/thas ê/luthon eis lime/as~, Mysian inscr. _BCH._ xvii (1894), p. 532, n. 34.]

[124\15: ~hoi plei/ous~ = the dead (like the Latin _plures_: Plaut., _Trin._ 291, Petron. 42): ~es pleo/nôn~ in Hades, _Ep._ 373, 4; _AP._ vii, 731, 6; xi, 42. Already in Ar., _Eccl._ 1073: ~grau=s anastêkui=a para\ tô=n pleio/nôn~. Call., _Epigr._ 5 (cf. Boisson. on Eunap., p. 309). Ancient oracle ap. Polyb. 8, 30, 7: ~meta\ tô=n pleo/nôn = tô=n metêllacho/tôn (Tarentum). Even in the present day: ~'stou\s pollou\s~, Schmidt, _Volksl. d. Neugr._ i, 235.]

[125\15: _Ep._ 266, ~mê\ mu/rou, phi/l' a/ner, me; kai\ auto\s ekei= ga\r hodeu/sas heurê/seis tê\n sê\n su/ggamon Eutuchi/ên~. Cf. 558, 5 ff.; 397, 5. Phrygian inscr., _Papers American School_, iii, 305 (n. 427): a father addressing his dead son ~kai\ polu\ tersane/ô to/te da/kruon hê/nika sei=o psuchê\n athrê/sô gê=n hupodusa/menos~.]

[126\15: ~ei de/ tis en phthime/nois kri/sis, hôs lo/gos amphi\ thano/ntôn~, _Ep._ 215, 5. A mother boasts of the piety of her son to Rhadamanthys: 514, 5 (cf. 559, 3 f.). So too, in _AP._ vii there is little mention of a judgment (596 Agathias).]

[127\15: The division of the dead into two classes is implied where the pious departed is said to be about to dwell ~en maka/ressin~, etc. But the distinct separation of the dead into two or three classes [see above, chap. xii, n. 62] is rare in the sepulchral inscr.: _Ep._ 650, 9 ff., is an exception (but there one company is ~epichthoni/ê~, the other in the _aither_--a Stoic idea.--A peculiar arrangement, implying the three classes, is given in [Socr.] _Epist._ 27, 1 (they are in the ~to/pos eus.~ and ~asebô=n~ in Hades, and in the _aither_): ~tou= ei=te kata\ gê=n en eusebô=n chô/rô| o/ntos {571} ei/te kat' a/stra (ho/per kai\ ma/la pei/thomai) Sôkra/tous~.--The same again in _AP._ vii, 370 (Diodor.) ~en Dio\s~ (i.e. in Heaven) ~ê\ maka/rôn~.]

[128\15: There is perhaps no reference in the grave-inss. to the punishment of the ~asebei=s~, and scarcely any in _AP._ vii (but cf. 377, 7 f. Erykios).]

[129\15: ~psuchê\ d' es to\ di/kaion e/bê~, _Ep._ 502, 13; i.e. to the place to which it justly belongs.]

[130\15: ~nai/eis _maka/rôn nê/sous_ thali/ê| eni\ pollê=|~, _Ep._ 649, 2; 366, 6; 648, 9. ~nê=son e/cheis maka/rôn~, 473, 2; 107, 2; _AP._ vii, 690, 4. ~maka/rôn pedi/on~, _Ep._ 516, 1-2. ~_Êlu/sion_ pedi/on~ 414, 8; 150, 6. ~pedi/a Êlu/sia~, 338, 2; 649, 3. ~chô=ros êlu/sios~ 618a, 8. ~met' eusebe/ôn esme\n en Êlusi/ô|~, 554, 4.--~nai/ô d' _hêrô/ôn_ hiero\n do/mon, ouk Ache/rontes; toi=on ga\r bio/tou te/rma sophoi=sin e/ni~, _Ep._ 228, 7-8. ~hêrô/ôn chô=ron e/chois phthi/menos~, 539, 4. ~Lêtogene/s, su\ de\ pai=das en hêrô/essi phula/ssois, eusebe/ôn aei\ chô=ron epercho/menos~, 228b, 7 (p. 520). ~ô/|chet' es _hêmithe/ous_~, 699 (~soi\ me\n he/drê thei/oisi par' andra/si~, _AP._ vii, 659, 3).]

[131\15: Description of the charms of the ~maka/rôn nê=soi~ and the Elysian fields where ~oude\ potheino\s anthrô/pôn e/ti bi/otos~, _Ep._ 649. More elaborate in the poem of Marcellus on Regilla the wife of Herodes Att.: _Ep._ 1046 (she is ~meth' hêrô/|nêsin en maka/rôn nê/soisin, hi/na Kro/nos embasileu/ei~, 8-9; Zeus had dispatched her thither with soft breezes, ~es ôkeano/n~, 21 ff. Now she is ~ou thnêtê/, ata\r oude\ the/aina~ but a Heroine, 42 ff. In the ~choro\s protera/ôn hêmithea/ôn~ she serves as an ~opa/ôn nu/mphê~ of Persephone, 51 ff.).]

[132\15: Clearly e.g. the place where Rhadamanthys holds sway in Hades, _Ep._ 452, 18-19.]

[133\15: The ~chô=ros eusebe/ôn~ clearly indicates Hades: ~Ai/deô nuchi/oio me/las hupede/xato ko/lpos, eusebe/ôn th' hosi/ên eu/nasen es klisi/ên~, _Ep._ 27, 3-4; cf. inscr. from Rhodes, _IGM. Aeg._ i, 141, of an old schoolmaster--~eusebô=n chô=ros [sph' e/chei]; Plou/tôn ga\r auto\n kai\ Korê katô/|kisan, Hermê=s te kai\ da|dou=chos Heka/tê, prosph[ilê=] ha/pasin ei=nai, mustikô=n t' epista/tên e/taxan auto\n pi/steôs pa/sês cha/rin~.--Not infrequently Elysion and the place of the ~eusebe/es~ are identified: e.g. _Ep._ 338, ~eusebe/es de\ psuchê\n~ (sc. ~e/chousi) kai\ pedi/ôn te/rmones Êlusi/ôn. tou=to saophrosu/nês e/lachon ge/ras, ambrosi/ên de\~ (the immortality of her soul) ~sô/matos hubristê\s ouk epa/têse chro/nos. alla\ ne/ê nu/mphê|si~ (thus the stone: _Ath. Mitt._ iv, 17) ~met' eusebe/essi kathê=tai~.--If there is a judgment in Hades ~oikê/seis eis do/mon eusebe/ôn~, _Ep._ 215, 5-6. Kore conducts the dead ~chô=ron ep' eusebe/ôn~, 218, 15-16. ~ka/stin en eusebe/ôn hê\n dia\ sôphrosu/nên~, 569, 12. ~eusebe/ôn chô=ros~, 296. ~eus. do/mos~, 222, 7-8. ~eusebe/ôn nai/ois hiero\n do/mon~, _IPE._ ii, 298, 11. ~psuchê\ d' eusebe/ôn oi/chetai eis tha/lamon~, _Ep._ 90 (_CIA._ ii, 3004). ~eus. eis hierou\s thala/mous~, 222b, 12. ~eus. en skieroi=s thala/mois~, 253, 6. ~esthla\ de\ nai/ô dô/mata Phersepho/nas chô/rô| en eusebe/ôn~, 189, 5-6. ~met' eusebe/essi kei=sthai, ant' aretê=s~, 259. ~thê=k' Ai/dês es mucho\n eusebe/ôn~, 241a, 18. ~eusebi/ês d' hei/neken eusebe/ôn chô=ron e/bê phthi/menos~, _Ath. Mitt._ xi, 427 (Kolophon). Late Roman inscr., _IG. Sic. et It._ 1660: a wife says of her dead husband ~peri\ hou= de/omai tou\s katachthoni/ous theou/s, tê\n psuchê\n eis tou\s eusebei=s katata/xai~.]

[134\15: The ~chô=ros maka/rôn~ in the sky: ~psuchê\ d' athana/tôn boulai=s epidê/mio/s estin a/strois kai\ hiero\n chô=ron e/chei maka/rôn~, _Ep._ 324, 3-4. ~kai\ nai/eis maka/rôn nê/sous . . . augai=s en katharai=sin, Olumpou plêsi/on o/ntôs~, 649, 2, 8. The ~êlu/sion pedi/on~ outside the ~phthime/nôn do/moi~, 414, 8, 6. Sometimes both the heavenly abode of the blessed and the Islands of the Blest occur together: [Luc.] _Dem. Enc._ 50. {572} Demosth. is after his death either in the ~maka/rôn nê/sois~ with the Heroes, or else in the ~ourano/s~ as an attendant daimon on ~Zeu\s Eleuthe/rios~.]

[135\15: ~psuchê\ pro\s _O/lumpon_ anê/llato~, _Ep._ 646a, 3. ~psuchê\ d' en Olu/mpô|~, 159, 261, 11. ~ê=lthen d' eis Aidao de/mas, psuchê\ d' es O/lumpon~, _AP._ vii, 362, 3. (~Ai/dês~ here = the grave as often; so too in _Ep._ 288, 4-5, ~psuchê\ . . . es aithe/ra . . . oste/a eis Ai/dên a/tropos ei=le no/mos.) meta\ po/tmon horô= pha/os Oulu/mpoio~, _AP._ vii, 678, 5.--~psuchê\n d' ek mele/ôn _ourano\s_ euru\s e/chei~, _Ep._ 104b, 4. ~ê=tor d' ouranô=| meta/rsion~, 462, 6. ~psuchê\ moi nai/ei dô/mat' epoura/nia~, 261, 10 (and frequently in this poem in various forms). ~es ourani/as atarpou\s psuchê\ paptai/nei sô=m' apodusame/nê~, _AP._ vii, 337, 7; cf. also 363, 3; 587, 2; 672, 1 and ix, 207-8. ~_aithê\r_ me\n psucha\s hupede/xato~, _Ep._ 21 (fifth century B.C., see above, chap. xii, n. 149). ~Euruma/chou psuchê\n kai\ huperphia/lous dianoi/as aithê\r hugro\s e/chei~, 41 (fourth century B.C. but the ~aithê/r~ is not "moist"--~aithê\r lampro\s e/chei~ is the more primitive version of the phrase given in the corresponding epigr. of the ~Pe/plos.~ The ~aê/r~ would be ~hugro/s~: ~tên psuchê\n ape/dôken es ae/ra~, _Ep._ 642, 7). ~psuchê\n me\n es aithe/ra kai\ Dio\s aula/s~, 288, 4. ~psuchê\ d' aithe/rion kate/chei po/lon~, 225, 3. ~es ai/thrên psuchê\ e/bê eme/then~, 325, 5.--~psuchê\ d' athana/tôn boulai=s epidê/mio/s estin _a/strois_~, Ep. 324, 3. From Thyatira, _BCH._ 1887, p. 461: ~tha/psen d' adelpho\s Arche/laos sô=m' emo/n, psucha\ de/ meu pro\s a/stra kai\ theou\s ESI~ (read ~e/bê~). One company of the souls ~tei/ressi su\n aitheri/oisi choreu/ei; hê=s stratiê=s hei=s eimi~, _Ep._ 650, 11-12 (Diogenes) ~nu=n de thanô\n aste/ras oi=kon e/chei~, _AP._ vii, 64, 4.]

[136\15: ~psuchê\ d' ek rhethe/ôn ptame/nê meta\ dai/monas a/llous ê/luthe sê/, nai/es d' en maka/rôn dape/dô|~, _Ep._ 243, 5-6. ~kai/ me theô=n maka/rôn kate/chei do/mos a=sson io/nta, ourani/ois te do/moisi ble/pô pha/os Êrigenei/ês~, 312, 6.--~tê\n su/neton psuchê\n maka/rôn eis ae/ra dou=sa, pro/sthen me\n thnêtê/, nu=n de\ theô= me/tochos~, 654, 4-5.--~alla\ nu=n eis tou\s theou/s~ _IG. Sic. et It._ 1420. ~hôs de\ phu/sis me\n e/lusen apo\ chthono/s, atha/natoi me\n auto\n e/chousi theoi\ sô=ma de\ sêko\s ho/de~, _AP._ vii, 570; 61, 2; 573, 3-4.]

[137\15: See above, chap. xii, p. 436 ff.]

[138\15: See above, p. 500 f. ~pneu=ma~, _Ep._ 250, 6; 613, 6; ~pneu=ma labô\n da/nos ourano/then tele/sas chro/non antape/dôka~ (cf. ~pneu=ma ga/r esti theou= chrê=sis thnêtoi=si~, _Carm. Phoc._ 106). 156, 2: ~pnoiê\n aithê\r e/laben pa/lin, ho/sper e/dôken~ (third century B.C.; see Köhler on _CIA._ ii, 4135).--This conception having become popular frequently occurs in the theological poetry of later times: e.g. ~chrêsmo/s~ ap. Stob., _Ecl._ 1, 49, 46, i, p. 414 W.: ~to\ me\n (to\ sô=ma) luthe/n esti ko/nis, psuchê\ de\ pro\s ai/thrên ski/dnatai, hoppo/then ê=lthe, metê/oros eis aithe/r' haplou=n~ (read ~aithe/r' es _hagno/_~). Oracle of Apoll. Tyan. ap. Philostr., _VA._ viii, 31: ~atha/natos psuchê\ . . . meta\ sô=ma maranthe\n . . . rhêidi/ôs prothorou=sa kera/nnutai êe/ri kou/phô|~.]

[139\15: ~psuchê\n d' _atha/naton_ koino\s e/chei tha/natos~, _Ep._ 35, 6 (_CIA._ ii, 3620, fourth century B.C.). _IG. Sic. et It._ 940, 3-4: ~athana/tê psuchê\ me\n es aithe/ri kai\ Dio\s augai=s pôta=tai~. ib. 942: ~. . . entha/de kei=mai, _ouchi\ thanô/n_; thnê/skein mê\ le/ge tou\s agathou/s~ (from Call., _Epigr._ 11, ~ta=|de Sa/ôn . . . hiero\n hu/pnon koima=tai. thna/skein mê\ le/ge tou\s agathou/s).--_ouk e/thanes_, Prô/tê, mete/bês d' es amei/nona chô=ron~ _Ep._ 649.]

[140\15: This retains its full and original meaning (as in Call., Epigr. 11); cf. _Ep._ 559, 7, ~le/ge Popili/ên heu/dein a/ner; ou themito\n thnê/skein tou\s agathou/s, all' hu/pnon hêdu\n e/chein~. More often as a mere conventional phrase: 433; 101, 4; 202, 1; 204, 7; ~s' ekoi/misen hu/pnos ho lê/thês~, 223, 3; 502, 2; _AP._ vii, 29, 1; 30, 2, 260.]

[141\15: _Ep._ 651: ~thnêto\n sô=ma . . . to\ d' atha/naton es maka/rôn ano/rouse {573} ke/ar; psuchê\ ga\r aei/zôs hê\ to\ zê=n pare/chei kai\ theo/phin kate/bê . . . sô=ma chitô\n psuchê=s~ (cf. Emp. 414 M. = _fr._ 126 D., ~sarkô=n periste/llousa chitô=ni~ sc. ~tê\n psuchê/n); to\n de\ theo\n se/be mou~ (the god in me, my ~psuchê/~). 261, 6, ~tê\n psuchê\n d' athana/tên e/lachon; en gai/ê| me\n sô=ma to\ suggene/s oura/nios de\ ê/luthen hê psuchê\ dô=ma kat' ou phthi/menon ktl.~; cf. 320, 6 ff.--594 (late epitaph of a doctor with philosophic leanings; found in Rome, 7 ff.: ~oud' a/ra thnêto\s e/ên, hup' ana/gkês hupsime/dontos tu/mbô| einale/ô| pepedême/nos ê/nusen oi=mon. ek rhethe/ôn d' a/ma steichôn semno\n e/bê Dio\s oi=kon~. No sense can be made of the passage if ~tu/mbô|~ is understood as the real grave and this has led to altering or straining the sense of ~einale/ô|~ (~einali/ô|~ Franz, ~sigale/ô|~ Jacobs). But the poet means: the dead man was (in his real nature, his soul) immortal, only the will of the gods had caused him (his soul) to be bound to the body and to complete his course of life in the body, after the end of which he will rise immediately (and return) to the realm of the gods. Read therefore ~tu/mbô| _ein alaô=|_ pepedême/nos~, fettered in the "dark grave" of the body: ~sô=ma = sê=ma~. (Exactly as in Verg., _A._ vi, 734, the animae: clausae tenebris et carcere caeco.)--603: he who lies buried here ~thnêtoi=s psuchê\n pei/sas epi\ sô/masin elthei=n tê\n hautou=, me/leos, ouk ane/peise me/nein~. That is: he has persuaded his (previously living and bodiless) soul to enter into the realm of mortal bodies (to occupy a body), but could not persuade it to remain there long--in this earthly life.]

[142\15: Once at the most: ~_ei_ pa/lin e/sti gene/sthai . . . _ei_ d' ouk e/stin pa/lin elthei=n~--_Ep._ 304 (cf. above, chap. xii, n. 138).]

[143\15: The epitaphs quoted in n. 141 have a theological meaning but do not allude to any specifically Platonic opinion or doctrines. There is no need to see Platonic influence (as Lehrs would: _Pop. Aufs._^2, p. 339 f.) in the numerous epitaphs that speak of the ascent of the soul into the _aither_, the stars, etc. (notes 135, 136). It is true that Alexis 158 K. inquires whether the view that the body decays after death--~to\ d' atha/naton exê=re pro\s to\n ae/ra~--is not Platonic doctrine (~tau=t' ou scholê\ Pla/tônos~). But he has no real knowledge of Platonic teaching and calls Platonic that idea of the ascent of the souls of the dead into the upper regions which had long been popular in Athens--even before Plato's time. In fact Plato's doctrine has only the most distant resemblance to the popular one, and the latter originated and persisted without being influenced at all by Plato or his school.]

[144\15: _Ep._ 650, 12. I belong to the company of the blessed which ~tei/ressi su\n aitheri/oisi choreu/ei, lachô\n theo\n hêgemonê=a~. These last words must refer to a special relation of a pious kind to some god. We may note the conclusion of the _Caesares_ of Julian (336 C): Hermes addresses the Emperor: follow the ~entolai/~ of ~patê\r Mi/thras~ in life, ~kai\ hêni/ka a\n enthe/nde apie/nai de/ê|, meta\ tê=s agathê=s elpi/dos _hêgemo/na theo\n eumenê=_ kathista\s seautô=|~. Cf. also the promise made in an Egyptian magic papyrus ed, Parthey, _Abh. Berl. Ak._ 1865, p. 125, l. 178 ff.: the ghost thus conjured up will after your death ~sou= to\ pneu=ma basta/xas eis ae/ra a/xei su\n hautô=|, eis ga\r a/|dên ou chôrê/sei ae/rion pneu=ma _sustathe\n_~ (i.e. commended) ~_krataiô=| pare/drô|_~. Cf. Pl., _Phd._ 107 D ff.: the souls of the dead are conducted each by the ~dai/môn ho/sper zô=nta eilê/chei~ to the judgment place: thence they go ~eis ha=|dou meta\ hêgemo/nos ekei/nou hou= dê\ proste/taktai tou\s enthe/nde ekei=se poreu=sai~. Afterwards yet another, ~a/llos hêgemô/n~ as it appears, leads them back again. A blessed abode hereafter is found by ~hê katharô=s te kai\ metri/ôs to\n bi/on diexelthou=sa kai\ xunempo/rôn kai\ _hêgemo/nôn theô=n tuchou=sa_~, 108 C. The same idea occurs on the monument of Vibia (in the Catacombs of Praetextatus in Rome): _Mercurius nuntius_ {574} conducts her (and Alcestis) before Dispater and Aeracura to be tried: after that a special _bonus angelus_ leads her to the banquet of the blessed (_CIL._ vi, 142). There is nothing Christian in this, any more than in the whole monument or its inscriptions. (The "angel" as an intermediate being between gods and men had long been taken from Jewish religion by heathen belief and philosophy: they were sometimes identified with the Platonic ~dai/mones~: see R. Heinze, _Xenokrat._ 112 f. These intermediate natures, the ~a/ggeloi~, have nothing to do with the old Greek conception of certain gods as "Messengers" or of the Hero ~Eua/ggelos~, etc. [cf. Usener, _Götternamen_, 268 ff.].) With the fanciful picture of Vibia we may compare (besides the Platonic passages mentioned above) what Luc., _Philops._ 25, has to say of the ~neani/as pa/gkalos~ who leads the souls into the underworld (~hoi agago/ntes auto/n~ less precisely in the parallel narrative of Plutarch, _de An. fr._ 1, ap. Eus., _PE._ 11, 36, p. 563 D).]

[145\15: Hermes the conductor of the souls as ~a/ggelos Phersepho/nês~ _Ep._ 575, 1. Hermes brings the souls to Eubouleus and Persephone, _Ep._ 272, 9.--He leads the souls to the ~maka/rôn êlu/sion pedi/on~, 414, 9; 411; to the Islands of the Blest, 107, 2. He leads them by the hand to heaven, to the blessed gods, 312, 8 ff.]

[146\15: _Ep._ 218, 15, ~alla\ su/, pambasi/leia thea/, poluô/nume koura/, tê/nd' a/g' ep' eusebe/ôn chô=ron, e/chousa chero/s~. 452, 17 ff. Of the souls of the dead man, his wife and children it is said: ~de/cheo es Ha/idou~ (Hades does not admit everyone: cf. the dead man who prays ~hoi\ stu/gion chô=ron huponai/ete dai/mones esthloi/, de/xasth' eis Aï/dên kame\ to\n oiktro/taton~, 624), ~po/tnia nu/mphê, ki\ psucha\s prou/pempe, hi/na xantho\s Rhada/manthus~. To be thus received and conducted by a god or goddess is evidently regarded as a special favour. The abode of the ~eusebei=s~ is reached by those who have honoured Persephone before all other deities: _IG. Sic. et It._ 1561. Zeus too conducts the souls, _Ep._ 511, 1: ~anti/ se kudali/mas areta=s, poluê/rate kou=re, hê=xen es Êlu/sion auto\s a/nax Kroni/dês (theo/s~, 516, 1-2). Speaking of a Ptolemy who has died young, Antipater Sid. says (_AP._ vii, 241, 11 ff.) ~ou de/ se nu\x ek nukto\s ede/xato; dê\ ga\r a/naktas toi/ous ouk Aï/das, Zeu\s d' es o/lumpon a/gei~. Apollo also: Parmenis buried by her parents says ~[nu=n mega/l]ou~ (to be restored in some such fashion) ~de/ m' e/chei te/menos Dio/s, ho/rra/ t' _Apo/llôn_ [loig]ou=~ (doubtful completion) ~a/meipsen, _helô\n ek puro\s_ atha/naton~, _IGM. Aeg._ i, 142 (Rhodos).--Tibull. is clearly imitating Greek poetry when he says (1, 3, 57) sed me quod facilis tenero sum semper Amori ipsa Venus campos ducet ad Elysios (the poet himself explains why it should be Venus: he has specially honoured her. There is no need to imagine a Venus Libitina). Phleg., _Mirab._ 3, p. 130, 16 ff. West. [73, 1 Kell.]: ~Phoi=bos Apo/llôn Pu/thios . . . moi heo\n kratero\n thera/pont'~ (the daimonic wolf) ~epipe/mpsas ê/gagen eis maka/rôn te do/mous kai\ Persephonei/ês~.]

[147\15: Isidote, hierophantis in Eleusis (grand-daughter of the famous sophist Isaios) is called by her epitaph (~Eph. Arch.~ 1885, p. 149, l. 8 ff.) ~e/xochon e/n t' aretai=s e/n te saophrosu/nais; hê\n kai\ ameibome/nê Dêô\ maka/rôn epi\ nê/ssous ê/gage, pantoi/ês ekto\s epôduni/ês~. (l. 20 ~hê=n kai\ Dêmê/têr ô/pasen athana/tois~.)]

[148\15: By their noble death the gods show ~hôs a/meinon ei/ê anthrô/pô| tethna/nai ma=llon ê\ zô/ein~, Hdt. i, 31; cf. [Pl.] _Axioch._ 367 C; Cic., _TD._ i, 113; Plu., _Cons. ad Apoll._ 13, 108 E; cf. Amm. Marc. 25, 3, 15.--The epitaph of Isidote alludes to the legend, l. 11: ~dô=ke~ (Demeter) ~de/ hoi tha/naton glukerô/teron hêde/os hu/pnou pa/gchu kai\ Argei/ôn phe/rteron êïthe/ôn.~] {575}

[149\15: ~Gêrale/ên psuchê\n ep' akmai/ô| sô/mati Glau=kos kai\ ka/llei kera/sas krei/ttona sôphrosu/nên, o/rgia pa=sin e/phaine brotoi=s phaesi/mbrota Dêou=s einaete/s, deka/tô| d' ê=lthe par' athana/tous. ê= kalo\n ek maka/rôn mustê/rion, ou mo/non ei=nai to\n tha/naton thnêtoi=s ou kako/n, all' agatho\n~, ~Eph. Arch.~ 1883, pp. 81-2 (third century A.D.). Below the statue of a daughter of this Glaukos, at Eleusis, there is an inscr., ~Glau/kou de\ gnôtê\ theoeide/os, ho/s te kai\ auto\s _hierophantê/sas ô/|chet' es athana/tous_~, ~Eph. Arch.~ 1894, p. 205, n. 26, l. 11 ff.]

[150\15: As a conventional formula; [D.H.] _Rhet._ 6, 5: ~epi\ te/lei~ (of the funeral oration) ~peri\ psuchê=s anagkai=on eipei=n, ho/ti atha/natos, kai\ ho/ti tou\s toiou/tous, en theoi=s o/ntas, amei=non i/sôs apalla/ttein~.]

[151\15: ~--to\n atha/natoi phile/eskon; tou/neka kai\ pêgai=s lou=san en athana/tois~ (we are reminded of the ~atha/natos pêgê/~ out of which Glaukos drew ~athanasi/a~: Sch. Pl., _Rp._ 611 C), ~kai\ maka/rôn nê/sous ba/llon es athana/tôn~, _Ep._ 366, 4 ff. There are two fountains in Hades, that (to the left) of Lethe, and (to the right) of Mnemosyne, from which cold water flows (l. 5): from the latter the guardians will give the suppliant soul water to drink ~kai\ to/t' e/peit' a/lloisi meth' hêrô/essin ana/xei~: sepulchral tablet from Petelia (about third century B.C.), _IG. Sic. et It._ 638 (_Ep._ 1037; Harrison, _Proleg._ 661 ff.). Mutilated copies of the same original have been found at Eleuthernai in Crete, _BCH._ 1893-4, p. 126, 629; cf. above, chap. xii, n. 62.--This, in fact, is the "water of life" so often mentioned in the folk-lore of many countries; cf. Grimm, _D. Märchen_, n. 97, with _Notes_ iii, p. 178, 328; Dieterich, _Abraxas_, 97 f.; _Nekyia_, 94, 99. This is the fountain from which Psyche also has to bring water to Venus (Apul., _M._ vi, 13-14); and it is certain that in the original Psyche-story it was not the water of the Styx that was intended (as Apul. supposes, but of what use would that be?), but the water of the fountain of life in Hades. It is a _speaking_ fountain, _vocales aquae_ (Apul. vi, 14), and, in fact, precisely the same as that mentioned in a unique legend of Herakles given in [Justin.] ~pro\s He/llênas~ 3 (p. 636, 7, ed. Harnack, _Ber. Berl. Ak._ 1896); Herakles is called ~ho o/rê pêdê/sas~ (? ~_pidu/sas_~, "making it gush forth," would be more acceptable) ~hi/na la/bê| hu/dôr _e/narthron phônê\n apodido/n_~. Herakles makes the mountain gush forth by striking the speaking water out of the rock. This is exactly paralleled in the modern Greek stories given by Hahn, _Gr. u. alb. Märchen_, ii, p. 234; the Lamia who guards the water of life (~to\ atha/nato nero/~, the phrase often appears in these stories; cf. also Schmidt, _Griech. Märchen_, p. 233) "strikes with a hammer on the rock till it opens and she can draw the water of life". This is the same ancient fairy tale motif. The proper home of this water of life is probably the lower world, the world of either death or immortality, though this is not expressly stated in the Herakles legend nor in the fairy tale of Glaukos who discovered the ~atha/natos pêgê/~ (but probably also in the magic country of the West. Thus Alexander the Great finds the ~atha/natos pêgê/~ at the entrance to the ~maka/rôn chô/ra~ acc. to Ps.-Callisth. ii, 39 ff.; his story shows clear reminiscences of the Glaukos tale, its prototype, in c. 39 fin., 41, 2).--The Orphic (and Pythagorean) mythology of Hades (see above: chap. xi, n. 96; chap. xii, nn. 37-8; chap. vii, n. 21) then proceeded to make use of the folk-tale for their own purposes. In _Ep._ 658 the prayer also refers to the Orphic fable (_CIG._ 5772) ~psuchro\n hu/dôr doi/ê soi a/nax ene/rôn Aïdôneu/s~, and 719, 11, ~psuchê=| dipsô/sê| psuchro\n hu/dôr metado/s~. They mean: may you live on in complete consciousness. (The same thing in the negative: the dead man dwells ~ha/ma paisi\ theô=n kai\ lê/thês ouk e/pien liba/da~, 414, 10: {576} ~ouk e/pion Lê/thês Aïdôni/dos e/schaton hu/dôr~, so that I can perceive the mourning of the living for my loss, 204, 11. ~kai\ thnê/skôn ga\r e/chô no/on ou/tina baio/n~, 334, 5.--Poetical allusion in _AP._ vii, 346: ~su\ d' ei the/mis, en phthime/noisi tou= Lê/thês ep' emoi\ mê/ ti pi/ê|s hu/datos~.--Perhaps something of the sort already occurs in Pindar; see above, chap. xii, n. 37.)]

[152\15: ~eupsu/chei kuri/a kai\ doi/ê soi ho O/siris to\ psuchro\n hu/dôr~, _IG. Sic. et It._ 1488; 1705; 1782; _Rev. Arch._ 1887, p. 201. (And once the line ~soi\ de\ Osei/ridos hagno\n hu/dôr Ei=sis chari/saito~, inscr. from Alexandria: _Rev. Arch._ 1887, p. 199.) ~eupsu/chei meta\ tou= Osei/ridos~, _I. Sic. et It._ 2098. The dead man is with Osiris, _Ep._ 414, 5. Osiris as lord in the world of the blessed: _defixio_ from Rome, _I. Sic. et It._ 1047; ~ho me/gas O/seiris ho e/chôn tê\n katexousi/an kai\ to\ basi/leion tô=n nerte/rôn theô=n~.--It appears that the legend of the fountain of Mnemosyne and its cold water was independently developed by the Greeks and then associated subsequently with the analogous Egyptian idea or brought into harmony with it (certainly not as e.g. Böttiger, _Kl. Schr._, thinks, originally belonging to the Egyptians alone and thence imported into Greece from Egypt). Egyptian Books of the dead often speak of the cool water that the dead enjoy (cf. Maspero, _Ét. de mythol. et d'arch. égypt._ 1893, 1, 366 f.), as well as of the water drawn from the Nile and preserving the youth of the dead man: Maspero, _Notices et Extraits_, 24, 1883, pp. 99-100. The formula, "may Osiris give you the cold water" (everlasting life), does not seem to occur on original Egyptian monuments. It is prob. therefore modelled by Egyptian Greeks on their own ancient Greek formula.--On Christian inss. we often have the formula: _spiritum tuum dominus_ (or _deus Christus_, or a holy martyr) _refrigeret_: see Kraus, _Realencykl. d. christl. Alterth._ s.v. _refrigerium_. This is probably, as has been frequently suggested, an imitation of the heathen formula, like so many features of early Christian burial usage.]

[153\15: On sarcophagi in Isauria the lion is sometimes represented on the lid with the inscr. describing the contents: ~ho dei=na zô=n kai\ phronô=n ane/thêken _heauto\n le/onta_ kai\ tê\n gunai=ka autou= prote/ran~, etc. On another sarcophagus: ~Lou/kios ane/stêse~ (three names) ~kai\ _heauto\n aeto\n_ kai\ A/mmoukin Babo/ou to\n pate/ra _aeto\n_ teimê=s cha/rin~, _American School at Athens_, iii, p. 26, 91-2. These expressions must refer to something quite different from the otherwise not uncommon practice of representing lions or eagles on graves. I can only explain them on the supposition that the dead persons represent themselves and the relatives named in the forms which had belonged to them in the mysteries of Mithras, in which lions and lionesses formed the fourth grade, and eagles, ~aetoi/~ (or ~hie/rakes~) the seventh (cf. Porph., _Abst._ iv, 16); these are elsewhere called ~pate/res~.]

[154\15: The soul of a dead son (who as it appears from ll. 1, 2, 6 ff. had been killed by a flash of lightning and therefore removed to a higher state of being [see Append. i]) appears by night to his mother and confirms her own assertion, ~ouk ê/mên broto/s~, _Ep._ 320. The soul of their daughter who has died ~a/ôros~ and ~athala/meutos~ appears to her parents on the ninth day (l. 35) after death, 372, 31 ff. (The ninth day marks the end of the first offerings to the dead: see above, chap. v, n. 84; cf. "Apparitions of the deceased occur most frequently on the ninth day after death": a German superstition mentioned by Grimm, 1812, n. 856.) It is significant that the daughter who thus appears in a vision has died unmarried. The ~a/gamoi~, like the ~a/ôroi~, do not find rest after death: see Append. vii and iii. The {577} soul of another unmarried maiden says distinctly that those like herself are especially able to appear in dreams: ~_êïthe/ois_ ga\r e/dôke theo\s meta\ moi=ran ole/thron hôs zô/ousi lalei=n pa=sin epichthoni/ois~, _Ep._ 325, 7-8.--It becomes more general, however, in 522, 12-13: ~sô/mata ga\r kate/luse Di/kê, psuchê\ de\ propa=sa atha/natos di' ho/lou~ (thus the stone, _Ath. Mitt._ xiv, 193) ~pôtôme/nê pa/nt' epakou/ei~ (cf. Eur., _Orest._ 667 ff.).]

[155\15: ~psuchê\ de\~--says his son and pupil to the dead physician Philadelphos--~ek rhethe/ôn ptame/nê meta\ dai/monas a/llous ê/luthe sê/, nai/es d' en maka/rôn dape/dô|, hi/lathi kai/ moi o/paze no/sôn a/kos, hôs to\ pa/roithen, nu=n ga\r theiote/rên moi=ran e/cheis bio/tou~, _Ep._ 243, 5 ff. (_Inscr. Perg._ ii, 576).]

[156\15: There is a striking conjunction of the most exalted hope and the most utter unbelief on a single stone: _Ep._ 261.]

[157\15: ~ei/ ge/ ti e/sti (este/) ka/tô~, _CIG._ 6442.--~kata\ gê=s ei/per chrêstoi=s ge/ras esti/n~, _Ep._ 48, 6; 63, 3. ~ei/ g' en phthime/noisi/ tis ai/sthêsis, te/knon, esti/n~--_Ep._ 700, 4. ~ei de/ ti/s esti no/os para\ Tarta/rô| ê\ para\ Lê/thê|~, 722, 5. ~ei ge/nos eusebe/ôn zô/ei meta\ te/rma bi/oio~, _AP._ vii, 673.--Cf. above, chap. xii, n. 17.]

[158\15: Call., _Epigr._ 15; _Ep._ 646; 646a (p. xv); 372, 1 ff.]

[159\15: ~hêmei=s de\ pa/ntes hoi ka/tô, tethnêko/tes, oste/a, te/phra gego/namen, a/llo d' oude\ he/n~, _Ep._ 646, 5 f.; cf. 298, 3-4. ~ek gai/as blastô\n gai=a pa/lin ge/gona~, 75 (third century B.C.); cf. 438; 311, 5: ~tou=th' ho/ pot' ô/n~ (the I that was once living has now become these things, viz.), ~stê/lê, tu/mbos, li/thos, eikô/n~. 513, 2, ~kei=tai anai/sthêtos hô/sper li/thos~ (cf. Thgn. 567 f.) ~êe\ si/dêros~. 551, 3, ~kei=tai li/thos hô/s, hê pa/nsophos, hê peri/bôtos~.]

[160\15: ~He/stêken me\n He/rôs~ (prob. on the monument) ~heu/dôn hu/pnon, en phthime/nois de\ ou po/thos, ou philo/tês e/sti katoichome/nois. all' ho thanô\n kei=tai pedi/ô| li/thos hoi=a pepêgô/s, eichô/rôn apalô=n sa/rkas aposkeda/sas--ex hu/datos kai\ gê=s kai\ pneu/matos~ (here evidently not in the Stoic sense, but simply = ~aê/r~) ~êa pa/roithen; alla\ thanô\n kei=mai pa=si~ (all the elements) ~ta\ pa/nt' apodou/s. pa=sin tou=to me/nei; ti/ de\ to\ ple/on? hoppo/then ê=lthen, eis tou=t' au=t' elu/thê sô=ma maraino/menon~ (inscr. in Bucharest; Gomperz, _Arch. epigr. Mitt. a. Oest._ vi, 30).]

[161\15: ~pneu=ma labô\n da/nos ourano/then tele/sas chro/non antape/dôka~, _Ep._ 613, 6. (This is a commonplace of popular philosophy: "life is only lent to man"; see Wyttenbach on Plu., _Cons. ad Apoll._ 106 F; Upton on Epict. 1, 1, 32 Schw.; cf. usura vitae _Anth. Lat. Ep._ ed. Bücheler, i, p. 90, n. 183.)]

[162\15: Epitaph from Amorgos: _Ath. Mitt._ 1891, p. 176, which ends: ~to\ te/los ape/dôka~.]

[163\15: ~dai/môn ho pikro\s ktl.~, _Ep._ 127, 3 (cf. 59). ~asto/rgou moi=ra ki/chen thana/tou~, 146, 6. ~di/ssa de\ te/kna lipou=san ha pantoba/rês la/be m' Ha/idês, a/kriton a/storgon thêro\s e/chôn kradi/ên~ (Tyrrheion in Akarnania, _BCH._ 1886, p. 178).]

[164\15: ~pau/sasthai deinou= pe/nthous deinou= te kudoimou=; oude\n ga\r ple/on (PACIN~ the stone as stated) ~esti/, thano/nta ga\r oude/na~ (read ~oude\n~) ~egei/rei ktl.~, ins. from Larisa, _Ath. Mitt._ xi, 451. ~ei d' ê=n tou\s agathou\s ana/gein pa/lin~, ins. from Pherai, _BCH._ 1889, p. 404.]

[165\15: ~ou kako/s est' Ai/dês~--comfort being derived from the fact that death is "common". _Ep._ 256, 9-10; 282; 292, 6; 298.]

[166\15: ~eupsu/chei, te/knon, oudei\s atha/natos~, _IG. Sic. et It._ 1531; 1536 (cf. 1743 ad fin.); 1997 and frequent; _CIG._ 4463; 4467 (Syria), ~eupsu/chei Atala/ntê, ho/sa genna=tai teleuta=|~, _IG. Sic. et It._ 1832. ~kai\ ho Hêraklê=s ape/thanen~, 1806.--Even on Christian graves the formula is frequent: ~eupsu/chei (hê dei=na), oudei\s atha/natos~ (see Schultze, _Die Katakomben_, 251).] {578}

[167\15: ~ouk ê/mên, geno/mên, ouk e/som' ou me/kei moi; ho bi/os tau=ta~. _IG. Sic. et It._ 2190 (the original form of the ending is probably ~ouk e/somai; ti/ ple/on~; see Gomperz, _Arch. ep. Mitt. Oesterr._ vii, 149; _Ztschr. f. öst. Gymn._ 1879, p. 437); cf. _Ep._ 1117, ~ouk ê/mên, geno/mên, ê/mên, ouk eimi/; tosau=ta;~ (this _~tosau=ta~_, or more commonly _~tau=ta~_, is frequent in epitaphs as a formula of resignation--a summary of existence: "all life comes to nothing but this." See Loch, _Zu d. griech. Grabschr._ 289-95)--~ei de/ tis a/llo here/ei, pseu/setai; ouk e/somai~. _CIG._ 6265: ~eupsuchô=, ho/stis ouk ê/mên kai\ egeno/mên, ou/k eimi kai\ ou lupou=mai~ (cf. also _Ep._ 502, 15; 646, 14; _AP._ vii, 339, 5-6; x, 118, 3-4). Frequent also in a Latin form: Non eris, nec fuisti, Sen., _Epist._ 77, 11 (see above, chap. xiv, pt. i, n. 68). Ausonius, p. 252, ed. Schenkl (ex sepulchro latinae viae): nec sum nec fueram; genitus tamen e nihilo sum. mitte nec explores singula, talis eris (probably this is how it should be read); cf. _CIL._ ii, 1434; v, 1813, 1939, 2893; viii, 2885, etc.; Bücheler, _Carm. lat. epigr._ i, p. 116.]

[168\15: ~gnou\s hôs thnatoi=s oude\n glukerô/teron auga=s zê=thi~, _Ep._ 560, 7. Coarser admonitions to enjoy the passing hour, _CIG._ 3846 (iii, p. 1070). _Ep._ 362, 5. ~pai=son, tru/phêson, zê=son; apothanei=n se dei=~, 439, 480a, 7. An ins. from Saloniki, second century A.D., _Ath. Mitt._ 1896, p. 99, concludes--~ho bi/os hou=tos. ti/ stê/hkeis anthrôpe? tau=ta ble/pôn UPALOUSOU (_apo/lauson_~? Or ~_apolau/ou_~?).]

[169\15: ~ei kai\ . . . phrou=don sô=ma . . . all' areta\ biota=s aie\n zôoi=si me/testi, psucha=s manu/ous' eukle/a sôphrosu/nên~, _Ep._ 560, 10 ff. ~sô=ma me\n entha/d' e/chei so/n, Di/phile, gai=a thano/ntos, mnê=ma de\ sê=s e/lipes pa=si dikaiosu/nês~ (and elsewhere with variations): _Ep._ 56-8. Or only: . . ~te/lesen de\ kai\ essome/noisi noê=sai stê/lên~, _Ath. Mitt._ 1891, p. 263, 3 (Thessaly). Homeric: see above, chap. i, n. 88, and cf. ~sa=ma toz' Idameneu\s poi/êsa hi/na kle/ôs ei/ê . . .~ ancient inscr. from Rhodos: _Ath. Mitt._ 1891, p. 112, 243 (_IGM. Aeg._ i, n. 737).]

[170\15: From an earlier period (_ca._ third century B.C.), _Ep._ 44: ~ê\n ho su/neunos e/sterxen me\n zô=san epe/nthêsen de\ thanou=san. phô=s d' e/lip' eudai/môn, pai=das pai/dôn epidou=sa~. Fine also are 67 and 81b. But something like them appears even late: 647, 5-10; 556: a priestess of Zeus congratulates herself ~eu/teknon astona/chêton e/chei ta/phos; ou ga\r amaurô=s dai/mones hêmete/rên e/blepon eusebi/ên~.--To recover for a moment the taste of the old robust spirit we may remind ourselves of Herodotos' story of Tellos the Athenian, the happiest of mankind. He was born in a prosperous city, had fine children and saw the children of all these children, none of whom died. And his happy life was crowned by a noble end. In a battle of the Athenians against their neighbours he was successful in putting the foe to rout and then he himself fell while fighting, so that his country buried him in the place where he fell and honoured him greatly. (Hdt. i, 30. Herodotos' Solon does indeed assign the second prize of happiness to Kleobis and Biton and their fortunate end: c. 31. A changed attitude to life makes itself felt in their story.)]

[171\15: Mundus senescens, Cyprian, _ad Demetr._ 3 ff. The Christians lay the blame for the impoverishment and decay of life on the heathen. The latter in turn blame the recently arrived and now dominant Christianity for the unhappiness of the time: Tertull., _Apol._ 40 ff.; Arnob. 1; Aug., _CD._ It was already a vulgare proverbium--Pluvia defit, causa Christiani sunt, _CD._ ii, 3. The Emp. Julian found ~tê\n oikoume/nên hô/sper lipopsuchou=san~ and wished ~tê\n phthora\n tê=s oikoume/nês stê=sai~, Liban., _Or._ i, p. 617, 10; 529, 4.--The Christians returned the compliment: the reason why everything in nature and the life {579} of men was going awry is simply paganorum exacerbata perfidia (_Leg. Novell. Theodos. ii_, i, 3, p. 10 Ritt.).]

[172\15: We know of a certain Nikagoras Minuc. f. (significantly enough an ardent admirer of Plato) temp. Const. ~da|dou=chos tô=n hagiôta/tôn Eleusi=ni mustêri/ôn~, _CIG._ 4770. Julian, even as a boy, was initiated at Eleusis: Eunap., _V. Soph._, p. 53 (Boiss.). At that time, however, in miserandam ruinam conciderat Eleusina, Mamert., _Act. Jul._ 9. Here again Julian seems to have restored the cult. Valentinian I, on the point of abolishing all nocturnal festivals (see _Cod. Theod. iii_, 9, 16, 7), allowed them to continue when Praetextatus Procons. of Achaea represented to him that for the Greeks ~ho bi/os~ would be ~abi/ôtos, ei me/lloien kôlu/esthai ta\ sune/chonta to\ anthrô/peion ge/nos hagiô/tata mustê/ria kata\ thesmo\n ektelei=n~, Zosim. iv, 3. (Praetext. was a friend of Symmachus and, like him, one of the last pillars of Roman orthodoxy: _princeps religiosorum_, Macr., _S._ i, 11, 1. He was himself _sacratus Eleusiniis_, and _hierophanta_ there: _CIL._ vi, 1779; probably the ~Praite/xtatos ho hieropha/ntês~ of Lyd., _Mens._ 4, 2, p. 148 R. [p. 65 W.], is the same person.) In 375 A.D. we hear of a Nestorius (probably the father of the Neoplatonic Plutarch) as ~hierophantei=n tetagme/nos~ at the time (Zos. iv, 18). In 396 during the _hierophantia_ of a ~patê\r tê=s Mithriakê=s teletê=s~ (whose oath should have excluded him from that office) the temple of Eleusis was destroyed by Alaric, incited thereto by the monks who accompanied him (Eunap., _VS._, p. 52-3). The regular holding of the festival must then have come to an end.--Evidence of later celebration of the Eleusinia is not forthcoming. The expressions of Proclus, which Maass regards as "certainly" proving that the festival was still being held in the fifth century (_Orpheus_, 15), are quite insufficient to the purpose. Proclus speaks of various sacred ceremonies of initiation from which we ~memathê/kamen~ something: of a ~phê/mê~, i.e. written tradition, of certain unspecified Eleusinian ~theolo/goi~; of what the Eleus. mysteries ~hupischnou=ntai~ to the _mystai_ (just as we might speak in the present tense of the permanent content of Greek religion). These passages prove nothing: whereas the imperfects which he uses elsewhere clearly show that neither temple nor festival existed any longer in his time. (He speaks, _in Alc._, p. 5 Crz., of what used to be in the temple of Eleusis and still more of what formerly occurred ~en toi=s Eleusini/ois hieroi=s--ebo/ôn ktl.~, _in Ti._ 293 C.) The festival moreover cannot have gone on without the temple and its apparatus.]

[173\15: The Orphic hymns in the form in which we have them all belong as it seems to one period, and that can hardly have been earlier than the third century A.D. They are all composed for practical use in the cult, and that presupposes the existence of Orphic communities (see Schöll, _Commun. et coll. quib. Graec._ [_Sat. Saupp._], p. 14 ff.; Dieterich, _de H. Orph._).--It must be admitted that they were not purely and exclusively Orphic communities for which the poems were written. These hymns, called "Orphic" a potiori, make use in parts of older Orphic poetry (cf. _H._ 62, 2 f., with [Dem.] 25, 11).]

[174\15: Probably all these cults promised immortality to their _mystai_. This is certain in the worship of Isis (cf. Burckhardt, _Zeit Constantins d. G._^2, p. 195 ff.). Apul., _M._ xi, 21-3, alludes to symbolic death and reawakening to everlasting life as the subject of the ~drô/mena~ in the Isis mysteries. The initiated is thus _renatus_ (21). In the same way the mystai of Mithras are said to be _in aeternum renati_: _CIL._ vi, 510; 736. Immortality must certainly have been promised. Acc. to Tert., _Pr. Haer._ 40, the mysteries of Mithras {580} included an _imago resurrectionis_. By this the Christian author can only understand a real ~ana/stasis tê=s sarko/s~. Did these mysteries promise to their ~ho/sioi~ a resurrection of the body and everlasting life? This belief in the ~ana/stasis nekrô=n~ (always a difficulty for the Greeks: _Act Ap._ xvii, 18; 32; Plotin. 3, 6, 6 fin.) is in fact ancient Persian (Theopomp. _fr._ 71-2; Hübschmann, _Jb. Prot. Theol._ v, p. 222 ff.), and probably came to the Jews from Persia. It is possible then that it may have been the essential idea of the Mithras mysteries.--Hopes of immortality as they appeared to the _mystai_ of Sabazios are illustrated by the sculptures of the monument of Vibia (in the Catac. of Praetextatus), and of Vincentius: numinis antistes Sabazis Vincentius hic est. Qui sacra sancta deum mente pia coluit (Garrucci, _Tre Sepolcri_, etc., tab. i-iii, Nap. 1852).--It is difficult to see why Christian archeologists should regard this Vincentius as a Christian. He calls himself a worshipper of "the gods" and an _antistes Sabazii_ (there cannot be the slightest objection to giving this meaning to numinis antistes Sabazis. The difficulties raised by Schultze, _Katakomben_, 44, are groundless: Sabazis = Sabazii is no more objectionable or doubtful than the **genitives Clodis, Helis: see Ritschl, _Opusc._ iv, 454-6. The arrangement of words, _n. a. Sab._, is due to the exigencies of metre.]

[175\15: ~hê o/rexis tou= agathou= eis he\n o/ntôs a/gei kai\ epi\ tou=to speu/dei pa=sa phu/sis~, Plot. 6, 5, 1. ~pa/nta ore/getai ekei/nou kai\ ephi/etai autou= phu/seôs ana/gkê| . . . hôs a/neu autou= ou du/natai ei=nai~, 5, 5, 12; 1, 8, 2. ~pothei= de\ pa=n to\ gennê=san~ (the ~nou=s~ desires the ~prô=ton~, the ~psuchê/~ the ~nou=s~): 5, 1, 6.]

[176\15: ~hai e/xô tou= aisthêtou= geno/menai (psuchai/)~, Plot. 3, 4, 6. In death ~ana/gein to\ en hêmi=n thei=on pro\s to\ en tô=| pa/nti thei=on~, Porph., _V. Plot._ 2. Return ~eis patri/da~, Plot., 5, 9, 1.]

[177\15: 2, 9, esp. § 16 ff.]

[178\15: ~to\ me\n ga\r aischro\n enanti/on kai\ tê=| phu/sei kai\ tô=| theô=|~, 3, 5, 1.]

[179\15: Flight from the ~en sô/mati ka/llos~ to the ~tê=s psuchê=s ka/llê~, etc., 5, 9, 2. And again in the fine treatise, ~p. tou= kalou=~, 1, 6, 8. Though even here it is in a different sense from that in which Plato speaks in the _Symp._ of the ascent from ~kala\ sô/mata~ to ~kala\ epitêdeu/mata~, etc. Plotinos protests energetically against the idea that his own sense of beauty makes him any the less ~pheu/gein to\ sô=ma~ than the hatred of beauty cultivated by the Gnostics: 2, 9, 18. He too waits here below, only a little less impatiently, for the time when he will be able to say farewell to every earthly habitation: ib.]

[180\15: ~. . . kai\ hou/tô theô=n kai\ anthrô/pôn thei/ôn kai\ eudaimo/nôn bi/os apallagê\ tô=n tê=|de, bi/os anê/donos tô=n tê=|de, phugê\ mo/nou pro\s mo/non~, 6, 9, 11 fin.]

{{581}}

APPENDIX I

In many legends death by _lightning_ makes the victim holy and raises him to godlike (everlasting) life. We need only remember the story of Semele who now ~zô/ei en Olumpi/ois apothanoi=sa bro/mô| keraunou=~ (Pi., _O._ ii, 27), or that of Herakles and his vanishing from the pyre of wood lighted by Zeus' flash of lightning (see

## partic. D.S. 4, 38, 4-5), or the parallel accounts of the

translation or death by lightning of Erechtheus (above, chap. iii, n. 39). The primitive, popular belief finds unusually clear expression in the words of Charax ap. Anon. _de Incred._ xvi, p. 325, 5 ff. West., who says of Semele, ~keraunou= kataskê/psantos êphani/sthê; ekei/nên me\n ou=n, _hopoi=a epi\ toi=s dioblê/tois le/getai, thei/as moi/ras lachei=n ô|ê/thêsan_~. (In this account Semele is _immediately_ raised to heaven by the flash of lightning--a version of the story frequently given by later authors: ~Zeu\s tê\n Seme/lên ek tê=s gê=s eis to\n O/lumpon komi/zei dia\ puro/s~, Aristid. 1, p. 47 Dind. [_O._ 41, 3 K.]. Cf. Philostr., _Imag._ i, 14; Nonnus, _D._ viii, 409 ff. The passage of Pindar quoted above would also admit of a similar interpretation.) Generally speaking, ~ho keraunôthei\s hôs theo\s tima=tai~ (Artem. 2, 9, p. 94, 26) as one ~hupo\ Dio\s tetimême/nos~ (ib. 93, 24). The belief in such elevation of a mortal through the disruption and purification of his body by the sacred fire of lightning (a ~pu=r katha/rsion~ of the highest kind--see chap. i, n. 41) need not be of late origin simply because it so happens that only late authorities speak of it in unmistakable terms (as Wilamowitz thinks, _Ind. Schol. Götting. hib._ 1895, pp. 12-13). Such lofty conceptions were by this time no longer the product of popular imagination. Besides, it is quite clearly referred to in the above-mentioned story of Semele (see esp. D.S. 5, 52, 2) and in those of Herakles, Erechtheus, Asklepios. In the same way lightning struck the tomb of Lykourgos (as afterwards that of Euripides) as ~theophile/statos kai\ hosiô/tatos~ (Plu., _Lyc._ 31). When the statues of the Olympic victor Euthymos at Locri and Olympia are struck by lightning it shows that he has become a Hero: Pliny, _NH._ vii, 152. The body of the person struck by lightning remains uncorruptible: dogs and birds of prey dare not touch it: Plu., _Smp._ 4, 2, 3, p. 665 B; it must be buried in the place where the lightning struck it (Artem., p. 95, 6; cf. Fest., p. 178b, 21 ff.; Plin., _NH._ ii, 145). Every detail shows plainly that the ~dio/blêtos~ was regarded as holy. This, however, does not prevent death by lightning from being regarded on other occasions as the punishment of crime--as in the cases of Salmoneus, Kapaneus, etc.; though in some even of these cases the idea is occasionally present that the lightning's victim is raised to a higher existence. This is distinctly so when Euripides in _Suppl._ makes a character call Kapaneus, who has been killed by lightning, a ~_hiero\s_ nekro/s~ (935) and his ~tu/mbos~ (_rogus_) ~hiero/s~ too (981). ~hiero/s~ never means {582} "accursed" like the Lat. _sacer_: it is invariably a title of honour. Kapaneus is here called "holy" just as Astakides, on his translation to everlasting life, is ~hiero/s~ in Kallimachos; and as Hesiod speaks of the ~hiero\n ge/nos athana/tôn~ (with ~tu/mbos hiero/s~ cf. S., _OC._ 1545, 1763). We must not fail to observe that in this passage, where a friend of Kap. is supposed to be speaking, the latter is certainly not regarded by Eurip. as an impious person (as he is generally in Tragedy, and by Eurip. himself in _Phoen._, and even in _Suppl._ the enemy so regards him (496 ff.), though acc. to this speaker Amphiaraos too is snatched away in atonement for his crime). Euripides in fact makes him highly praised by Adrastos (861 ff.) as the very opposite of a ~hubristê/s~; and it is obvious that Euadne's sacrifice of her life which immediately follows is not intended to be offered for the benefit of a criminal and enemy of the gods. For these reasons Euripides ennobles the character of Kapaneus and, consequently, the death of the Hero by lightning can no longer stand for his punishment, but is on the contrary a distinction. He becomes a ~_hiero\s_ nekro/s~. This, however, could not have been done by Eurip. unless the view that such a death might in certain circumstances bring honour on the victim and elevate him to a higher plane of being, had been at that time widespread and generally recognized. Eurip. therefore provides the most distinct evidence for the existence of such a belief in his time. (As one of the exalted dead Kapaneus is to be separated from the rest of the dead and burnt ~par' oi/kous tou/sde~: 935, 936, 1009--i.e. before the ~ana/ktoron~ of the Goddesses at Eleusis: 88, 290.)--Finally Asklepios, in all the stories that are told of his death by lightning (and already in Hes. _fr._ 109 Rz.), is never regarded as entirely removed from this life: he lives on as Hero or god for all time, dispensing blessings. Zeus allows him to live on for ever immortal (Luc., _DD._ 13), and acc. to later versions of the story, in the constellation Ophiuchus (Eratosth. ~katast.~ 6; Hygin., _Astron_, ii, 14); the real and primitive conception evidently being that he was transported to everlasting life by Zeus' lightning-flash. So Min. Fel. 22, 7, says quite rightly: Aesculapius, ut in deum surgat, fulminatur.

APPENDIX II

~_maschalismo/s_~

~emaschali/sthê~ is the word used by Aesch., _Cho._ 439, of the murdered Agamemnon. Soph., _El._ 445, says ~huph' hê=s (Klutaimnê/stras) thanô\n a/timos hô/ste dusmenê\s emaschali/sthê~--also of Agamemnon. What particular abomination was meant by this brief statement must have been immediately understood by the Athenian public of the day. A more detailed account is given by Phot. and Suid. ~maschali/smata~ (cf. Hesych. s.v.; Apostol., _Pr._ xi, 4), and they give Aristophanes of Byzantium as their authority. (Not from Aristophanes--for they differ in many

## particulars--but from a closely related source come the two versions

{583} of the Scholion to Soph., _El._ 446 and _EM._ 118, 22 f.) According to their authority ~maschalismo/s~ is something done by the murderer (~hoi phoneu/santes ex epiboulê=s~--Aristoph.) to the corpse of the murdered man. He cuts off the extremities of his victim, strings the severed parts on a chain and puts them on.--On whom? on himself? or the murdered man? Aristophanes' words are undecisive: the Schol. Soph., _El._ 445, speaks in the first version of "himself" (~heautoi=s~, p. 123, 17 Papag.) and in the second of "him", i.e. the murdered man: ~peri\ tê\n mascha/lên autou= ekre/mazon auta/ [ta\ a/kra]~, p. 123, 23; cf. 124, 5. This too is probably the meaning of Schol. Ap. Rh. iv, 477; _EM._ 118, 28-9, speaks distinctly of hanging the chain round the neck of the dead man. This is, in fact, the most probable version. The murderer hung the limbs, strung together on a rope, round the neck of his victim and then drew the rope under the armpits (~mascha/lai~): a proceeding which is far from being "impossible" (as has been said), as anyone may discover by trying it for himself. The murderer then crossed the ends of the rope over the breast of his victim and after drawing them under the armpits fastened them behind his back. From this process of drawing under the armpits the whole procedure is called ~maschalismo/s~, and the ~mo/ria~ of the dead man thus fastened to his body are his ~maschali/smata~ (Aristoph.).

Anyone who wishes to reject this description of ~maschalismo/s~ (as some have done recently) must first of all show from what source Aristophanes of Byzantium--whom no one who knows him would accuse of improvizing such details or of concealing his ignorance by invention--can have got his information if not from actual report and historical tradition. The possibility that he arrived at it by straining the meaning and giving a private interpretation of his own to the words ~maschali/zein~ and ~maschalismo/s~ is excluded by the nature of these words. They offer no hint whatever in the direction of the special meaning suggested by his account. We cannot indeed say (as Wilamowitz does on A., _Cho._ 439) that "grammar" forbids us to accept the explanation of what happened in ~maschali/zein~ given by Aristoph. To say: ~emaschali/sthê~, "he had to suffer ~maschali/zein, maschalismo/s~," is equally correct whatever sense we give to the process of ~maschalismo/s~. But the word itself does not testify, by its mere form, to the absolute or exclusive correctness of Aristophanes' interpretation: it denotes without distinction absolutely any proceeding in which the ~mascha/lai~ figure at all. Verbs in ~-izein~, derived from the names of parts of the body, can denote according to the circumstances the utmost variety of actions done to or with the part of the body concerned: cf. ~kephali/zein, aucheni/zein, trachêli/zein, laimi/zein, ômi/zein, rhachi/zein, cheiri/zein, daktuli/zein, gastri/zein, skeli/zein~ (and even ~pugi/zein~). What particular sort of activity applied to the ~mascha/lai~ is indicated by the verb ~maschali/zein~ cannot be decided from the mere form of the verb. This only makes it the more necessary to adhere to Aristophanes' interpretation, which must have been derived from some other source, i.e. from actual knowledge. It may be true that ~maschali/zein~, considered simply from {584} the point of view of its form, might conceivably mean to tear the arm from the shoulder at the armpits (as Benndorf suggests, _Monument von Adamklissi_, p. 132 A)--though such an ~ekmochleu/ein to\n brachi/ona ek tê=s mascha/lês~ should rather be ~apomaschali/zein~ or ~ekmaschali/zein~. But that out of its many possible meanings the verb should have just this particular one is not suggested by anything: least of all by the sculptured relief on which the gods appear to be tearing out the right arms of their defeated enemies. Such scenes according to Benndorf represent ~maschalismo/s~. But can the Greeks really have attributed to the gods this much execrated practice of cowardly murderers? We are not told by anyone that this scene represents ~maschalismo/s~--that is only a conclusion drawn from an apparent agreement between the representation and the view (itself as yet unproved) of what happened in ~maschali/zein~. Is the correctness of the meaning assigned to the word to be proved in its turn from its agreement with the representation? A most palpable argument in a circle!

There is no valid reason for rejecting the statement of Aristophanes; and there must be very good reason indeed for so doing before we may discredit such an authority. He gives his information with no uncertain voice and no suggestion of hesitation, and it must be regarded as the simple account of well-established facts. It would receive additional confirmation--if it needed any--from the very meaning and conception of the word _~mascha/lisma~_. ~maschali/smata~ must be the product of ~maschalismo/s~; they are, in fact, the severed ~mo/ria~ of the murdered man, with which too Aristophanes identifies them. ~Sophoklê=s en **Trôï/lô| plê/rê maschalisma/tôn ei/rêke to\n maschalismo/n~ (probably a mere oversight for ~to\n tra/chêlon~): Suid. s.v. ~emaschali/sthê~ (Soph. _fr._ 566 = 623 P.). If ~maschali/zein~ had consisted in the dislocation of the arm from its socket, it would be impossible to say what such ~maschali/smata~ might be. They are without doubt identical with what are otherwise called, in descriptions of mutilations of the corpse of a murdered man, ~apa/rgmata~ (Jason after the murder of Apsyrtos ~apa/rgmata ta/mne thano/ntos~, A.R. iv, 477; cf. Schol. and _EM._ 118, 22 ff.), ~akrôtêria/smata, to/mia (ta\ apotmê/mata kai\ akrôtêria/smata tou= nekrou=~, Hesych.). These expressions allow us to conclude that the whole procedure is intended to offer the murdered man as a sacrifice to some sort of ~apotro/paioi~. The ~maschali/smata~ are the ~aparchai/~ of this sacrificial victim. Indeed, Aristoph. of Byzantium, ap. Phot. [Suid.] ~maschali/smata~, definitely states that ~maschali/smata~ was the name given to ~ta\ toi=s mêroi=s epitithe/mena apo\ tô=n ômô=n~ (not ~ô/môn~ as the edd. give; as also Nauck, _Arist. Byz._, p. 221) ~kre/a en tai=s tô=n theô=n thusi/ais~. This refers--though it does not seem to have been remarked by those who have hitherto dealt with the passage--to the parts of the body which were cut off from the raw flesh of the ~hierei=on~ before the sacrifice, laid on the severed ~mêroi/~ of the victim, and burnt up completely with these: the _~ômothetei=n~_ in fact so often mentioned in Homer (~A~ 460 i.; ~B~ 423 f.; ~g~ 456 ff.; ~m~ 360 f.; ~x~ 427 f.). If these ~ômothetou/mena~ could also be called (in {585} a comparison) ~maschali/smata~, that again shows that at the ~maschalismo/s~ there was no tearing out of an arm from its socket, but that in reality the extremities of the murdered man (~--akrôtêria/santes mo/ria tou/tou~) were hewn off and a piece cut off ~ek panto\s me/rous tou= sô/matos~ as the grammarians following Aristophanes say. Only in this case is the proceeding like that which took place at the ~ômothetei=n~ when the sacrificers ~e/kopsan mikro\n apo\ panto\s **me/lous~ (Aristonic. in Schol. ~A~ 461; Apollon., _Lex. Hom._ 171, 8; _lex. Rhet._ ap. Eust. ~A~ 461, p. 134, 36: ~ômothe/têsan; to\ aph' heka/stou me/lous tou= hierei/ou apete/monto kai\ apê/rxanto ap' _ômou=~ [so the last word should be written here too, though Eustath. found--and was surprised--~ô/mou~] ~kai\ ene/balon eis ta\ mêri/a kata\ tê\n thusia/n~). So too it is said of Eumaios: ~ho d' ômothetei=to subô/tês, pa/ntôn arxa/menos mele/ôn~, ~x~ 427 f. (this is the passage in which ~hêrmê/neuse [ho poiêtê/s], ti/ esti to\ ômothetei=n~: Schol., B.L. ~A~ 461; it is this passage, and not ~A~ 461, which is meant by Hesych. too s.v. ~ômothetei=n~, when he says ~exêgei=tai d' auto\s Ho/mêros~; cf. also Dion. Hal. 7, 72, 15).

~maschalismo/s~ was then essentially an offering intended to avert evil or, what comes to the same thing, a kathartic offering (i.e. a symbol indicating such an offering). It was consummated by murderers ~epi\ tai=s katha/rsesin~ (Sch. S., _El._ 445); ~hupe\r tou= tê\n mê=nin ekkli/nein~ as Aristoph. Byz. says (p. 221 N.); ~to\ e/rgon aphosiou/menoi~ as we are told by Apostolius, _Prov._ xi, 4. All these mean the same thing. But besides these there may still have been another intention present in the minds of the superstitious. The mutilation of the murdered man took place according to Sch. S., _El._ 445 (in the second version; there is something similar even in the first, p. 123, 18 f.) ~hi/na, phasi/n, asthenê\s ge/noito pro\s to\ antiti/sasthai to\n phone/a~. The mutilation of the corpse was transferred to the ~psuchê/~ that was leaving the body--such is the ancient conception to which Homer too is not a stranger (cf. e.g. ~l~ 40 ff.). If the dead man is mutilated he will not, for example, be able to hold or throw the spear which in Athens was borne before the murdered man at his funeral (if he left no kinsman as avenger behind him) and was then set up beside his grave ([D.] 47, 69: Eur., _Tro._ 1147 f.: Poll. viii, 65; Ister ap., _EM._ 354, 33 ff.; _AB._ 237, 30 f.)--certainly for no other purpose than that of supplying the dead man himself with a weapon with which to take vengeance on his own account since no one else would ~boêthei=~ him. (Thus among the Tasmanians a spear was planted on the grave of the dead that he might have a weapon ready for fighting: Quatrefages, _Hommes fossiles et hommes sauvages_, p. 346.) Probably the Greek murderer when he ~emascha/lizen~, calculated in exactly the same fashion as the Australian negro who cuts off the thumb from the right hand of his fallen foe in order that his soul may no longer be able to hold a spear (Spencer, _Princ. of Sociol._ i, p. 212).

In Soph., _El._ 446, the murderer after the ~maschalismo/s~ also wipes the bloody instrument of death on the head of the murdered man. Murderers did this ~hô/sper apotropiazo/menoi to\ mu/sos to\ en tô=| pho/nô|~ {586} (Schol.). There are passages in the Odyssey which allude to the custom (~me/ga e/rgon, ho\ sê=| kephalê=| anama/xeis~, ~t~ 92) as well as in Herodotos and Demosthenes (see Schneidewin on _Electra_). Their meaning is quite correctly given in Eust. on _Od._ ~t~ 92: ~hôs eis kephalê\n dê=then ekei/nois (toi=s pephoneume/nois) trepome/nou tou= kakou=~. Evidently a mimic version of ~eis kephalê\n soi/~. Something similar is intended when the murderer sucks the blood of the murdered man three times and spits it out again three times. Ap. Rh. describes such a scene (iv, 477 f.); and something similar occurred in Aesch. (_fr._ 354; _EM._ refers to this in immediate connexion with ~maschalismo/s~). Here too the object is the ~ka/tharsis~ of the murderer, the expiation of the impious deed. (~hê\ the/mis authe/ntê|si doloktasi/as _hile/asthai_~, A.R.; ~apoptu/sai dei= kai\ _kathê/rasthai_ sto/ma~, A.) Spitting three times is a regular feature in magic charms and counter-charms: in this case the blood of the murdered man and with it the power of vengeance that rises up out of the blood, is averted, (despuimus comitiales morbos, hoc est, contagia regerimus, Plin., _NH._ 28, 35.)--What "savage" tribe ever had more primitive ideas or a more realistic symbolism than the Greek populace--and perhaps not populace only--of classical times in the sinister backwaters of their life into which we have here for a moment descended?

APPENDIX III

~_amu/êtoi, a/gamoi_~ AND DANAÏDES IN THE UNDERWORLD

In Polygnotos' picture of the underworld were to be seen the figures ~tô=n ou memuême/ôn, tô=n ta\ drô/mena Eleusi=ni en oudeno\s theme/nôn lo/gô|~--an old man, a ~pai=s~, a young and an old woman, who bear water to a ~pi/thos~ in broken pitchers: Paus. 10, 31, 9-11. The myth is evidently founded upon an etymological play on words--those who have neglected the "completion" of the holy ~te/lê~ and are ~atelei=s hierô=n~ (_h. Cer._ 482) must perform the vain labour in the realm of Persephone of carrying water in broken vessels: the ~Danaï/dôn hudrei/as _atelei=s_~ (_Axioch._ 371 E). It can only have been an oversight that made Pausanias forget to say that the ~pi/thos~ is ~_tetrême/nos_~, for this is essential to the story (see Pl., _Gor._ 493 BC; Philetair. ap. Ath. 633 F, 18 [2, p. 235 K.]; Zenob., _Prov._ ii, 6, etc.), and certainly cannot, as Dieterich, _Nekyia_, 70, imagined, be replaced by the ~kateago/ta o/straka~. That the ~ou memuême/noi~, the ~amu/êtoi~, as the inscription on the picture called them (Paus. § 9), were in fact those who had neglected the Eleusinian mysteries is only a conclusion of Pausanias' (or of his authority), as we see from the way he speaks in § 11; but it is probably the right conclusion. The Orphics took over the Eleusinian fable, but exaggerated it to the point of absurdity: they ~tou\s anosi/ous kai\ adi/kous koski/nô| hu/dôr anagka/zousi phe/rein~ in Hades (Pl., _Rp._ 363 D; _Gor._ 493 BC). In this they followed a hint given by a popular proverb--representing one of the ~adu/nata--koski/nô| hu/dôr phe/rein~ (which is also Roman: cf. Plaut., {587} _Pseud._ 102; as an "ordeal": Plin., _NH._ 28, 12). It is not until later (nor in surviving literature before the _Axiochus_, 371 E: though perhaps a little earlier on vase paintings from South Italy) that the story occurs in which it is the _daughters of Danaos_ who are punished in Hades by having to fill the leaking vessel. The reason given for this punishment is their murder of the sons of Aigyptos in the marriage bed: but why did the punishment take this particular form? Clearly in the case of the Danaides their non-fulfilment of an important ~te/los~ is requited in the ever ~atelei=s hudrei=ai~. Their marriage union was uncompleted through their own choice (thus marriage itself was often called a ~te/los~ and the wedding was preceded by ~prote/leia~ and compared with the ~te/lê~ of the mysteries). In this it is certainly implied that their deed had not been expiated, and they themselves had not found other husbands, but had as it were immediately after their impious deed been sent down to Hades (cf. Sch. Eur., _Hec._ 886, p. 436, 14 Dind.). The daughters of Danaos came to the underworld as ~a/gamoi~. To die before marriage was regarded as the height of ill-luck by the common people (cf. Welcker, _Syll. ep._, p. 49): the essential reason being that those who die thus leave behind them nobody who is called upon to keep up the cult of their souls (E. _Tro._ 380). Other ideas may have been vaguely combined with this. Thus, on the graves of ~a/gamoi~ a ~loutropho/ros~ was set up--a figure of a ~pai=s~ or a ~ko/rê loutropho/ros~, or a vessel called the ~loutropho/ros~ which has been identified with certain _bottomless_ vases (see Furtwängler, _Samml. Sabouroff_, on Pl. lviii-lix; cf. Wolters, _Ath. Mitth._ xvi, 378 ff.). Can this have referred to a similar fate awaiting the ~a/gamoi~ after their death, a fate such as was imputed to the Danaides in particular as mythical types of those who are ~a/gamoi~ by their own fault?--an ever unsuccessful carrying of water for the ~loutro/n~ of the bridal bath. (Dieterich, _Nekyia_, 76, with some probability takes this as the reason for the water-carrying.)

Of these two myths, was the one which appears later in order of time--the story of the Danaids--merely a subsequent development out of the earlier one (even said to occur on a black-figured vase), which told of the vain water-carrying of the _~amu/êtoi~_? I cannot be so sure of this as I once was. I cannot indeed admit (with Dümmler, _Delphica_, 18 ff., who, however, fails to prove an earlier date for the story of the Danaids' jar) that it would be difficult to imagine how a special class of human beings came to be replaced later on by certain mythical representatives such as the Danaids were. But it is a very suspicious fact that the Danaids do _not_ as a matter of fact represent the particular class of mankind--the ~amu/êtoi~--whose place they are supposed to have taken as their mythological representatives. They are not ~amu/êtoi~ at all, but _~a/gamoi~_. The ~a/gamoi~ and their ~atelei=s hudrei=ai~ in Hades must have been familiar in popular belief: in addition to this the mystical fable of the similar behaviour of those who had neglected the ~te/los~ of initiation may have sprung up, but certainly not as the model of the ~a/gamoi~ story, more probably as a subsequent {588} rehandling of it for the purposes of mystical edification. (The story of the ~a/gamoi~ has a much more primitive and popular flavour; and it alone gives a definite relation between the special labour of water-carrying in Hades and the nature of their default on earth.) The mythical fate of the ~a/gamoi~ was then forgotten owing to the competing interest of the story of the **~amu/êtoi~, which, in fact, absorbed it, when a poet--for a poet it must have been--took up what still-surviving custom and its accompanying legend applied to the ~a/g.~ in general and transferred it to the _Danaides_. This version of the myth was then victorious in the general consciousness both over the popular tradition about the ~a/gamoi~ and the mystery-fable of the **~amu/êtoi~.--It remains to be said that the Danaids (and the **~amu/êtoi~ too in a lesser degree) were supposed to be _punished_ by their ~atelei=s hudrei=ai~, This, so long as it was a matter of the ~a/gamoi~ simply, cannot have been the meaning of that fate of purposeless toil in their case any more than it was in the case of Oknos. Even Xenophon, _Oec._ vii, 40, lets us see that the vain toilers are not as a matter of fact intended to inspire horror, as sinners, but rather pity. His words are: ~ouch hora=|s, hoi eis to\n tetrême/non pi/thon antlei=n lego/menoi hôs _oikti/rontai_, ho/ti ma/tên ponei=n dokou=si? nê\ Di/', e/phê hê gunê/, kai\ ga\r tlê/mone/s eisin, ei tou=to/ ge poiou=sin~. This gives us the attitude of mind from which the whole story originally grew up.

APPENDIX IV

THE TETRALOGIES OF ANTIPHON

I ought not to have admitted the doubt suggested in chap. v, n. 176, as to the genuineness of the Tetralogies traditionally ascribed to Antiphon. I have examined more carefully the well-known linguistic variations between the Tetralogies and speeches i, v, and vi of Antiphon, and also the recently noticed divergences (see Dittenberger, _Hermes_, 31; 32) of the Tetralogies from Athenian law (for which the author, like the declamation-writers of later times, substitutes occasionally a "_ius scholasticum_"--a purely fanciful creation but one more suited to pleading _in utramque partem_). All these objections seem to me, on maturer consideration, insufficient to make us reject the identity--otherwise so well established--of the author of the Tetralogies with the author of the Speeches.

APPENDIX V

RITUAL PURIFICATION EFFECTED BY RUNNING WATER, RUBBING WITH ANIMAL OR VEGETABLE SUBSTANCES (~ski/lla~, FIGS), ABSORPTION OF THE _materia peccans_ INTO EGGS.

For the purpose of ritual purification it is necessary to have water drawn from running springs or streams, or from the sea: ~tha/lassa klu/xei pa/nta tanthrô/pôn kaka/~, Eur., _IT._ 1193. (Hence in the exalted {589} semi-oracular language of bardic poetry ~hê ami/antos = tha/lassa~, Aesch., _P._ 578. At a sacrifice ~ho hiareu\s aporrai/netai thala/ssa|~, sacrificial calendar from Kos: _Inscr. Cos_, 38, 23.) Various details on this point in Lomeier, _De lustrat._ c. 17. In the water thus drawn from running sources the power of washing off and carrying away the evil still seemed to be inherent. When the pollution is unusually severe it has to be purged by the water from several running springs: ~krêna/ôn apo\ pe/nte~, Emped. 452 M. = 143 D.; ~apo\ krênô=n triô=n~, Menand., ~Deis.~ 530, 22 K.; Orestes se apud tria flumina circum Hebrum ex response purificavit (from the stain of matricide), Lamprid., _Heliog._ vii, 7--or else at Rhegion in the seven streams which combine to form one river: Varro ap. Prob., _ad Verg._, p. 3, 4 Keil; Sch. Theoc., prol., p. 1, 3 ff. Düb. (and cf. Hermann, _Opusc._ ii, 71 ff.). Even water from fourteen different springs might be used at a purification of murder: Suid. 476 BC Gaisf. (~apo\ di\s hepta kuma/tôn~, conclusion of an iambic or trochaic line). In all this the remarkable persistence of Greek ritual performances is shown once more. Even in a late period the same kathartic rules prevail. An order of the Klarian oracle of about the third century A.D. (ap. Buresch, _Klaros_, p. 9) commands those who seek its aid ~apo\ Naïa/dôn hepta mateu/ein katharo\n po/ton entu/nesthai, ho/n theiô=sai pro/sothen~ (taken from _Il._ ~Ps~ 533, but understood in a temporal sense) ~echrê=n kai\ epessume/nôs aphu/sasthai rhê=nai/ te do/mous ktl.~ And in a magical papyrus (about fourth century), ap. Parthey, _Abh. Berl. Ak._ 1865, p. 126, l. 234-5, instructions are given to collect ~hu/dôr pêgai=on apo\ z' pêgô=n~ for magic purposes. (Then again in mediæval superstition: for the purposes of _hydromantia_ "water must be taken from three running streams, a little from each", etc.--Hartlieb ap. Grimm, p. 1770--probably a survival from classical antiquity: cf. Plin., _NH._ 28, 46, _e tribus puteis_, etc.) Cf. also and in general the completely analogous use of water in old Indian ceremonies of purification: Oldenberg, _Rel. Veda_, 423 ff.; 489.--~_perima/ttein, apoma/ttein_~: wiping-off of the uncleanness: see Wyttenb. ad Plu., _Mor._ vi, pp. 1006-7. In this use _~peripsê=n~_ also occurs: in a transferred sense a ~pharmako/s~ is called a ~peri/psêma = perika/tharma~, _Ep. ad Cor._ 1, 4, 13. Washing-off with bran, earth, etc., is often mentioned. Otherwise the _~ski/lla~_ is used or the bodies of sacrificed dogs: ~eka/thêre/ te/ me kai\ _ape/maxe_ kai\ periê/gnise da|di/ois~ (with ~periê/gn.~) ~kai\ _ski/llê|_~, Luc., _Necyom._ 7. The Superstitious Man is accustomed ~hierei/as kale/sas ski/llê| ê\ _sku/laki_ keleu=sai hauto\n perikatha=rai~, Thphr., _Ch._ 28 (16) fin. All sorts of medicinal properties were attributed to the ~ski/lla~. (The idea is elaborated farcically in the pamphlet of "Pythagoras" ~peri\ ski/llês~ [D.L. viii, 47? ~kê/lês~ Cobet], an extract of which is given by Galen ~p. eupori/st.~ 3, vol. xiv, **576-9 K.) But above all it is regarded as ~katha/rsios~: Artem. iii, 50; ~kathartikê\ pa/sês kaki/as~, Sch. Theoc. v, 121, and cf. Cratin., ~Chei/r.~ 232 K. Hence it is also ~alexipha/rmakon, ho/lê pro\ tô=n thurô=n kremame/nê~, Diosc. ii, 202 fin. (see _Hermes_, 51, 628); such also was the teaching of "Pythagoras": Plin., _NH._ 20, 101; **or it may be buried at the threshold: Ar. ~Danaï/d.~ _fr._ 8 [255 H.-G.]. {590} It is also ~lu/kôn phthartikê/~: Artem. iii, 50 (cf. _Gp._ 15, 1, 6, with notes of Niclas). As being able to keep off daimones (in wolf-form) it was then used in religious "purification".--Figs are also used for the purpose of religious cleansing and scouring (_black_ figs

## particularly inferum deorum et avertentium in tutela sunt, Macr. 3,

20, 2-3). Figs used ~en katharmoi=s~: Eustath., _Od._, p. 1572, 57 (? is this the meaning of the ~perima/ttein~ of the eyes with figs in Pherecr. ap. Ath. 3, 78 D [132 K.]). Hence ~Zeu\s suka/sios = katha/rsios~ (Eustath.). Figs the best ~alexipha/rmakon~: Arist. ap. Jul., _Ep._ 24, p. 505, 7 ff. From the specially magic properties of the fig comes the idea that fig-trees are never struck by lightning: Plu., _Smp._ 5, 9, p. 684 C; _Gp._ 11, 2, 7; Theoph. Nonn. 260, 288 (and cf. _Rh. Mus._ 50, 584); Lyd., _Mens. fr. fals._ 1, p. 181 W.; 4, 4, p. 69 W. The ~pharmakoi/~ at the Thargelia (above, chap. ix, n. 26) wear strings of figs round their necks (Hellad. ap. Phot., _Bibl._, p. 534a, 5 ff.), and are beaten with branches of the fig-tree (~kra/dai~) and with ~ski/llai~ (Hippon. _frr._ 4, 5, 8; Hsch. ~kradi/ês no/mos~): here again the figs have a kathartic purpose (Müller mistakes this, _Dorians_, i, 346), as is shown also by the presence of ~ski/llai~ as well (cf. in general Theoc. vii, 107; v, 121). Before the ~pharmakoi/~ were driven out of the city as scapegoats they were thus "purified" with the above-mentioned ~kra/dai~ and ~ski/llai~. The same thing is said in the story of the ravens which parodies this expiatory rite. The ravens are offered up to ~Loimo/s~ as a sort of ~pharmakoi/--_perikathai/rontas_ epô|dai=s aphie/nai zô=ntas, kai\ epile/gein tô=| Loimô|; pheu=g' es ko/rakas~ (Arist. _fr._ 454 [496 Tbn.]; for a similar ~apotropiasmo/s (eis ai=gas agri/as)~ see the commentators on Macar. iii, 59, Diogen. v, 49; cf. ~tê\n _no/son_~ (regarded as a daimon), ~phasi/n, es ai=gas tre/psai~, Philostr., _Her._ 179, 8 Kays.).--Rubbing-off of the "impurity" was effected also with the dead bodies of puppies (~ski/llê ê\ sku/laki~, Thphr., _Ch._ 28 [16]). Those ~hagnismou= deo/menoi~ were rubbed down with the bodies of puppies (which had been sacrificed to Hekate): ~perima/ttontai~, and this is ~periskulakismo/s~, Plu., _Q. Rom._ 68, p. 280 C.

It was believed that these materials (wool and the skins of animals were also employed) received into themselves the harmful and polluting substance. This is why _eggs_ are also used as ~katha/rsia~: e.g. in _P. Mag. Lond._, n. 121, l. 522 ap. Kenyon, _Greek papyri in BM._ i, p. 101 (1893): ~gra/phe to\ o/noma eis ô|a\ du/o arrenika\ kai\ tô=| heni\ _perikathai/reis_~ (sic) ~seauto\n ktl.~ More in Lomeier, _Lustr._ (ed. 2 Zutph. 1700), p. 258 f. They were meant to absorb the impurity. ~anela/mbanon ta\ tou= perikatharthe/ntos kaka/~, Auct. ~p. deisid.~ ap. Clem., _Str._ vii, p. 844 P.

APPENDIX VI

HEKATE AND THE ~Hekatika\ pha/smata~, GORGYRA, GORGO, MORMOLYKE, MORMO, BAUBO, GELLO, EMPOUSA, ETC.

Hekate herself is addressed as ~Gorgô\ kai\ Mormô\ kai\ Mê/nê kai\ polu/morphe~: _Hymn._ ap. Hipp., _RH._ iv, 35, p. 102, 67 D.-S. Sch. A.R. {591} iii, 861, says of Hek. ~le/getai kai\ _pha/smata_ epipe/mpein~ (cf. Eur., _Hel._ 569; D. Chr. iv, p. 73 M. [i, p. 70 Arn.]; Hsch. ~antai/a), ta\ kalou/mena _Heka/taia_ (pha/smata Hekatika/~, Marin., _V. Procl_. 28) ~kai\ polla/kis _autê\ metaba/llein to\ ei=dos_ dio\ kai\ _E/mpousan_ kalei=sthai~. Hekate-Empousa also in Ar. _Tagen. fr._ 500-1: Sch. Ar., _Ran_, 293; Hesych. ~E/mpousa~. Thus Hekate is the same as Gorgo, Mormo, and Empousa. Baubo also is one of her names: _H. Mag._, p. 289 Abel. (Baubo probably identical with the _~Babô/~_ mentioned among other ~chtho/nioi~ in an inscr. from Paros: ~Athê/naion~, v, 15; cf. the male personal names ~Babô/, Babei/s~. ~Baubô/~ can hardly be etymologically connected with ~baubô/n~ unpleasantly familiar in Herond. (though the mistake has been repeated in Roscher, _Myth. Lex._ ii, 3025); one does not see how a female daimon could be named after a male _~o/lisbos~_. The nature of Hekate makes its more probable that she got her name from _~bau/~_ the noise of the baying hound: cf. ~bauku/ôn~, _P. Mag. Par._ 1911.) Baubo, too, is elsewhere the name of a gigantic nocturnal spectre: Orph. _fr._ 216 Ab.; Lob., _Agl._ 823.--Elsewhere these ~epiklê/seis~, or forms in which Hekate, Gorgo, Mormo, etc., appear, are found as the names of separate infernal spirits. ~_Gorgu/ra_; Ache/rontos gunê/~ Apollod. ~p. theô=n~ ap. Stob., _Ecl._ i, 49, p. 419, 15 W.; cf. [Apollod.] 1, 5, 3. ~Gorgô/~ is probably only the shortened form of this daimon (she is alluded to as an inhabitant of Hades as early as _Od._ ~l~ 634; in the ~kata/basis~ of Herakles [Apollod.] 2, 5, 12; ~chthoni/a Gorgô/~, Eur., _Ion_, 1053). Acheron, whose consort she is, must have been regarded as the lord of the underworld. We also hear of a mother of the underworld god: in Aesch., _Ag._ 1235, Kassandra calls Klytaimnestra _~thu/ousan Ha/idou mête/ra~_. In this very striking phrase it is impossible to take ~ha/|dou~ in its generalized sense (as Lob. does: _Aj._^3, p. 292), and the whole phrase as merely metaphorical = ~ainomê/tora~. Why ~mête/ra~ in particular? And, above all, what would be the point of ~thu/ousan~? Klytaimnestra, of course, it goes without saying, is only metaphorically called the "raging mother of Hades", i.e. a true she-devil; but the thing with which she is compared, from which the metaphor is taken, must have been a real figure of legend. In exactly the same way, in Byz. Greek, _~tô=n daimo/nôn mê/têr~_ is a figurative expression for a wicked woman: see ~Kalli/m. kai\ Chrusorro/ê~ 2579 ed. Lambros; cf. ib., 1306, ~tô=n Nêrêi/dôn ma/mmê~. In German too "the **devil's mother", or grandmother, or the devil's wife or bride, are of frequent occurrence in a metaphorical sense: Grimm, p. 1007; 1607. But in all these cases the comparison invariably implies the existence of real legendary figures to which the comparison refers: and often enough in mediæval and modern Greek folk-lore these creatures actually occur. We may therefore conclude that the ~thu/ousa Ha/idou mê/têr~ was a real figure of Greek legend. "Hades" in this connexion cannot be the god of the underworld, common in Homer and a regular poetic character elsewhere, the brother of Zeus and Poseidon. In that case his mother would be Rhea who certainly cannot be identified with the ~thu/ousa Ha/idou mê/têr~. In local mythology there were numerous other underworld {592} gods any of whom might be loosely called ~Ha/idês~, the word being used as a general name for such deities. But the "raging" mother of the underworld god has the most unmistakable resemblance to Hekate who flies about by night on the wind (see above, chap. ix, p. 297 f.; below, App. vii) ~psuchai=s neku/ôn me/ta bakcheu/ousa~ (Reiss, _Rh. Mus._ 49, 181 n., compares her less well with the "huntsman of Hades"). It seems almost as if the two were identical: local legend could quite well have made Hekate the mother of the underworld god (just as she was the daughter of Admetos, or of Eubouleus, i.e. of Hades). If she is the same as ~Mormô/~ (cf. the _Hymn._ ap. Hipp., _RH._ iv, 35) then she was also known to folk-lore as the foster-mother of Acheron. This title is applied to ~_Mormolu/ka_; tithê/nê~ of Acheron in Sophron _fr._ 9 Kaibel. But _~Mormô/~_ is simply the abbreviated form of ~Mormolu/kê~ as ~Gorgô/~ is of ~Gorgu/ra~, and cf. also ~Mommô/~ Hsch., and with metathesis of ~r~, ~Mombrô/~ id. (~Mormol.~ is mentioned together with ~Lamia/, Gorgô/, Ephia/ltês~ as a legendary creature in Str., p. 19, and see Ruhnken, _Tim. Lex._, p. 179 ff., ~Mormolu/keion~.) ~Mormô/~ also in plural: ~hô/sper mormo/nas paida/ria (phobou=ntai)~, Xen., _HG._ 4, 4, 17; Hsch. ~mormo/nas; pla/nêtas dai/monas~ (i.e. "wandering", as in Hesiod, and like the Erinyes in the Pythagorean ~su/mbolon~, and the ~ala/stôr~, the unquiet and wandering soul whose name is derived from ~ala=sthai~--so Lob., _Paralip._ 450). Besides this we have ~Heka/tas~ too in the plural: Luc., _Philops._ 39 fin. (perhaps only generalizing); ~trissô=n Hekatô=n~, _P. Mag. Par._ 2825 f.; ~E/mpousai~ (with ~a/lla ei/dôla~), D.P. 725, etc., to say nothing of ~Gorgo/nes~. ~Mormô/~ as a bogey to frighten children: ~Mormô\ da/knei~, Theoc. xv, 40 (cf. ~[ana/]klêsis Mormo[u=s]~, a theatrical piece, probably a farce: _IGM. Aeg._ i, 125g). So too is the monster ~_La/mia_~ that kidnaps children: Duris, _fr._ 35 (2 _FHG_); D.S. 20, 41; Heraclit., _Incred._ 34, etc. Some details in Friedländer, _Darstell. a. d. Sitteng._^4, i, 511 f. (as a nickname ~Lamô/~: Sch. Ar., _Eq._ 62). Mormo herself is called Lamia, ~Mormou=s tê=s kai\ Lami/as~, Sch. Greg. Nz. ap. Ruhnken, _Tim. Lex._, p. 182a. With Mormo and Lamia ~_Gellô/_~ is also identified (Sch. Theoc. xv, 40), a ghost that kidnaps children mentioned already by Sappho, _fr._ 44; Zenob. iii, 3, etc. _~Karkô/~_, too, is the same as ~La/mia~ (Hesych.). Lamia is evidently the general name (see above, chap. iv, n. 115), while Mormo, Gello, Karko, and even Empousa, are particular Lamiai, who also merge into one another. Just as Mormo and Gello coincide, so also do Gello and Empousa: ~_Gellô\_ ei/dôlon Empou/sês~, Hsch. (Empousai, Lamiai, and Mormolykai the same: Philostr., _V. Ap._ 4, 25, p. 145, 16 K.). Empousa, who appears in continually changing shapes (Ar., _Ran._ 289 ff.), is seen by human beings at night (~nukterino\n pha/sma hê E/mpousa~, _V. Aeschin._ init.; Philostr. _V. Ap._ 2, 4), but even more commonly at midday (like the Hekate of Lucian): ~mesêmbri/as ho/tan toi=s katoichome/nois enagi/zôsin~, Sch. Ar., _Ran._ 293. She is, in fact, the _daemonium meridianum_ known to Christian writers as Diana (Lob., _Agl._ 1092; Grimm, 1162). For devils appearing at midday see Rochholz, _Glaube u. Br._, i, 67 ff.; Mannhardt, _Ant._ {593} _Wald u. Feldc._ ii, 135 f.; Haberland, _Ztschr. Völkerpsych._ xiii, 310 ff.; Drexler in _Myth. Lex._ ii, 2832 ff; Grimm, 1661. Hekate, in so far as she appears as an ~ei/dôlon~ in the upper world is identical with Emp. and with Borbo, Gorgo, Mormo, as well as Gello, Karko, Lamia. (Acc. to Sch. A.R. iv, 828 Stesichoros, ~en tê=| Sku/llê| _ei/dous_ [Eidou=s~ Bergk on Stes. _fr._ 13 quite unconvincingly] ~_tino\s Lami/as_ tê\n Sku/llan phêsi\ thugate/ra ei=nai~. Here Hek. herself seems to be described as "a kind of Lamia", for she was generally regarded as the mother of Skylla, e.g. by Akousilaos [73 B, 27 _Vors._], in the Hesiodic _Eoiai_, 172 Rz. [Sch. A.R.], and even in A.R. himself who in iv, 829, explains the Homeric Krataiis [~m~ 124] as merely a name of Hekate.)--The vagueness of feature and confusion of personality is characteristic of these ghostly and delusive apparitions. In reality the individual names (in some cases onomatopoeic formations to suggest terror) were originally the titles of local ghosts. In the long run they all come to suggest the same general idea and are therefore confused with each other and are identified with the best known of them, Hekate. The underworld and the realm of ghosts is the proper home of these feminine daimones as a whole and of Hekate too; most of them, with the possible exception of Empousa, give way entirely to Hekate in importance and are relegated to children's fairy-tales. In the case of Gorgyra (Gorgo) and Mormolyke (Mormo) this fact is clearly attested. Lamia and Gello carry off children and also ~aô/rous~ from this life, like other daimones of the underworld, Keres, Harpies, Erinyes, and Thanatos himself. The Lamiai rise to the light from their underground lairs--~_lami/as_ tina\s historou=ntes~ (the oldest writers of histories) ~en hu/lais kai\ na/pais _ek gê=s anieme/nas_~, D.H., _Thuc._ 6. Empousa appears on earth at midday because that was the time when sacrifice was offered to the dead (Sch. Ar., _Ran._ 293; sacrifice to Heroes at midday: above, chap. iv, n. 9). She approaches the offerings to the creatures of the lower world because she herself is one of their number. (In the same way the chthonic character of the _Seirenes_--they are closely related to the Harpies--is shown by the fact that they too appear like Empousa at midday and oppress sleepers, etc., according to the popular demonology. See Crusius, _Philol._ 50, 97 ff.)

APPENDIX VII

The _Hosts of Hekate_ cause fear and sickness at night: ~ei/t' e/nupnon pha/ntasma phobê=| chthoni/as th' _Heka/tês kô=mon_ ede/xô~, Trag. Incert. _fr._ 375 (Porson suggested Aesch.). They form the ~nukti/phantoi _pro/poloi_ Enodi/as~, Eur., _Hel._ 570. (These ~pro/poloi ta=s theou=~ are probably also referred to in the _defixio_ _CIG._ 5773; Wünsch, _Tab. Defix._, p. ixb.) They are nothing else than the restless souls of the dead wandering in the train of Hekate. Nocturnal terrors are produced by ~Heka/tês epibolai\ kai\ hêrô/ôn e/phodoi~, Hp., _Morb. Sacr._ (vi, 362 L.). Hence Orph., _H._ i, 1, calls Hekate ~psuchai=s neku/ôn me/ta bakcheu/ousan~. The souls which thus wander about with Hekate are {594} in part those of the _~a/ôroi~_, i.e. of those who have died before the completion of their "destined" period of life, ~pri\n moi=ran exê/kein bi/ou~, Soph., _Ant._ 896; cf. Phrynich. in _AB._ 24, 22, and ~pro/moiros harpagê/~, _Inscr. Cos_, 322. Thanatos has acted unjustly towards them ~en tachutê=ti bi/ou pau/ôn neoê/likas akma/s~, Orph., _H._ 87, 5-6. The period of conscious existence on earth which they had left incomplete they must now fulfil as disembodied "souls": aiunt immatura morte praeventas (animas) eo usque vagari istic, donec reliquatio compleatur aetatum quas tum pervixissent si non intempestive obiissent, Tert., _An._ 56. (They haunt the place of their burial: ~hê/rôes atuchei=s, hoi\ en tô=| dei=ni to/pô| sune/chesthe~, _P. Mag. Par._ 1408; cf. _CIG._ 5858b.) For this reason it is often mentioned on gravestones (and elsewhere: Eur., _Alc._ 168 f.) as something specially to be lamented that the person there buried had died ~a/ôros~--see _Epigr. Gr._ 12; 16; 193; 220, 1; 221, 2; 313, 2-3: ~a/teknos a/ôros~, **236, 2; and cf. 372, 32; 184, 3; _CIG._ 5574 (see also App. iii and chap. xiv, pt. ii, n. 155, ~a/gamoi~). Gello who herself ~parthe/nos aô/rôs eteleu/têse~ then becomes a ~pha/ntasma~, slays children and causes ~tou\s tô=n aô/rôn thana/tous~, Zenob. iii, 3; Hsch. ~Gellô/~. The souls of the ~a/ôroi~ cannot rest but must continually wander: see Plaut., _Most._ 499. They (~ane/môn ei/dôlon e/chontes~, _H. Hec._, l. 15: Orph., p. 290 Ab.) are the creatures which accompany Hekate in her nocturnal wanderings. The _Hymn._ to Hekate, p. 289 Ab. (cf. _P. Mag. Par._ 2727 ff.) addresses Hek. thus (10 ff.): ~deu=r' Heka/tê triodi=ti, puri/pnoe, pha/smat' e/chousa (a/gousa~ Mein.)~, hê/ t' e/laches deina\s me\n hodou\s (deina/s t' epho/dous~?) ~chalepa/s t' epipompa/s, tê\n Heka/tên se kalô= su\n apophthime/noisin aô/rois kei/ tines hêrô/ôn tha/non agnai=oi/ te (kai\~ Mein., but this position of ~te/~ is a regular Hellenistic usage; occurs frequently in _Orac. Sibyll._) ~a/paides ktl.~ Thus the ~a/ôroi~ became the typical haunting spirits ~kat' exochê/n~. Just as in this _Hymn._ they are summoned (with Hek.) for unholy purposes of magic, so an ~a/ôros~ is sometimes expressly invoked in the _defixiones_ which were placed in graves (esp. in those of ~a/ôroi~: see the instructions given in _P. Mag. Par._ 332 ff., 2215, 2220 f.; _P. Anastasy_, l. 336 ff.; 353): ~le/gô tô=| aô/rô| tô=| k[ata\ tou=ton to\n to/pon~, etc.]: Roman _defixio_, _I. Sic. et It._ 1047; ~exorki/zô se, neku/daimon a/ôre~, leaden tablet from Carth., _BCH._ 1888, p. 299 (_Tab. Defix._, p. xvi); cf. also _P. Mag. Par._ 342 f.; 1390 ff.; ~para/dote~ (the victim) ~aô/rois~, leaden tablet from Alexandria, _Rh. Mus._ 9, 37, l. 22; a lead tablet from Phrygia (_BCH._ 1893, p. 251) has: ~gra/phô pa/ntas tou\s emoi\ anti/a poiou=ntas meta\ tô=n aô/rôn; Epa/gathon Sabi=nan~, etc. In the curses of _Epigr. Gr._, p. 149, the ~Heka/tês melai/nês dai/mones~ alternate with ~a/ôroi sumphorai/~; see also Sterrett, _Amer. Sch. Athens_, ii, 168.--Everything that has been said of the ~a/ôroi~ applies also to the _~biaiotha/natoi~_ (or ~bi/aioi~, a term found in the magical papyri; cf. also ~biotha/naton pneu=ma~, _P. Mag. Par._ 1950); they are a special kind of ~a/ôroi~: they find no rest, see above, chap. v, n. 147; Tert., _An._ 56-7; Serv., _A._ iv, 386, quoting the _physici_; cf. also Heliod., 2, 5, p. 42, 20 ff. Bk. A ~biaiotha/natos~, who has thus been deprived of his life, has to make special supplication for admission {595} into Hades: _Epigr. Gr._ 625; cf. Verg., _A._ iv, 696 ff. Such souls become ~_ala/stores_~, wandering spirits: see above, Append. vi, p. 592; wandering of a ~biaiotha/natos~, Plu., _Cim._ 1.--Finally the souls of unburied persons who have no share in the cult of the souls or home in the grave are also condemned to wander (cf. Eur., _Hec._ 31-50): see above, chap. v, p. 163. The ~a/taphos~ is detained ~entha/de~: Soph., _Ant._ 1070, and wanders about the earth: ~alai/nei~, Eur., _Tro._ 1083; cf. Tert., _An._ 56. Hence the souls of these ~a/taphoi~ could be forced to appear and answer the sorcerer: Heliod., p. 177, 15 ff. Bk.; _rite conditis Manibus_ the wanderings of the soul cease: Plin., _Ep._ 7, 27, 11; Luc., _Philops._ 31 fin.--The art of the ~ma/ntis~ and of the ~kathartê/s~ (and of the ~apoma/ktria grau=s~, Plu., _Superst._ 3, p. 166 A) is supposed to keep off such nocturnal terrors; it is "purification" precisely because it drives away such unholy beings. It is also a kind of ~katha/rsion~ that is employed when ~apomagdali/ai~ (instead of to the dogs: Ath. 409 D) are thrown out ~en toi=s ampho/dois ginome/nois nukterinoi=s pho/bois~ (Harmodios of Leprea ap. Ath. 149 C), i.e. to Hekate and her rout which also appears as a pack of hounds.

APPENDIX VIII

DISINTEGRATION OF CONSCIOUSNESS AND REDUPLICATION OF PERSONALITY

In that period of extreme excitement the Greeks must have had frequent experience of the abnormal but by no means unusual psychical state in which a division of consciousness takes place and becomes apparent. The single personality splits up into two (or more) distinct centres of consciousness; and these give rise to two personalities (succeeding each other, or contemporaneous), with a double will and a double intellect appearing in one man. Even unprejudiced psychological observers of our own time are unable to describe such phenomena, which appear (spontaneously or produced experimentally) in certain neuropathic conditions, except as a reduplication or multiplication of personality. A second self comes into being, a second centre of consciousness following or by the side of the first and normal personality, which is generally unaware of the existence of its rival. (Probably the most complete and cautious account of these matters is that given by Pierre Janet in _L'automatisme psychologique_, Paris, 1889.) When such phenomena appear in conjunction with marked religious or spiritualistic tendencies they are naturally explained in accordance with these intellectual preconceptions. The appearance in a man or woman of an intelligent will, unguided or unperceived by the normally dominant personality, is conceived as the entrance of a foreign personality into the individual; or as the expulsion of the real soul of the individual by such a demonic or spiritual visitor. Nothing, however, is commoner, in all ages, than the religious or spiritualist preconceptions that lead to such an explanation; and so {596} what the Greeks called ~e/kstasis~ or ~kate/chesthai ek theou=~ has been a very frequent explanation of such mysterious occurrences from the earliest times (and in the present day). It has appealed just as much to the person affected by such "reduplication of personality" as to those round about him (unless they have been scientifically educated). The actual experience of such phenomena is generally a fact; fancy begins only with the explanation offered. For the Greeks the Pythia was always the best known example of such "possession" of a human being by a foreign will or spirit which seemed to enter violently and from outside into the human individual, having little correspondence (as it usually happened) with the character or the intellect of the "medium" in his or her normal state of consciousness. The Sibyls, Bakides, ~Ba/kchoi~, the seers and priests of purification, Epimenides, Aristeas, and so many others, were further cases of the ascent of the soul to the divine or the entrance of a god into the soul. It was inevitable that the idea of an immediate relation between the soul and the divine, and of the divine nature of the soul itself, should grow up in connexion with such cases as these, and seem to be authenticated in them more than in any other way. Greece is not the only place where this has happened.

APPENDIX IX

THE GREAT ORPHIC THEOGONY

The information about a coherent Orphic Theogony and Anthropogony which has come down to us from the statements of Neoplatonic philosophers and their contemporaries, is derived, as Lobeck very rightly concluded, from the ~en tai=s _rhapsô|di/ais_ Orphikai=s theologi/a, hê\n kai\ hoi philo/sophoi diermêneu/ousin~ (Damasc., _Princ._, p. 380 K.). This last statement means that they were explained in lectures given by the heads of the Platonic school since the time of Syrianos (~Orphikai\ sunousi/ai~ of Syrian.: Procl., _in Tim._ 96 B; Scholia of Proclus on Orpheus, ~ei kai\ mê\ eis pa/sas ta\s _rhapsô|di/as_~: Marin., _V. Procl._ 27). Written commentaries were also published, more particularly in order to prove the ~sumphôni/an Orphe/ôs, Puthago/rou kai\ Pla/tônos~ (Syrianos wrote a book with this title, wrongly ascribed to Proclus by Suidas: see R. Schöll on Procl. _in Rp._, p. 5. Probably the work of Syr. ~eis tê\n Orphe/ôs theologi/an~ is the source of Orph., _frr._ 123-4, which are traced back in the ~Theosophi/a~, § 50, to ~Suriano\s en toi=s heautou= ponê/masin~. From Syr. also probably comes the citation from Orpheus ~en tê=| teta/rtê| rhapsô|di/a|~, ib., § 61). The older Neoplatonists before Syrianos took little notice of the Orphica. Plotinos gives no quotation at all (though perhaps an allusion in 4, 3, 12; see Lob., p. 555), Iamblichos quotes nothing from immediate acquaintance, Porphyrios, who read everything, gives a little (_frr._ 114; 123 Euseb. from Porph.; 211) and what he does give certainly comes from the Rhapsodiai. In fact, {597} the Neoplatonics as a whole when they quote Orpheus from their own knowledge (and do not, for example, simply write "Orpheus" instead of "Pythagoras": see above, chap. x, n. 9) use the Rhapsodiai _only_, as Lobeck rightly maintains, p. 466 (Abel did not realize this, to the detriment of his collection of the _frr._). The title of the poem they used can hardly have been ~Theogoni/a~. (This seems to occur as a title in _fr._ 188 [Clem. Al. from auct. ~p. klopê=s~]. In _fr._ 108 it is only a description of contents; _fr._ 310 is spurious. In Suidas, Gaisford's MSS., we do indeed read of a ~theogoni/a, e/pê "as'"~: but the figure indicating the number of lines corresponds most suspiciously with that of the previous ~onomastiko/n~, and in any case would be insufficient for the great length of the ~rhapsô|di/ai~.) It seems extremely probable (as Lobeck already suspected, p. 716, 726) that the simple description: an Orphic poem divided into several Rhapsodiai, ~_hieroi\ lo/goi_ en rhapsô|di/ais kd'~ (Suid.), was the real title of the poem, which consisted of several ~rhapsô|di/ai~. This ~hiero\s lo/gos~ (the plural only means that there were several books) is, however a different one (Lobeck missed this, p. 716) from the ~hiero\s lo/gos~ which Epigenes (ap. Clem. Al., _Str._ i, 21, p. 144 P.) attributed to the Pythagorean Kerkops. (And again when Suid. attributes the 24 Rhaps. to the Thessalian Theognetos or to Kerkops he also means the _old_ ~hiero\s lo/gos~ not divided into Rhaps., and confuses this with the later and much extended ~hiero\s lo/gos~.) The older ~hiero\s lo/gos~ is that alluded to by Cic., _ND._ i, 107, and prob. also by Plu., _Smp._ 2, 3, 2, p. 636 D (_fr._ 42); the quotation in _EM._ (_fr._ 44) from the 8th Bk. refers to the later ~hiero\s lo/gos~. But it is certain that the ~hiero\s lo/gos~ in 24 Bks., the poem possessed by the Neoplatonists, from which by far the greater number of our fragments are taken, was not a work of the sixth century, written for instance (as Lobeck was inclined to think, 683 f.) by Onomakritos. It is even untrue--regrettably enough we might add--that as the Neoplatonists presumed (and Lobeck believed in consequence: p. 508, 529 f., 602, 613) Plato knew and made use of the "Rhapsodies". (This emerges with particular plainness from Gruppe's study of the question in _Jb. Philol. Supp._ xvii, 689 ff.). And when this is gone no other evidence for the earlier date of the Orphic Theogony in this form is left. And in the very few passages in which a real coincidence (and not a doubtfully assumed one) exists between the Rhapsodies and Pherekydes, Herakleitos, Parmenides (see Lob., p. 532; Kern, _Theogon._, p. 52; Gruppe, p. 708) or Empedokles, the poet of the Rhapsodies is the borrower not the creditor. The age in which he lived cannot be precisely determined; the fact that Neoplatonic writers are the first to quote him does not settle the question; it is uncertain whether he lived after (as I think) or before the (otherwise unknown) Hieronymos whose statement about an Orphic Theogony is quoted by Damasc., _Princ._ 381 f. K. In any case Gruppe (p. 742) has correctly appreciated the character of the bulky poem (equalling or even surpassing the length of the Iliad), when he says that it consists in the main of a loosely connected patchwork of older Orphic tradition. {598} There are many points in which agreement between the Rhapsodies and older Orphic teaching and poetry is still demonstrable; lines from older Orphic poems were taken over unaltered; subjects from older Orphic Theogonies were combined, sometimes without regard for their divergent character; different versions of the same motif occur together. Thus we have the ~kata/posis~ (modelled eventually upon Hesiod) twice over: in the first version Zeus swallows Phanes, in the second the heart of Zagreus. Both mean the same thing; the devouring of the heart of Zagreus may perhaps belong to the older Orphic legendary material, the devouring of Phanes to the later. The personality of ~Pha/nês~, however, cannot have been unknown even to the older stratum of Orphic poetry. D.S. 1, 11, 3, quotes a line of "Orpheus", which certainly was not taken from the Rhaps., in which ~Pha/nês~ is mentioned (and identified with Dionysos). And in a gold tablet, folded up with the tablet bearing an inscription of Orphic character, _I. Sic. et It._ 642, and found in the same grave near Sybaris, there occurs in addition to other (illegible) matter a list of divine names which includes that of _~Pha/nês~_ (and also ~Prôto/gonous~ here apparently distinguished from ~Pha/nês~ with whom this figure of Orphic theology is generally identified): see Comparetti, _Notizie degli scavi di antichità_, 1879, p. 157; 1880, p. 156. This establishes the existence of this figure of Orphic mythology as early as the third cent. B.C. (the prob. date of these tablets).--We may therefore employ the facts derived from the Rhapsodies with some confidence for the reconstruction of Orphic poetry and doctrine at those points at least in which coincidence with older Orphic teaching and the fantastic creatures of Orphic theology can still be proved. [I leave these remarks exactly as they stood in the first edition of this book, for they still fully correspond to my own opinion. Others in the meanwhile have expressed divergent views, esp. Gomperz, _Greek Thinkers_, i, p. 539. But that Gruppe's proof of the fact that Plato did not know the Rhapsodist Theogony is "wholly unsuccessful", is something which no one has yet sought to show upon intelligible _grounds_. Until such a disproof is forthcoming the belief in the early date of the Rhapsodies has no real ground on which to stand.]

APPENDIX X

PREVIOUS LIVES OF PYTHAGORAS. HIS DESCENT TO HADES

Pythagoras' miraculous power of remembering what had happened long ago in previous lives seems to be already alluded to in the lines of Empedokles, 430 ff. M. = _fr._ 129 D. The legend in which it was related how Pythag. showed that he had once been **Euphorbos the son of Panthous who had been slain by Menelaos in the Trojan war, must, at any rate, have been put forward at an early period. The story is often told or alluded to: D.S. 10, 6, 1-3; Sch. V. {599} on ~R~ 28: Max. Tyr. 16 (i, 287 f. R.); Porph., _VP._ 26-7; Iambl., _VP._ 63; Philostr., _V. AP._ 1, 1, 1; 8, 7, 4; _Her._ 17, p. 192, 23 ff. Ks.; Tatian, _Gr._ 25; Hor., _C._ 1, 28, 10; Ov., _M._ 15, 160 ff.; Hygin. 112; Lact., _Inst._ 3, 18, 15; cf. also Call., _fr._ 83a (completely misunderstood by Schneider) who even calls Pythag. "Euphorbos", as Hor. does and Luc., _DM._ 20, 3. The story is always told in such a way as to imply that no intermediate **~ensômatô/sis~ of his soul had taken place between Pythag. himself and Euphorbos (they are definitely excluded in Luc., _Gall._ 17).--Why was Euphorbos in particular selected? The fact that through his father Panthous he had a special connexion with Apollo, like Pythagoras (a true ~psuchê\ Apollôniakê/~: cf. also Luc., _Gall._ 16), can hardly have been sufficient reason (as Göttling, _Opusc._ 210; Krische, _Soc. Pythag._ 67 f. suggest).--Euphorbos was taken up and made one of a whole series of previous incarnations (Aithalides--Euphorbos--Hermotimos--Pyrrhos the Delian fisherman--Pythagoras) by Herakleides Pont.: D.L. viii, 4-5 (with which agree Hippol., _RH._ 1, 2, p. 12, 54 f. D.-S.; Porph., _VP._ 45; Tert., _An._ 28, 31; Sch. Soph., _El._ 62). Starting with Aithalides (to whom Herakleides was perhaps the first to ascribe the gift of miraculous memory in addition to other miraculous powers) the power of ~ana/mnêsis~ in life and death was transmitted through all the links in the chain down to Pythag. himself. (The story of the shield of Euphorbos was now transferred to Hermotimos for obvious reasons.) According to D.L. Herakleides ~phêsi\n peri\ hautou= ta/de le/gein (to\n Puthago/ran)~. It is very possible that the language is here inexact and Herakleides did not (as the words of D.L. would strictly suggest) appeal to a statement of Pythagoras (in a book) but represented him as saying all this (in a dialogue). If this is correct, apart from the incarnation as Euphorbos which he took over from the tradition, Herakleides invented all the rest, according to his own fancy. The fable was then taken up with variations by others: in Sch. A.R. i, 645, two versions derived from the fiction of Herakl. but diverging in some points are mentioned (one being supported by ~hoi Puthagorikoi/~, the other by Pythagoras himself--in a book? ~Puthago/ras phêsi/n~ are the actual words). What Gellius 4, 11, 14, has to say on the authority of Klearchos and Dikaiarchos differs (except in the matter of Euphorbos) entirely from Herakleides (and the names given should not be altered). But it may, nevertheless, be essentially the same fable over again, this time in the form of a parody of Herakl. (which is not very likely in the case of Klearchos but suits Dikaiarch. very well). Encouraged by these predecessors Lucian in the _Cock_ (19-20) carried still further the parody of the fabulous tale. The story of Herakleides seems to be seriously used in the ~graphê/~ in which Pythagoras ~auto/s phêsi di' hepta\ kai\ diêkosi/ôn etô=n ex ai/deô paragegenê=sthai es anthrô/pous~, D.L. viii, 14. As Diels, _Archiv. f. Gesch. Philos._ iii, 468 f., shows to be very probable, this was in the ps.-Pythagorean book written in the Ionic dialect, not before the third century and divided into three parts, which D.L. quotes and makes use of (viii, 6; 9; 14; cf. also Sch. Pl., _Rp._ 600 B). {600} Pyth. here states that he appears on earth from the underworld "every 207 years", and the calculation may possibly be based on the series of lives invented by Herakleides and the Chronology of Apollodoros (in which case it could not be before the last century B.C.), thus: Pythag. born 572, Pyrrhos 779, Hermotimos 986, Euphorbos 1193 (in the first year of the ~Trôika/~ acc. to Eratosthenes and Apollodor.), Aithalides 1490. It must indeed be admitted that this method of reckoning makes the gross error of calculating from birth to birth instead of from the death of A to the birth of B. (Other intervals are given in _Theologum. Arithm._, p. 40 Ast [216 = 6^3: D.L. viii, 14, should not be altered to suit this as I once proposed]; Sch. Bern. Lucan, ix, 1, p. 289, 12 Us. [462, ? an error for 432 = 2 x 216; cf. _Theol. Arith._, p. 40, 30])--The existence of a Pythagorean writing belonging to the period before Herakleides, in which these previous lives of Pythag. were mentioned cannot be certainly proved. It might be supposed (as I once supposed: _Rh. Mus._ 26, 558) that the conjunction of the legend of Pythagoras' previous lives with the descent of P. to Hades, which appears in Sch. Soph., _El._ 62, and Tert., _An._ 28, is ancient and original; in which case the previous lives would have been described in a Pythagorean ~kata/basis eis ha/|dou~. But the conjunction is quite arbitrary and is not such as would be likely in a Pythagorean book on the descent: the descent is, in fact, told as a parody, the form which had been given to it by Hermippos, and with the implication that it is untrue. Nor is it very likely that the previous lives would be described in connexion with a descent to Hades, considering that Pyth. remembered them while alive on earth and not in a condition of ecstasy, and did not learn of them in Hades. It would be more natural that, vice versa, an account of the previous lives should also include something about ~ta\ en ha/|dou~--the ~ana/mnêsis~ included that also: cf. D.L. viii, 4 fin. (see the decisive objections to my previous view raised by G. Ettig, _Acheruntica_, Leipz. Stud. 13, 289 f.). This applies equally to the view of Diels[1\A10] (_Archiv_, p. 469) that Herakleides (in his work ~p. tô=n en ha/|dou~) told of the previous lives of P. in connexion with the descent of P. to Hades and that Herakl. was the first to make P. go down to Hades. There is nothing to prove that Herakl. did this or to make it even probable. Without any {601} grounds for doing so Diels supposes that what Pythagoras (acc. to Sch. Ambros. on ~a~ 371) ~"phêsi/n"; e/xô geno/menos tou= sô/matos akê/koa emme/lous harmoni/as~, was said by Pythag., not in a book going under his name, but in a dialogue by Herakleides (who is not even mentioned in that Schol.). There is no reason at all to doubt that these words (as Lobeck supposed, 944) came from a book ascribed to Pythagoras himself, in which he described his ekstasis and ecstatic visions (cf. Sch. Arist. 496b, 1 f., 13 ff. Br.). There is no further definite evidence for the existence of such a Pythagorean ~Kata/basis eis ha/|dou~ (for the ~graphê/~ of D.L. viii, 21, has another and better interpretation, as already remarked). But a fairly early date for the origin of at least a legend about a descent of P. to Hades (and of quite definite statements about it with a propagandist aim) is attested by Hieronymos of Rhodos ap. D.L. viii, 21. (But we should not without more definite reason ascribe the invention of the fable itself to Hieron., as is done by Hiller, _Hier. Rh. frag._, p. 25. What reason could Hieron. have had for inventing anything of the kind?) Further, the lines of the comic poet Aristophon ap. D.L. viii, 38 [_fr._ 12 K.], already suggest that such legends were in existence in the third century B.C. Whether the work on the subject of Pythagoras' descent to Hades called forth the legend or whether the legend was already current and called forth the book, must remain undecided. But in any case the book included no account of the previous lives of Pythagoras: these (apart from the older legend of P. and Euphorbos) were first put forward by Herakleides Pont. (but not the Descent of P. to Hades).

[1\A10: What Diels, _Parmenides_, p. 15 (1897) says in support of his view might stand if we were willing to ignore the fact that Pythag., as has already been remarked, remembered his previous lives while he was still alive, and not in the ecstatic condition--not ~e/xô geno/menos tou= sô/matos~. But this is a fact, so that Diels' view remains untenable.--I cannot see what there is of a "rationalist" character (Diels) in the fact that Pyth. saw Hesiod and Homer in Hades undergoing punishment ~anth' hô=n ei=pon peri\ theô=n~ (D.L. viii, 21). This is, in fact, an anti-rationalist, priestly invention (and so I see Dieterich also understands it, _Nekyia_, 130). This fact certainly does not tell against the view that the Hades poem had its origin in the sixth (or the first half of the fifth) century B.C.]

APPENDIX XI

INITIATION CONSIDERED AS ADOPTION BY THE GOD

The Mystes whose soul is speaking in the first of the gold tablets found at Sybaris (Diels, No. 18) says, l. 7-8: ~himertou= d' epe/ban stephanou= posi\ karpali/moisi, _despoi/nas d' hupo\ ko/lpon e/dun chthoni/as basilei/as_~. This ~hupo\ ko/lpon e/dun . . .~ can hardly mean anything else than: I seek (as ~hike/tês~) the protection of her maternal bosom (or lap). It would certainly be attractive to take this (with Dieterich, _de hymn. Orph._, p. 38) as referring to a symbolical act, corresponding to the ceremony in which in Greece and elsewhere, the adoption of a boy, his reception into a new ~ge/nos~, was symbolically represented. (D.S. 4, 39, 2, in

## particular records the process: see Wesseling's learned note there;

cf. also Preller, _Gr. Mythol._^4 i, 702.) But such a _symbolical_ proceeding if it was to bring about the association of the ~mu/stês~ with the goddess must have taken place already in the ~o/rgia~ once held upon earth--here we are in Hades, and it is to say the least of it difficult to believe that this ~die/lkesthai tou= ko/lpou~ can have been supposed to occur in Hades in the neighbourhood of the goddess herself (a fact which made a merely symbolical act of the kind supposed quite {602} unnecessary).--Apart from this the views of Dieterich are quite sound: the ceremony was essentially regarded as an _adoption_ of the ~mu/stês~ by the goddess or the god, as a reception of the initiated into the divine ~ge/nos~. The ~dra/kôn~ (who represents the god himself) ~dielko/menos tou= ko/lpou~ in the Sabazia seems actually to have had this meaning. Further the ~mu/stês~ is sometimes called _renatus_, or _in aeternum renatus_ (Apul., _M._ xi, 21; _CIL._ vi, 510; 736); the day of his initiation is his _natalis sacer_ (Apul., _M._ xi, 24, where _natalem sacrum_ should be read): in these circumstances we may venture to recall that the above-mentioned solemn rites of adoption also represented a _new birth_ of the ~theto\s huio/s~ from the womb of his new mother (see D.S. l.c. Hence Hera is called the _~deute/ra tekou=sa~_ of Herakles whom she adopted: Lycophr. 39; and hence also the adopted is called _~deutero/potmos~_, i.e. reborn: Hsch. s.v. ad fin.) This conception also provides the simplest explanation of the fact that the ~_muô=n_~, who has received the ~ne/os mu/stês~ into the divine ~ge/nos~ to which he himself already belongs, can be called the _pater_ or _parens_ of the ~mu/stês~ (Apul., _M._ xi, 25; Tert., _Apol._ 8; _ad Nat._ i, 7)--he effects the entrance of the new member into his own family. (In Greek the name for such a mystic "father" seems to have been ~patromu/stês~, _CIG._ 3173, 3195.)--This conception of a _new birth_ by initiation reminds us of the Christian idea of _rebirth_ by baptism (which in its turn is developed from older Jewish ideas: see Anrich, _Ant. Mysterienwesen_, p. 111, n.). It is nevertheless one which the Greeks themselves had at an early date. The ~mu/stai~ of the Eleusinia seem to have been not far from regarding initiation as an adoption into the divine ~ge/nos~.

In the ps.-Platonic _Axiochus_, p. 371 D, we read in the description of the ~chô=ros eusebô=n: entau=tha toi=s memuême/nois esti/ tis proedri/a kai\ ta\s hosi/ous hagistei/as kakei=se suntelou=si; pô=s ou=n ou soi\ prô/tô| me/testi tê=s timê=s, _o/nti gennê/tê|_ tô=n theô=n? kai\ tou\s peri\ Hêrakle/a te~ (perhaps ~de/~ would be better) ~kai\ Dio/nuson katio/ntas eis Ha/idou pro/teron lo/gos entha/de~ (i.e. at Athens) ~_muêthê=nai_ kai\ to\ tha/rsos tê=s ekei=se porei/as para\ tê=s Eleusini/as enau/sasthai~.--Here Axiochos (for it is to him that Sokrates is speaking) is plainly described as ~gennê/tês tô=n theô=n~ simply and solely because he belongs to the ~memuême/noi~. According to Wilamowitz (Gött. Gel. Anz._, 1896, p. 984) he is called ~gennê/tês tô=n theô=n~ only as a member of the ~ge/nos~ of the ~Eupatri/dai~ to which he apparently belonged. But that anyone just on the strength of the by no means uncommon fact that he belonged to a ~ge/nos~ that happened to trace its earliest origin from a god (nor is it certain even that the ~Eupatri/dai~ did this)--that anyone on this account should have dared to call himself a "member of the same family as the gods" is to say the least of it difficult to parallel. In this case at any rate nothing of the kind can be meant. From the general principle that the initiated have a ~proedri/a~ in Hades it is deduced, simply as conclusion from premiss, with a "surely then"--(~pô=s _ou=n_ ou--~), that Axiochos too may hope to enjoy this same honour (~_tê=s_ timê=s--~). It is then entirely impossible that, to account for this hope, a reason {603} should be implied and expressed which, like the supposed descent of Axiochos from the gods, had nothing to do with the mysteries and the privileges of the ~mu/stai~. If it was the (alleged) descent of Axiochos from the gods which secured him ~timê/~ in Hades it would be quite meaningless to accompany the mention of the ~timê/~ thus secured to Axiochos with an allusion to the ~timê/~ obtained on quite different grounds by the ~memuême/noi~ (which yet is mysteriously equivalent to that obtained by right of birth). This allusion, moreover, is put in such a way that it quite unambiguously includes the special case of Axiochos in the common denomination of the ~memuême/noi~ of whom he is said to be one. The fact, indeed, that the privileges of the ~memuême/noi~ is the only subject alluded to throughout is shown also by the third and last sentence: the famous cases of the initiation of Herakles and Dionysos are only mentioned as emphasizing still further the importance of _~muêthê=nai~_ for those ~eis ha/|dou katio/ntas~.

Here then Axiochos can only be called ~gennê/tês tô=n theô=n~ in so far as he is ~memuême/nos~. Why, indeed, he ~prô=tos~, before other ~memuême/noi~, should have a claim to the honour of ~proedri/a~ is something that our text does not say and that can hardly be extracted from it. It certainly appears that Axiochos has a special privilege beyond that of other Mystai. Had he reached a specially high stage of the ~te/lê~ which was not open to everyone and at which kinship with the gods was first fully assured? Did the family of the ~Eupatri/dai~ undertake some active part in the ~mu/êsis~ which gave them a closer relation to the gods? In any case his claim to be regarded as ~gennê/tês tô=n theô=n~ must have depended on his having been initiated at Eleusis.

Now this kinship with the gods to which he thus attains can only be made intelligible, if, in accordance with the analogies adduced above, we regard the ~mu/êsis~ (or perhaps only its highest stages) as a symbolic adoption by the divinities, suggesting or representing entrance into the divine ~ge/nos~. No one will maintain that ~gennê/tês tô=n theô=n~ is a "very unnatural phrase" (Wil.) for one who has been "adopted" by the gods, who will recall the fact that at Athens the adopted person was inscribed ~eis tou\s _gennê/tas_~ of the adopter (Is. 7, 13; 15; 17; 43), or, which is precisely the same thing, ~eis tou\s suggenei=s~ of the adopter (Is. 7, 27; 1). Thereby he becomes himself ~gennê/tês~ of the members of the ~ge/nos~ into which he thus enters; he is now their ~gennê/tês~, or, as it is once expressed in an absolutely equivalent phrase, their ~_suggenê\s_ kata\ tê\n poi/êsin~ ([Dem.] 44, 32).

Thus the fully initiated is ~gennê/tês~ of the divine family, ~kata\ tê\n poi/êsin~.

APPENDIX XII

MAGICAL EXORCISMS OF THE DEAD ON LATE _~kata/desmoi, phimôtika/~_, ETC.

Invocations and conjurings of ~a/ôroi~ and other ~nekudai/mones~ of an earlier period are mentioned above (p. 594 f.). To a later period belong {604} the _defixiones_ found at Cyprus (Kurion) and edited in the _Proc. of the Soc. of Bibl. Archaeology_, p. 174 ff. The _defixiones_ are there called ~parathê=kai, _phimôtikai\_ tou= antidi/kou~ (i, 39, and frequently), or ~phimôtika\ katathe/mata~ (iv, 15, etc.). _~phimou=n~_ and _~phimôtiko/n~_ in this rude Egypto-Syrian Greek are equivalent to the terms, otherwise usual for such magic charms, _~katadei=n, kata/desmos~_ (see above, chap. ix, n. 107). See also _P. Mag. Lond._ (Kenyon, _Greek Pap. in BM._, p. 114), l. 967 ff.: in an appeal to a god (~deu=ro/ moi kai\) _phi/môson_, hupo/taxon, katadou/lôson to\n dei=na tô=| dei=ni ktl.~--ib., p. 97, l. 396 ff.: ~_phimôtiko\n_ kai\ hupotaktiko\n gennai=on kai\ ka/tochos; labô\n mo/lubon apo\ psuchropho/rou sôlê=nos poi/êson la/mnan kai\ epi/graphe chalkô=| graphei/ô|~ (bronze is a magic metal), ~hôs hupokei=tai, kai\ the\s para\ a/ôron~ (see above, p. 594 f.) here follows the rest of the barbarous text.--On these Cypriote _defixiones_ among the other invocations regularly appear those addressed to the souls of the unquiet dead, to the ~dai/mones polua/ndrioi~ (vi, 17. adds ~pepelekisme/noi kai\ es[taurôme/noi~ or ~eskolopisme/noi~? cf. Luc., _Philops._ 29]) ~kai\ biotha/natoi kai\ a/ôroi kai\ a/poroi taphê=s (tê=s hiera=s taphê=s~ iv, 18): thus i, 30 f., and frequently. The ~dai/mones _polua/ndrioi_~ were probably the souls of executed criminals whose bodies were thrown out into the common burial grounds--as at Melite in Athens: Plu., _Themist._ 22--the ~polua/ndria~ (cf. Perizon. on Ael., _VH._ 12, 21). ~biotha/natoi ei/te xe/noi ei/te ento/pioi~ are invoked, iv, 4. Invocation is made in common to: ~tu/mbe panda/krute kai\ chtho/nioi theoi\ kai\ Heka/tê chthoni/a kai\ Hermê= chtho/nie kai\ Plou/tôn kai\ Erinu/es hupochtho/nioi kai\ humei=s hoi hô=de katô|kême/noi a/ôroi kai\ anô/numoi~ (see _Rh. Mus._ 50, 20, 3): i, 35, and frequently repeated with the same formula. What we have here is of frequent occurrence: a dead person is called upon to carry out a curse. An early example is _CIG._ 539: ~katadô= autou\s~ (the persons to be cursed) ~soi/, Onê/sime~ (Attica, fourth century B.C.). The tablet in Böckh, i, p. 487, admits the reading ~Onê/sime~ as well as ~Onê/simê~. The latter (as a nominative is preferred by Wünsch, _Tab. Defix._, p. ivb, p. 25 (n. 100), simply in order to expel every example of the invocation of a dead person to carry out a curse. But this is only a petitio principii; and if we accepted ~Onêsi/mê~ (as the name of the curser) at least the addition of some word like ~egô/~ after ~autou\s soi/~ would be necessary--for which there is no room on the tablet. It will be necessary to retain the generally accepted vocative ~Onê/sime~ (to which the coming ~pa/ntas . . . têrei=n~, l. 5-8, is much better suited than to the following ~Hermê=~, l. 8, as in Wünsch's version). There is nothing remarkable in the invocation here of the individual ~nekudai/môn~ by name (thus doubling the force of compulsion exerted; cf. Kroll, _Rh. Mus._, 52, 345 f.) to complete and carry out the curse: parallels are given above, p. 594 ff., and in the above-mentioned Cypriote ~phimôtika/~: cf. also _CIG._ 5858b, ~dai/mones kai\ pneu/mata~ (i.e. "souls") ~en tô=| to/pô| tou/tô| thêlukô=n kai\ arrenikô=n, exorki/zô huma=s~.

The custom of burying such magic defixions was astonishingly widespread. Defigi diris deprecationibus nemo non metuit, Plin., _NH._ 28, 19. In the places where Latin was spoken such abominations were {605} indeed even more common than in Greek-speaking countries. (The Latin _defixiones_ are collected now by Wünsch, _Tab. Defix._ xxv f.) The practice had a long life and is not quite dead even to-day. On the Roman side examples from the seventh and eighth centuries are by no means rare: see e.g. [Aug.] _Hom. de Sacrileg._, § 20. For a Greek example see e.g. the story ap. Sophronius, _SS. Cyri et Ioannis Miracula_ (saec. vi), chap. 55, p. 3625 Migne: magical objects were buried under the doorstep of the victim's house; were discovered and dug up; whereupon the death immediately followed of--not the victim but--the magician.

12_th August_, 1897 (= 2nd German Ed.).

INDEX

_The figures indicate pages, except where they follow a Roman numeral, in which case they refer to the numbered notes._

Abarbareë and Boukolion, xiv, ii, 105.

Abaris, 300.

Abioi, 63.

Abipones in Paraguay, i, 30; viii, 28.

Academy, its doctrine of the Soul, xiv, 1.

Acheron, ~Acherousia\s li/mên~, i, 67; v, 25; 241.

Acheron, god of Hades, 591.

Achilles, i, 41; in Hades, 39; translated, 64 f.; on the ~maka/rôn nê=sos~, xiv, ii, 99; on Leuke, xiv, ii, 102; as Hero or God, 66; 126; iv, 3, 87, 137; xiv, ii, 42.

Admetos, xii, 40; ix, 90.

Adonis, iii, 30.

Adoption, 172; Ritual Act of Adoption in the Mysteries, 601 f.

Aeneas translated, xiv, ii, 110, 114 (ii, **3).

Aeracura, xiv, ii, 144.

Aeschylus, 157; vii, 12; 422 f.; _Agam._ 1235, 591 f.

Aether, the element of the Souls, 435 f.; dwelling place of Souls, 170-1; x, 45; xiv, 53, 69; 541.

Aethiopians, 63.

Ages, different, of Mankind (Hesiod), 67 f.; Golden Ages, ii, 49; vii, 18.

Agamemnon translated, xiv, ii, 99.

~a/gamoi~ after death, 586; xiv, ii, 154.

Agathos daimon, v, 133.

Agides in Sparta, iv, 53.

Agon, see _Funeral Games_.

Agriania, viii, 28; ix, 11-12.

Agrianios, name of a month in **Boeotia, v, 92.

Aiaia, ii, 14.

Aiakos, vii, 13.

Aias, Hero, 126; 137; xiv, ii, 55, 102; Sophokles' Aias, xii, 88.

~ai/desis~, v, 151.

~Ha/idês = tha/natos, Tha/natos~, xii, 4; = the grave, xiv, ii, 135; confusion of the two ideas, ib., 92; cf. _Hades_.

~eis Ai/dao, A/ïdo/sde~, i, 32.

~Ha/idou mê/têr~, 591 f.

~haimakouri/a~, iv, 13.

Aipytos, 123; iv, 53.

Air, see _Aether_.

Aithalides, xi, 51; 599.

Aithiopis, 64; v, 166; xiv, ii, 102.

Akrisios, iii, 43.

Aktaion, 134.

Akousilaos, 593.

Alabandos, iv, 138.

Alaric, xiv, ii, 172.

~ala/stôr~, v, 148, 178; xii, 73; 592, 595.

Albanians in the Caucasus, i, 30.

Aletes, ix, 66.

Alexander the Great reaches the land of the Blest, xiv, ii, 101; translated, ib., 107; Return of, and false Alexanders, ib., 112.

Alexander of Aphrodisias, xiv, 34.

Alexis, comic poet, xiv, ii, 143.

~alitê/rios~, v, 176, 178.

Alkandros, iii, 56.

Alkmaion Hero, iv, 105, 136; Physician, xi, 28, 35, 40, 55; xii, 150; xiii, 22.

_Alkmaionis_, v, 17, 40.

Alkmene, iv, 134; translated, xiv, ii, 99.

Alkon, iii, 56.

~allathea/des~, v, 88.

Allegorical interpretation of myths, vi, 23.

Althaimenes, iii, 4.

Ambrosia, 58.

Ameinias (Pythagorean), xi, 30.

Amelesagoras, ix, 58.

~ametastrepti/~, ix, 104.

Ampelius, _Lib. Mem._, viii, 3; iii, 12. {608}

Amphiaraos, translated, 89 f., 92-3; (Zeus Amph.), 94, 101, 159; (not originally a god), iii, 57; (later cult of), xiv, ii, 104.

~amphidro/mia~, ix, 72.

Amphilochos translated, iii, 5, 13, 56; 133; iv, 105; xiv, ii, 104, 114.

Amphilytos, ix, 59.

Amphion, 238.

~amu/êtoi~, 586 f.

Amyklai, 99 f.

~anabiô/seis~, xi, 103.

Anæsthesia, see _Insensibility_.

Anagyros, Hero, 134.

~ana/mnêsis~ as taught by Pythagoras, Empedokles, Plato, xi, 96; 598 f.

Anaxagoras, vi, 23; 386; 432; xii, 143; fr. 6 [12], xi, 110-11.

Anaximander, x, 38; 366; xi, 98.

Anaximenes, 366; xi, 98.

Ancestor-cult, 10 f.; 27 f.; 77 f. (Hesiod); Ancestors in the cult of Heroes, 119 f., 527 f.; of the ~ge/nê~, etc., 124 f. (with nn.).

Anchises translated, xiv, ii, 110.

~agchistei/a~ (in the cult of souls), v, 42, 141; 176; xiv, ii, 10.

~anie/nai (ta\ kala/~, etc.), v, 120.

Anima and animus in Lucretius, xiv, 74.

Animals in cult of the dead, v, 105; care of animals enjoined, vi, 35 (and see _Food_); skin of, apotropaic use of, xi, 58 (v, 167); souls of, x, 45; xiii, 40.

Andronikos (Peripatetic), 512.

~a/nemoi~, x, 45.

~anemokoi=tai~, ix, 107.

Angekoks, of Greenland, 262; ix, 117.

Angels, xiv, ii, 144.

Anthropogony (Orphic), 341 f., (Hesiodic) 67 f.

Anios, iv, 102.

Anthesteria, 168; ix, 11.

_Anthologia Palatina_, xiv, ii, 122.

~anthrôpodai/môn~, ii, 43.

Antichrist, xiv, ii, 113.

Antigone, 163; 426; xii, 94.

Antilochos translated, xiv, ii, 102 (p. 567).

Antinous translated, xiv, ii, 114.

Antiochos of Kommagene, his tomb, xiv, ii, 13 (p. 554).

Antiphon (of Rhamnous, the orator), v, 176; 588.

Antipodes, xiv, ii, 101.

~aôrotha/natoi~, 594 (add Phryn. App. Soph. in Bekk. Anecd., 24, 22).

~a/ôroi~, xiii, 36; 533; 553; 594; 604; xiv, ii, 154.

~aôrobo/ros~ Hekate, ix, 92.

Apis, ix, 68.

~apokata/stasis~, x, 47; 519.

Apollo, 97 f.; 130; xii, 40; god of expiation, 180 f.; as leader of the Souls, xiv, ii, 146; and Dionysos, 287 f.; supplants Gaia, 290; Hyakinthos, 99 f.; ~Atu/mnios~, etc., iv, 99.

Apolline _mantiké_, 289 f.

Apollonia in Chalkidike, v, 92.

Apollonios of Tyana, ii, 18; xiv, ii, 115.

~apomagdali/ai~, 595.

~apoma/ttein~, **589, 590.

~apo/nimma~, ix, 88.

~apopompê/ (daimo/nôn)~, v, 168.

~apo/taphoi~, **xiv, ii, 20.

~apotropai=oi (theoi/)~, v, 168.

Apparitions of the departed, xiv, ii, 154; see _Ghosts_.

~a/psucha~ trial held over, iv, 118.

~arai=os (ne/kus, dai/môn)~, v, 148; xii, 107.

Aratos as Hero, xiv, ii, 57 f.

~archêgoi/, archêge/tai~, iv, 51, 55; 527.

Archelaos, the philosopher, 432; xii, 152.

Archemoros Vase, v, 40.

Archilochos, v, 173.

Archon Basileus at Athens, 178.

Areopagos, 162; v, 145; 178.

Argeios and Herakles, i, 35.

Argimpaioi, x, 78.

Arginousai, battle of, 162.

Aristaios, iii, 6.

Aristeas of Prokonnesos, 300, 596.

Aristogeiton and Harmodios in Hades, 237.

Aristogeiton, Speech against, vii, 15.

Aristomenes as Hero, 528.

Aristophanes _Frogs_, 240.

Aristophon, comic poet, 601.

Aristotle, 383; xiv, 1; 493 f. (_An._ 408_b_, 18; xiv, 27).

Aristoxenos, xi, 47, 52; 512.

Aristophanes of Byzantium, 583.

Arkesilaos, xiv, 1.

Art of the Greeks, 157; Cult of Souls as represented in, v, 105. {609}

Askesis (Asceticism), vi, 35; 302, 338; Orphic, 343; Thracian, x, 78; Pythagorean, xi, 47; Empedokles, 381; practised in foreign mystery-religions, 546.

Asklepiades, doctor, xi, 69.

Asklepios, iii, 13; chthonic, mantic, 100 f.; his death by lightning, 582; Asklepiadai, iv, 92 f.

Asphalt (bitumen), apotropaic virtue of, v, 95.

~aspho/delos~ sacred to the ~chtho/nioi~, ix, 115.

Associations: burial, xiv, ii, 4; religious, xiv, ii, 53.

Astakides, xiv, ii, 105; 582.

Astarte, iii, 30.

Astrabakos, 137.

~a/taphoi~, restless wandering of, 163; v, **147; 595 (i, 33).

~ate/lestoi~, uninitiated, lying in mud in the underworld, vii, 15; 586 f.

~atha/natos pêgê/~ (in the underworld), xiv, ii, 151.

Athenaeus (139 E), iii, 48.

Athenaïs, ix, 59.

Athene ~apotropai/a~, v, 168.

Athenodoros, philosopher and Hero, 530.

Athens, 98; A. and Eleusis, 219 f.

Atlantes, x, 78.

Atomists, 385 f.; 506.

Atonement in Plato (Purgation), xiii, 36.

Attis, iii, 30; viii, 55, 546.

Augustine, xiv, ii, 87.

Augustus, ascent to Heaven, of, xiv, ii, 107.

Aurelius, M. Antoninus, xiv, 44, 63, 69; 504.

Ausonius, xiv, ii, 167.

Australian natives, religious dances of, viii, 55; 585.

Autolykos, iv, 101; xiv, ii, 43.

Authority, later Antiquity's need of, 545.

_Axiochos_, the pseudo-Platonic dialogue, vii, 15; xii, 120; 602 f.

Avenging spirit, v, 148, 176; cf. ~ala/stôr~.

Averting the eves from the sight of spirits, ix, 104.

Avoiding the sight of spirits, iv, 84; ix, 104.

Baal, ecstatic prophets of, viii, 43.

Babo, v, 19; 591.

Babylonia, i, 44.

Bacchanalia in Rome, xiv, ii, 106; viii, 54.

Bakchiadai, iv, 46, 47.

~Ba/kchos~, viii, 10, 35; 335; cf. _Dionysos_.

~Ba/kchoi~, viii, 31 f.

Bakis, Bakides, 292; ix, 58, 63, 66; 595.

Banishment, 163; in expiation of murder, 175 f. (v, 142 f.).

Banquet of the Pure (Orphic doctrine of), in the other world, vii, 18; x, 70.

Barathron at Athens, v, 32.

Barbarossa, legend of, iii, 16.

~Basili/dai~, iv, 47.

~Bassareu/s~ (Bassarides), viii, 10 f.

Batloka, viii, 30.

Baubo, 591 f.

Beans, see _Food, prohibition of_.

Beer known to the Thracians, viii, 38.

Bendis, Bendideia at Athens, x, 4.

Berenike, translated, xiv, ii, 107.

Bessoi in Thrace, 260; viii, 53-4.

~biaiotha/natoi (biotha/natoi, bi/aioi~), 175 f.; v, 148, 176; 594 f.; 604.

Birds (incarnations of Heroes), xiv, ii, 102.

Birth, pollution of, 295.

Birthday as day of remembrance of the dead, v, 89; xiv, ii, 18, 45.

Biton and Kleobis, xiv, ii, 148, 170.

Black objects (trees, fruit, etc.) sacred to ~chtho/nioi~, and hence have kathartic properties, v, 61; ix, 81; cf. ix, 26; 590.

_Blest_, of the dead, 171; vii, 10; xiv, ii, 31; 541 (cf. ~makari/tês~ and _Islands of the Blest_).

Blindness follows the sight of a deity, xiv, ii, 41.

Bliss, life of, in Hades; see _Utopia_.

Blood = thought, 380.

Boccaccio, iv, 134.

Boëthos, xiv, 34 (fin.), 57.

Bones of Heroes, cult paid to, 122.

Born, better not to be, xii, 10.

Boukolion, xiv, ii, 105.

~Bouko/loi~, Dionysiac, viii, 35.

Bouselidai, v, 69, 129.

Brahminism, 302; x, 83.

Brasidas, as Hero, iv, 20; 128.

Breathing out the soul, i, 25; 30.

Bride, contests for the hand of a, i, 19.

Bronze: see _Noise_, etc.

Brotinos (Pythagorean), x, 7. {610}

Brutus, 515; xiv, ii, 88.

Buddhism, viii, 60; x, 83; xi, 54, 96.

Burial, i, 34; oldest customs of, 22 f.; coffinless, v, 61, 62; inhumation and burning in Attica, v, 58; within the house, at the hearth, v, 66; xiv, ii, 9; within the city, v, 68; xiv, ii, 8.

Burial societies, xiv, ii, 4.

Burning and inhumation, 19 f.; burning the possessions of the dead, i, 30, 51; burning the dead; see _Cremation_.

Butios of Antilles, 262.

Cæsar, deification of, xiv, ii, 111.

Calling home the Souls, 42.

Canosa, vase from, vii, 27.

Cannibalism, x, 54.

Caracalla as an avatar of Alexander, xiv, ii, 112.

Cato of Utica, xiv, 64.

Cave of Zeus in Crete, 96 f.

Cave-deities, 89 f.; viii, 68.

Caves, sleep in, ix, 116.

Catacombs, xiv, ii, 144, 166, 174.

Celsus, xiv, ii, 96.

Celts, x, 81.

Cenotaph, i, 88.

Ceremonial of funerals restricted, 165, 167; v, 135; 540.

Cities, Founders of, 127 f.; cf. ~archêgoi/~.

Chains attached to a sacred statue, iv, 108.

~chai=re~ on tombstones, 526 f.

Chalkis, criminal law of, v, 145.

~cha/risma~, 292.

Charon, 237.

~Charô/nion~, v, 23.

Charon's fare given to the dead, 18; 162; vii, 9.

Children, importance of, 172; xii, 7.

China, ancestor-worship in, v, 129.

~choai/~, for the dead, v, 106, 120.

Choes, v, 95; ix, 11.

~chrêstoi/~ of the dead, xiv, ii, 29 f. (vii, 10).

Christianity; ascetics and exorcists, 292, xiv, ii, 171, 179; use of word ~hê/rôs~, xiv, ii, 82; violation of graves by, xiv, ii, 11; Hell, 242; future rewards and punishments, xiv, ii, 96; rebirth, 602; Antichrist, xiv, ii, 113.

Christi, Russian sect of, viii, 57.

Chrysippos, xiv, 40, 47, 60-1; xiv, ii, 87.

Chthonic deities, 158 f., 218 f.; vi, 29; groups of ~chtho/nioi~, v, 19; invoked at marriage and birth, 171; ix, 91.

Chytroi, festival at Athens, 168; ix, 11.

Cicero, vi, 22, 23; xiv, 54; 519; xiv, ii, 71, 96.

Cliff of Leukas, xiv, ii, 102.

Closing the eyes of the dead, i, 25.

Coffin-burial, v, 60.

Collegia funeraticia, xiv, ii, 4.

Colonies, Greek, 27; 156.

Comedy, Descents to Hades in, 240.

Conscience, 294, 384.

Consciousness division of, 595; see ~e/kstasis~.

_Consolationes_, xiv, ii, 6, 100.

Corinth, criminal law of, v, 145.

Cornutus, 504.

Corpes devoured by a daimon (Eurynomos), vii, 25; (Hekate), ix, 92.

Cosmopolitanism, v, 34; 499 f.

Cosmos, 29.

Costume, see _Dress_.

Coulanges, Fustel de, iv, 48; v, 131.

Cremation, 8, 19 f., 28; i, 66; iv, 38; v, 33, 58; and burial in later period, v, 58.

Crete, cult of Zeus in, 96 f.; v, 167; ix, 113-14 (mantic and kathartic reputation).

Creuzer, 223.

Crossways, 216; ix, 88.

Crowning the dead body with garlands, v, 40.

Crowns (of flowers) for the dead, v, 40.

Crumbs, etc., left on the ground for the Souls, v, 114.

Cult-societies, 221.

Cure of diseases by prophets, 294 f.

Curses against tomb-violators, 526 f.

Curse-tablets; see _Defixiones_.

Cycle, Epic, 34, 64 f., 75, 90.

Cyclic poetry, editing of, x, 17.

Cynics, v, 34; 499.

Cypress at funerals, v, 39.

Daeira, Daira, ~Daeiri/tês~ at Eleusis, vi, 8.

_daemonium meridianum_, ix, 96; 592.

Daimones, deities of second rank, i, 56; distinct from Heroes, iv, 23; xii, 121; in Hesiod, 70 f.; Empedokles, 381; Stoics, 500. {611}

~dai/môn~, personal, of individual men, xiv, 44; (= ~po/tmos~), xii, 26; xiv, 44; ~agatho\s d.~, v, 133; cf. xiv, 44; ~dai/môn thnêto/s (anthrôpodai/môn, nekudai/môn)~, ii, 43.

~dai/mones apotro/paioi~, v, 168; ~arai=oi~, v, 148; ~meili/chioi~, v, 168; ~pla/nêtes~, 592; ~prostro/paioi~, v, 148, 176; = Angel, xiv, ii, 144; ~daimo/nôn mê/têr~, 591.

Daites, Trojan Hero, iv, 3.

Damon, ix, 19.

Danaides, 242; 587.

Dances, religious, 257; viii, 55; ix, 19.

Dance, circular, in cult of Dionysos, viii, 15.

Dante, 33, 242.

Danube, mouths of, xiv, ii, 102.

Daphne, 100.

~da/phnê~, v, 38, 95; ix, 46; xi, 85.

Daphnis, xiv, ii, 105.

Days, unlucky, v, 158.

Dea Syria, viii, 55.

Dead, offerings to, 18 f.; 165 f.; v, 105; dirge for the, 18, 164; Banquet of, 168; sacrifices to (Patroklos), 12 f.; in Mycenean graves, 22 f.; in Od. ~l~, 36 f.; elsewhere, 116, 164, 167 f.; Oracles of the, 24; i, 73; Judges of the (Aesch. and Plato), 238 f.; (Pindar), xii, 34 f.; (Aesch.), xii, 77; (later), 541; classes of the, xii, 62; xiv, ii, 127; imagined as skeletons, xiv, 11, 92; exorcism, conjuration of, see _Souls_ and _Ghosts_.

Death, **3; superior to life, 229, 542; causing pollution, 295; of gods, iii, 30; Black Death, 284.

_Defixiones_, ix, 92, 107; 534, 594, 603 f.

Deification of Rulers, 537 f. (cf. 530 f.).

Delos, purification of, ix, 119.

Delphic Oracle, regulates expiatory rites, v, 167; 180 f.; authority of, in the cult of Heroes, 128 f.; gives support to the cult of Souls, 174; to the Eleusinian worship, vi, 5; to the worship of Dionysos in Attica, vi, 9; sources of oracular inspiration, 289 f.; importance of D. in religious life of Greece, 157; grave of Python at D., 97; Delphic funeral ordinance, v, 45.

Delphinion at Athens, v, 172.

Demeter (and Kore), 160 f.; v, 168; 218 f.

Demetrios Poliorketes as Hero, xiv, ii, 69.

Demetrios, Cynic, xiv, 64.

Demigods (~hêmi/theoi~), iv, 23.

~dê=moi~ called after ~ge/nê~ in Attica, etc., iv, 52.

Demokritos, xi, 35; 385 f.; xii, 150; xiii, 27; ~peri\ tô=n en ha/|dou~, xi, 103 (fragg. moral.).

Demonassa, vi, 35.

Demonology, 534.

Demophoön, i, 41.

De mortuis nil nisi bene, v, 81; 170.

Dervishes, viii, 15, 43; 262, 266.

Devil's Bride, ii, 7.

Devil's Mother, 591.

Dexikreon, ix, 111.

Dexion the Hero (Sophokles), iv, 71.

Diagoras of Melos, 240; xii, 65.

Diana = Empousa, 592; in the Middle Ages, ix, 101.

Diasia at Athens. v, 168.

Dies nefasti, v, 158.

Dikaiarchos, xi, 52; 512; 599.

Dikte, Mt. in Crete, 96.

Diochaites, Pythagorean, xi, 30.

Diogenes, of Apollonia, 432, 436.

Diogenes, Cynic, vi, 27; 239.

Diogenes Laertius (viii, 31), xi, 50.

Diomedes, 67; on the ~maka/rôn nê=sos~, xiv, ii, 99.

Dionysos, the Thracian, 256 f.; Greek god, 282 f.; Greek (not Thracian) name, ix, 1; Orphic, 335 f.; 340 f.

~Dio/nusos maino/menos~, viii, 4; Lord of Souls, 168, 271; ix, 11; at Delphi, 97, 287; Oracle of Dionysos, 260, 290; as Bull, viii, 19, 33, 35; x, 35; as ~bouko/los~, viii, 35; at Eleusis, vi, 9; Epiphanies of, 258, 279, 285; Worship of, in Rome, viii, 54; xiv, ii, 106.

Dioscuri, ~heterê/meroi~, xi, 51; translated, xiv, ii, 109.

Dipylon, cemetery at Athens, v, 58.

Dipylon vases, 165.

Dirge, 164.

Discovery, geographical, xiv, ii, 101.

Disease, origin of, in daimonic influence, 294 f.; ix, 81-2.

Division of consciousness, 595 f.

Dodona, iii, 14; ix, 42. {612}

Dogs sacrificed to Hekate, 298, 589-90; Hekate appears as a dog, ix, 99; 595; on grave reliefs, v, 105.

Dorians in the Peloponnese, 27.

Drakon, 115, 176.

Drama, 285, 421; in cult, 222, 258; mystic drama at Eleusis, 227.

Dreams, visions of the dead in, 7 (proving survival); xiv, ii, 154; i, 55; see _Incubation_ and _Prophecy_.

Dress in Dionysiac worship, 257.

Drimakos (Hero), 530.

Driving out the souls, v, 99, 100.

Druids, x, 81.

Drusilla (ascent to heaven), xiv, ii, 107.

Dryopes, v, 18.

~Du/alos~, viii, 10.

Duty, as conceived by the Stoics, 498 f.

Earth = Hell, xi, 75.

Earth-deities; see _Chthonic_.

Earth, Oracle of, at Delphi, 97, 160; ix, 46.

Echetlos (Hero), 136.

Echidna, v, 23.

Eckhart, xiii, 75.

~egchutri/striai~, v, 77.

Eggs, kathartic use of, x, 55; 590.

Egypt, i, 5, 39; 242; 335; x, 8, 45; 346; xiv, ii, 109, 152-3, 144.

~ekphora/~ of the dead body, v, 46, 50, 60.

~e/kstasis~ (~enthousismo/s, katochê/~), 30, 255; viii, 24; 258 f.; 284 f.; 293; 300 f.; 384; 471; 547; 595 f.

Eleatics, 371 f.

Elements, the four, xi, 28; 379.

Eleusinian Mysteries, 218 f.; secrecy at, 222; promises made by, 223; modern interpretations of, 223 f.; symbolism at, 226; later mention and end of (fourth century), 542; xiv, ii, 172; "Lesser Mysteries" at Athens, 220; and Morality, 228.

Eleusis, v, 19, 21.

Elijah, **ii, 18; xiv, ii, 109.

~elle/boros~ kathartic effects of, ix, 26, 75.

Elpenor, 17; i, 29, 33; 19; 20; 36.

Elysium, 55 f., 59 f., 75 f.; xiv, ii, 99; 541.

Embalming in Egypt, i, 39; in Sparta, iv, 46.

Empedokles, 378 f.; x, 72; xi, 28, 34, 42, 50, 56 f.; xii, 41; xiii, 40, 68; xiv, ii, 107; 597.

Empedotimos, ix, 111-12; xii, 44; xiv, 53.

Empousa, vii, 25; 591.

~enagi/zein~, iv, 15, 86.

~e/nata~, an offering to the dead, v, 82-3.

Enemies of the gods in Hades, 238, 241.

~eniau/sia~ for the dead, v, 81, 90, 92.

~e/ntheos (enthousiasmo/s)~: see ~e/kstasis~.

~enthu/mion~, 216.

Enlightenment in Greece, 79, 115, 292.

~ennaetêri/s~ in expiation of murder, xi, 78; xii, 34, 40; 180.

Enoch, ii, 18; xiv, ii, 109.

Eoiai, Hesiodic, 593.

~epagôgê/ (daimo/nôn)~, ix, 106-7.

Ephialtes (daimon), ix, 102; xiv, ii, 86; 592.

Ephyrai in Thesprotia, v, 23.

Epicharmos, vi, 5; 436 f.; xii, 151; xiv, 53.

Epidauros, iii, 13, 54.

Epidemics, religious, 284.

Epigenes, 597.

Epikteta, Testament of, v, 126; xiv, ii, 18, 71.

Epiktetos, 504; xiv, 3, 41, 44.

Epicurus, doctrine of the soul, 504 f.; foundation for the cult of his soul, v, 126, 137.

_Epigrammata Graeca_, ed. Kaibel, xiv, ii, 119 f. (No. 594: 141).

Epilepsy (see mental diseases), viii, 39.

Epimachos, v, 19.

Epimenides, 301; iii, 24; v, 57; 596; _Theogony_ of, ix, 123.

~epipha/neia~ of Dionysos, 258; viii, 68; 285.

~epipompai/ (daimo/nôn)~, v, 168; ix, 107.

Epitaphs, 539 f. (see _Anth. Pal._).

~epô|dai/~, ix, 81-2, 107.

Erechtheus (Erichthonios), 98; 581.

Erinyes, ii, 6; v, 5, 97, 121; 178 f.; vii, 6; xii, 75; 592.

~erinu/ein~, ix, 58.

Eros, v, 112.

~escha/ra~, i, 53.

Eskimo, manner of burial, v, 67

Essenes, x, 78; xiv, ii, 117.

Esthonian cult of the dead, v, 99.

~e/tai~, v, 141.

Eteoboutadai, iv, 52.

~euagê/s~, xii, 58.

~Eua/ggelos~ Hero, xiv, ii, 63, 144.

Euadne, **582.

~Eua/pan~, ix, 102 {613}

Eubouleus (Euboulos), god of the underworld, v, 7, 19; 220; xiv, ii, 145.

Eudemos, _Ethics_ of, 512.

Euhemeros, iii, 28.

Eukleides (Socratic), xiv, 44.

Euklos, ix, 58.

Eumolpos, Eumolpidai, vi, 6, 16; x, 70.

Eunostos (Hero), 134.

Euodos (Hero), 529.

Eupatridai in Athens, iv, 47; v, 139; 602 f.

Euphemistic names for ~chtho/nioi~, v, 5.

Euphorbos, 599.

Euripides, 432 f.; _Alcestis_, xii, 121; _Bacchae_, 286; _Hecuba_, viii, 70; orthodoxy of, xii, 135.

Eurynomos, Hades-daimon, vii, 25.

Eurypontidai, iv, 53.

Eurysthenidai, iv, 53.

~eusebô=n chô=ros~, vii, 15; xiv, ii, 133.

Euthykles, iv, 117.

Euthymos, 135; 581.

Evil, speaking, of the dead forbidden, v, 115.

Evil, nature of, 470 (Plato); 498; xiv, 40, 60.

Exegetai, their advice sought in questions relating to the cult of Souls, v, 139, 174.

Exorcism, 604.

Expiation, gods of, v, 168; sacrifices of, made to ~chtho/nioi~, v, 167; after murder, 180 f.

Eyes of the dead, closing of, i, 25.

Fainting (~lipopsuchi/a~), i, 9.

Fame, all that is left to the dead, 43; xii, 13, 20, 25; xiv, ii, 169.

Family graves in the country, v, 69, 70; 525 f.

Fate and guilt, 423 f., 426 f.

Fear of the dead, 16, 163, 169; of death, dispelled by Epicurus, 506; breaks out at the end of the classical period, 545 (xiv, **ii, 170).

Feet of the corpse pointing towards the door, i, 26.

Fetishism in Greece, iv, 118.

Figs, kathartic uses of, 590.

Fire, kathartic uses of, i, 41; ix, 127.

Fish: see _Food, prohibition of_.

Flaminius as Hero, 531.

Folk-poetry, 25; belief about the souls, 524; legends about the "translated", xiv, ii, 105.

Folk tales (Greek), iv, 115; xiv, ii, 151.

Food, Prohibition of certain foods (attributed to Eleusis), vi, 35; among the Orphics, x, 54-5; Thracian, x, 78; by Pythagoras, xi, 42, 47; Empedokles, xi, 76, 85.

Fountains in Hades, xii, 62; xiv, ii, 151; of Immortality, xiv, ii, 151.

Fravashi (Persian), i, 5.

Frederick, legend of the return of the Emperor, 93; xiv, ii, 112.

Freewill: see _Will_.

Friendship in the doctrine of the Epicureans, 506.

Funeral rites, in Homer, 17 f.; in later times, 162 f., 524 f.; of princes, i, 17; of kings in Sparta, Corinth, Crete, iv, 46; at public expense, xiv, ii, 5; refusal of, v, 32-3.

Funeral feast in Homer, 18; later (~peri/deipnon~), 167; games, in Homer, 15; for Heroes, 116 f.; procession, 165; v, 60.

Furious Host, ii, 7; 298; xiii, 5; (593).

Fustel de Coulanges; see _Coulanges_.

Gabriel, the Archangel, iv, 134.

Gaia, 160, 168; v, 121; at Delphi, 290.

Gambreion, mourning period of, v, 86.

Games, 15, 116 f.; iv, 22; originally funeral ceremonies, 116 f.

Ganymedes, 58.

Garganus, mountain in Italy, iv, 92, 96.

Garlands for the dead, v, 40.

Gauls, x, 81.

Gello, 592.

~gene/thlios dai/môn~, xii, 26.

~Gene/sia~, private and public, v, 15; 167.

_Genesis_, ii, 18.

Genetyllis, ix, 91.

~ge/nê~, 124.

Genius, i, 5; v, 132; xiv, 44.

~gennê/tês tô=n theô=n~, 603.

German tribes, i, 34; 22.

Getai, 263.

Ghosts, 9; 21; 29; 134; v, 99, 104, 114; 534; xiv, ii, 154; 566; 590 f.

~Gi/gôn~, viii, 10.

Glaukos, xiv, ii, 151.

Gnostics, xiv, ii, 179. {614}

Gods, in Homer, 25 f.; Olympians and others, **i, 56; idea of divinity, xiv, ii, 107; Gods not immortal, 384; asleep or dead, iii, 30; buried, 96 f.; birthdays of, v, 89; in human shape, iv, 134; visiting men, ii, 38; compared with men, 253 f., 414; periodically appearing, viii, 28; of expiation, v, 168; amours of, iv, 134; conductors into the lower world, xiv, ii, 144 f.; unknown, iv, 62; statues of, 136; see _Chthonic_.

Goethe, xiii, **64.

Golden Age, 67 f.; ii, 49; vii, 18.

~gonei=s~, iv, 49; v, 146.

Gorgias, pupil of Empedokles, 378.

~Gorgu/ra, Gorgô/~, vii, 25; 591.

Grace of the gods (salvation), 342.

Grave and Hades confused, xiv, ii, 92.

Graves: see _Burial_, _Family-graves_, and _Rock-graves_; of Gods, 96; of Asklepios, 101; Erechtheus, 98; Hyakinthos, 99; Kekrops, iii, 41; Plouton, iii, 34; Python, 97; Zeus, 96; of Heroes, 121; cult of, 123, 166 f.; silence at, v, 110; curses attached to, xiv, ii, 13.

Grave-monuments, i, 28; v, 69 f.

Grave-robbers, 526.

Gregory the Great, xiv, ii, 87.

Grief, display of, disturbing to the dead, v, 49.

Guardian spirit of individuals, xiv, 44.

Guilt: see _Sin_ and _Fate_.

Hades, 26, 35 f., 159, 223, 236 f.; xii, 4, 62; 500, 535 f., 540 f.; Picture of, painted by Polygnotos, 241 f.; on vases from Southern Italy, vii, 27; cult of, 159; mother of, 591; entrances to (Ploutonia), v, 23; Ferryman of, vii, 9; Descents to, 32 f.; i, 62, 65; iii, 8; 236 f.; 240 f.; (Epic), vii, 2-4; (Theseus and Peirithoos), vii, 3; (Herakles), 591; (in comedy), 240 f.; (vases), vii, 27; (Orphic), x, 60; (Pythag.), 600 f.; rivers of, 35, 237; vii, **21; Judges in, 247.

Hail: see _Weather-magicians_.

~haimakouri/a~, iv, 13.

Hair, offering of, i, 14.

Hallucinations, 259; **262.

Haloa, 222; vi, 35.

Hamilcar, translation of, xiv, ii, 109.

Haokah dance of the Dakota, viii, 55.

Harmodios, translation of, xiv, ii, 99; and Aristogeiton in the other world, vii, 5.

Harmonia and Kadmos, xiv, ii, 99.

~harmoni/a~ (of the soul), xi, 52.

Harpocration on ~A/baris~, ix, 108.

Harpies, 56; v, 124; 593.

Hashish, 259.

Hasisatra, ii, 18; xiv, ii, 109.

Hearth, earliest place of burial, v, 66.

Heaven (the sky), as dwelling place of the Blest, xii, 44, 62; xiv, ii, 134; ascent to, of Roman Emperors, xiv, ii, 107; of Apollonios of Tyana, xiv, ii, 115.

Hedonism, 492 (xiv, **3).

Hegesias, xiv, **3.

Heirs, their duties to the dead, v, 129.

Hekabe, ix, 99.

Hekate, v, 5, 88, 168; 297 f., 590 f.; (_H. Hek._, p. 289 Ab.), 594; Hosts of 593 f.; Banquet of, v, 97; 216; ix, 88, 103.

~Hekatika\ pha/smata~, 590 f.

Hektor, as Hero, iv, 35; xiv, ii, 41 (still worshipped with sacrifice in the middle of the fourth century in the Troad: Julian, _Ep._ 78, p. 603-4 H.).

Helen, legend of her ~ei/dôlon~, i, 79; translated, ii, 21; xiv, ii, 99, 102; given heroic honours, 137.

Helios in Hades, xii, 38.

Hell, punishment in, 40 f.; 238 f., 242, 344, 415, 536; creatures of, 25, 590 f. (see _Kerberos_).

Hemithea, iv, 103.

~hêmi/theos~, iv, 23.

Hephaistion, xiv, ii, 70.

Herakles in the Odyssean Nekyia, 39; his descent to Hades, v, 25; vii, 4; 591; H. and Argeios, i, 35; H. and Eurystheus (Omphale), xii, 40; as Hero-God, 132; translated, 581; xiv, ii, 103.

Herakleides Ponticus, ix, 58, 60 (Sibyls), 108 (Abaris), 111, 96; xii, 44 (Empedotimos); xi, 61 (Empedokles); xiv, i, 53 (souls in the air); 599 f. (Pythagoras).

Herakleitos, 367 f.; xi, 5, etc., 101; xii, 137, 150; 464; xiv, 32; 499; 504; 597.

Hermes, conductor of souls, 9, 168; xiv, ii, 145. {615}

Hermione, cult of ~chtho/nioi~ there, iii, 34; v, 18, 26.

Hermippos, 600.

Hermotimos, 300 f.

Hero of Alexandria, xii, 150.

Herodes Atticus, xiv, ii, 71, 131.

Herodikos, of Perinthos, vii, 3; x, 7.

Heroes, 74, 97 f., 115 f.; iii, 46; 254; 416; xii, 121; help in war, 136 f.; graves of, 121; v, 68; games for, 116 f.; bones of, transferred and worshipped, iv, 35-6; 529; as Birds, xiv, ii, 102; relation with ~theoi/~ and ~dai/mones~, iv, 25; become gods, 132; Homeric "Heroes", iv, 26; in Hesiod, 74 f., 118; nocturnal sacrifice to, iv, 9; what falls to the ground sacred to, v, 114; in Pindar, 414 f.; legends of, 134 f.; later, 527 f.

~hê/rôs~ = a dead person, v, 110, 134; 531; (Christian), xiv, ii, 82; applied to the living, 530 f.; xiv, ii, 68; nameless or adjectival Heroes, 126 f., 529; xiv, ii, 61-2; ~hê. iatro/s~ iv, 94-5; xiv, ii, 45; ~hê. suggenei/as~, v, 132.

Heroized Kings and Lawgivers, 128; Kings of Sparta, Corinth, and Crete, iv, 46; Warriors of the Persian Wars, 528; prominent men of later times, 530; Heroizing easier in Boeotia, v, 134; in Thessaly, xii, 121; 532; becomes common, 531 f.; substitution of descendants for original Hero, xiv, ii, 65.

Hero-Physicians (Oracular), 133; xiv, ii, 45.

~hê/rôes duso/rgêtoi~, v, 119.

~hêrô=|a~ at the doors, iv, 105, 136; v, 68.

~Hêrôïko/s~ of Philostratos, xiv, ii, 41.

~hêrôï\s, hêrôïka/~, ix, 11; xiv, ii, 50; Birthday festivals of H., v, 89.

~hêrôïstai/~, xiv, ii, 53.

Herodotos, 115; xii, 8.

Herophile of Erythrai, ix, 60.

Hesiod, The Five Ages, 67 f.; _Op. et D._ (124), ii, 34; (141), ii, 41; _Theog._ (411), ix, 95a.

Hesychos, vii, 6.

Hierapolis, its ~ploutô/nion~, v, 23.

~hierothe/sion~, xiv, ii, 13 (p. 554).

Hierophant at Eleusis, ~eunouchisme/nos~, vi, 12.

~hilasmo/s~, v, 167.

Hippokrates, cult of, v, 89; xiv, ii, 45.

Hippolytos, iv, 38.

Hippon of Samos, 432.

Hippotes, xii, 40.

Herdsman (shepherd), type of God, xi, 36; (see divine apparitions), xiv, ii, 41.

Homer, 25 f., 157.

Homicide, state trials of, 176 f.; held over inanimate objects (in Athens), iv, 118.

Horace (_Odes_, iv, 2, 21), xii, 45.

Honey-cakes offered to the underworld, i, 13; v, 98; vii, 6.

~hô/ria, hôrai=a~ offered to the dead, v, 128.

Horse in the cult of the dead, v, 105.

Host, Furious, ii, 7; 298; xiii, 5; (593).

House, earliest place of burial, v, 66.

House-spirit, v, 132.

Human sacrifice, ix, 87; in the cult of Dionysos, 285; offered by Epimenides, ix, 121; in the cult of Heroes, xiv, ii, 49; replaced by animal sacrifice or ~poinê/~, v, 144; 179-80.

Humanity: see _Mankind_.

Hunt: see _Host_.

Hyades, iii, 45.

~Huaki/nthia~, 99 f.

Hyakinthides, iii, 45.

Hyakinthos, 99 f.

**Hydromantia, 589.

Hydrophoria at Athens, v, 98.

Hylas, xiv, ii, 105.

Hylozoism, 365, 385, 432.

~hupopho/nia~, v, 154.

Iamblichos, _Vit. Pythag._, viii, 77.

Iakchos, 220 f.

Ianthe, iii, 3.

Iaso, iii, 56.

Iatromantic, 133.

Iatros, Hero, iv, 94-5; xiv, ii, 45.

Iceland, i, 43.

Idaian cave in Crete, 96; 161.

Images, cult of, 136.

Immortal = godlike (becoming god), in Homer, 57; = _being_ a god, 253 f.

Immortality, Belief in, connected with Dionysiac religion, 263 f.; among Orphics, 343 f.; in Philosophy, 365 f.; 463 f.; 496; xiv, 60; in Popular Religion, 538 f.; 542; 546; doubts of, xiv, ii, 157. {616}

Imprecations: see _Curses_.

Incas, i, 30.

Incense in temples, viii, 39; ix, 19.

Incubation, iii, 8; 92; ix, 46; Heroic oracles of, 133.

Indians, Burial customs, 10, 21-2; cult of the dead, i, 75; v, 84-6, 90, 105, 123; Yama in Hades, vii, 6; religious anæsthesia, viii, 26; Yogis, viii, 43; kartharsis, ix, 78; Ascetics, 343; x, 78; philosophy (Jainism), xi, 16; (South American) mutilation of corpses, i, 34; (North American) cult of souls, v, 136.

Individualism, 117; 388 f.; 499 f.; 545.

Inheritance, laws of, v, 146.

Ino Leukothea, 58; iv, 104.

Insanity: see _Madness_ and _Mental_.

Inscriptions (_I.G._ (_xiv_) _Sic. et It._ 641), xii, 49 f.; (_IG. M. Aeg._ i, 142), xiv, ii, 146; (_Ath. Mitt._), xiv, ii, 164, 168.

Insensibility to pain, etc., in visionary states, viii, 43.

Inspiration, prophecy of, 92 f.; (in Thrace), 260; (in Greece), 289 f.

Intoxication, religious use of, viii, 39.

Invisibility (in Homer), 56.

Iolaia in Thebes, iv, 21.

Ionia, 27 f.

Iphigeneia, 64, 66; xiv, ii, 99, 102.

Iphis, iii, 3.

Iron keeps away daimones and the dead, i, 72.

Isaeus, v, 129.

Ischys, iii, 56.

Isis, mysteries of, xiv, ii, 174.

Islands of the Blest (Hesiod). 68 f.; (Pindar), 415 f.; translation of Heroes to, xiv, ii, 99; dwelling-place of all the pious, xiv, ii, 100, 130 f.; discovered by sailors, xiv, ii, 101; identified with Leuke, xiv, ii, 99, 102.

Isodaites, 271.

Isokrates, vi, 22; ii, 43.

Isthmian Games, iv, 22.

Isyllos, iv, 2.

Ixion, vii, 11.

Jainism (see _Indian_), xi, 16.

Japan, cult of dead in, v, 99.

Jaws of the dead, binding up the, xiv, ii, 2.

Jewish forgery of a Pindaric poem, xii, 45.

Jews, influenced by Greeks, xiv, ii, 14.

Jews influence Greeks, xiv, ii, 144.

Judaeo-Hellenistic doctrine of the soul, xiv, ii, 117.

Judgment in Hades, 238 f., 535 f., 541; Orphic, 344; Pindar, 415; Plato, xiii, 36.

Julian the Apostate, xiv, ii, 107, 144, 171.

Julius Kanus, xiv, 64.

jus talionis, x, 71.

Justin, ~pro\s He/ll.~, 3, xiv, ii, 151. (The emendation ~pidu/sas~ is already mentioned, as I see too late, in the Mauriner edition of Justin Martyr. The apparently traditional ~ho/rê pêdê/sas~ is indeed possible on grammatical grounds [analogous constructions, otherwise peculiar to poetry, are not unknown in prose: see Lobeck ad Aiac.^3, p. 69-70], but provides no satisfactory sense.)

Ka of Egyptians, i, 5.

Kadmos translated to Islands of the Blest, xiv, ii, 99.

Kaiadas at Sparta, **v, 32.

Kaineus, iii, 3.

Kalchas, iv, 96.

Kalypso, xiv, ii, 105.

Kanobos, iii, 43.

Kanus Julius, xiv, 64.

Kapaneus, 581 f.

~Karkô/~, 592.

Karmanor, ix, 113.

Karneades, xiv, 59, 61, 83.

~karpou=n~, v, 126.

Kassandra, viii, 52; ix, 65.

~katadei=n, kata/desmos, kata/desis~ in magic, ix, 107; 604.

~katha/rmata~ given up to the spirits, ix, 88 (cf. 81).

Kathartic practices, etc., v, 36; 180; vi, 18; vii, 15; 294 f.; 302; 378; 582; 585; 589 f.

~ka/tharsis mani/as~ (music), ix, 19; (of Pythagoreans), xi, 48; by Melampous, 287; Bakis, 294; Orphic, 338 f.; 343; Empedokles, xi, 85; Plato, 470.

~kathe/drai~, festival of Souls, v, 86.

~ka/tochos~, of magic, ix, 107.

~ka/tochoi, katochê/, kate/chesthai~, of "possession", viii, 24, 44.

Kattadias (Devil-priests of Ceylon), viii, 55.

Kaukones, v, 12. {617}

Kaunians, v, 99.

Kausianoi, viii, 75, 77.

Kekrops, iii, 41.

Keos, funeral ordinance from, v, 42, 52, 56, 74, 76-7, 87, 92, 135.

Kerberos, vii, 6.

~kê=res~ = souls, i, 10; v, 100; ix, 92.

Kerkops (Pythagorean), x, 7; 597.

Kerykes, vi, 6, 16.

Key, keeper of, in Hades, vii, 13.

Kikones of the Odyssey, 42.

Kimon as Hero, 129.

Kirke, 32; v, 169.

Kissing the hand to a grave, xiv, ii, 26-7.

Kleanthes, xiv, 41, 47.

~kleidou=choi theoi/~, 247.

Kleisthenes, 124.

Kleitos, 58.

Kleobis and Biton, xiv, ii, 148.

Kleombrotos, xiv, 3.

Kleomedes (Hero), 129; xiv, ii, 114.

Kleomenes as Hero, xiv, ii, 59.

Klymenos = Hades, v, 8, 18; reduced to rank of Hero, iii, 34.

Knossos, 96; iii, 25.

Kore, 160; v, 11; 219 f.; 224; xiv, ii, 146.

Koronis, iii, 56.

Korybantism, viii, 36, 52; 286 f.

Kos (Ge), v, 16.

Kotytto, 336.

Kouretes, v, 167.

~kôlu/mata~, magic spells, ix, 81.

Kragos, iii, 30.

Krantor, xiv, 1.

Krataiis, 593.

Krates (Cynic), v, 34.

Kratinos, vii, 17.

Kratippos, 512.

~krei/ttones~ = the dead, v, 65, 110, 117.

Krinagoras, vi, 22.

Kritias, _Sisyphos_, x, 54.

Kritolaos, xiv, 32.

Krobyzoi, viii, 65, 75.

Krokos, iii, 43.

Kronos, ruler in Elysium, 76.

~kte/rea kterei/zein~, i, 20, 29.

Kybele, 257; viii, 32, 43, 55; 286 f.; ix, 56; xiv, ii, 174.

Kychreus (~puchrei/dês o/phis~), iv, 129.

Kydas, ix, 66.

**Kyffhäuser, legend of, 93; xiv, ii, 112.

Kylon, at Athens, ix, 120.

Kyme, criminal law of, v, 145.

_Kypria_, 64.

Labyadai, their funeral ordinance in Delphi, v, 52, 85, 128.

Lamentation disturbs the dead, v, 49.

Lamia, vii, 25; 592 f.

Lanterns, feast of in Japan, v, 99.

Laodike, iii, 6.

_Lar familiaris_ and _Lares_ at Rome, v, 132.

Latinus, translation of, xiv, ii, 110.

Laurel, drives away ghosts, v, 95.

Law, unwritten, 163, 426; xii, 94.

Lebadeia, 90 f., 95; iii, 26; v, 19, 133; xiv, ii, 104.

Lectisternia, iii, 26; iv, 16.

Lekythoi, v, 38; 169; 170; 237.

Lemnos, feast of the dead in, ix, 76.

Lemuria in Rome, v, 99.

Leonidas (as Hero), iv, 20; 528.

Leosthenes (Hero), vii, 5; xiv, ii, 59.

Lerna, ix, 88; viii, 28.

Lethe, vii, 21; xii, 37; and Mnemosyne, fountains of, xiv, ii, 151.

Leto, iii, 46

Leuke, I. of Achilles, 65, 66; xiv, ii, 102; Cliff of, ib.

Leukothea: see _Ino._

Lie, justification of, xii, 72.

Life, 3, 31; repudiation of, viii, 75; only lent, xiv, ii, 161; 505; Water of life, xiv, ii, 151-2; Future Life, 236 f.; see _Hades_ and _Ways_.

Lightning sanctifies its victim, iii, 39; 100; v, 68; ix, 127; xii, 54; xiv, ii, 154; 581 f.

Linos, iii, 43.

Lobeck, 222.

Local deities and their cults, 25 f.; 27.

~lo/gos~, 499; xiv, 69.

Lokroi, criminal law of, v, 145.

Lot, oracles received by means of (Delphi, 290.

**~loutropho/roi~, 587.

Lucian, iii, 28; 236; _de Luctu_, xiv, ii, 2; _Philops._, xiv, ii, 87, 144; **ix, 96.

Lucretius, 505.

Lydia, v, 167.

Lying-in-state of the dead, 165.

Lykaios, Zeus, v, 170.

Lykas (Hero), iv, 114.

Lykia, imprecatory tablets from graves in, 553.

Lykian language, iv, 99.

Lykos (Hero), iv, 114. {618}

Lykourgos, King of Edonians, ix, 3; in Sparta worshipped as Hero and God, 132; sanctified by lightning, 581.

Lyric poetry of the Greeks, 157; 411 f.

Lysander as Hero, 531.

Lysimachos (Hero), xiv, ii, 67.

~lu/sios Dio/nusos~, ix, 21; ~lu/sioi theoi/~, x, 50.

~lu/sis~ of the soul, x, 61, 66; xiii, 67.

Mâ, worshipped with ecstatic cult, viii, 43, 55.

Macedonians, viii, 31.

Machaon and Podaleirios, iv, 92.

Macriani, xiv, ii, 112.

Madness cured by magic, ix, 19, 81; cf. _Mental diseases_.

Magical papyri, xiv, ii, 144; 589; 592; 604; cf. _Defixiones_.

Magicians, among savage peoples, 261 f.; Greek, 294 f., 298 f.; xi, 58; 533 f.; 604.

Mahâbhârata, iii, 3.

~maina/s~, 256.

~makari/tês~ (of the dead), vii, 10; xiv, ii, 31.

~maka/rôn nê=soi~: see _Islands of the Blest_.

Manes, v, 99, 133.

~mani/a~, divine, 255 f.; 286 f.; in the worship of Dionysos, 282 f.

Manichaeans, x, 83.

Mankind, origin of, according to the Orphics, 341 f.; generations (Ages) of, in Hesiod, 67 f.

~ma/nteis~, ix, 41 f.; as magicians, ix, 68.

_Mantiké_ (inspired prophecy), 260, 289 f.

Marathon, iv, 84; 136; Grave of the dead at, xiv, ii, 37.

Marjoram, kathartic, apotropaic uses of, v, 36.

Maron (Hero), xiv, ii, 41.

~maschalismo/s~, 181; 582 f.

Massagetai, 259.

Materialism, 385.

"Matriarchy," not Greek, xii, 75.

Medea translation of, xiv, ii, 99; (v, 169).

Medicine men (North American Indians), 262; ix, 68, 117; dance of the Winnebago, viii, 55.

~me/gara~, iii, **7.

~meili/choi theoi/~, v, 168; ~Dio/nusos meili/chios~, ix, 21.

Meilinoe, v, 5; ix, 96.

Melampous, 89; 287.

Melanippides, xii, 1, 21.

Melesagoras, ix, 58.

Memnon, 64 f.

Menelaos (translation of), 55 f.; iv, 2; ii, 21.

Menestheus, iv, 100.

Mental diseases, origin and cure of, 286 f.; ix, 19, 81.

Metal, noise of, drives away ghosts, i, 72; ix, 83; see _Iron_, _Bronze_.

Metamorphoses, iii, 3; x, 82.

~metempsu/chôsis~, x, 84; see _Transmigration_.

Metrodoros, allegorical interpretation of mythology, vi, 23.

Metrodoros (Epicurean), xiv, 85, 86, 97.

~mê\ phu=nai~, xii, 10.

~mê/nima theô=n~, v, 148; ~alitêri/ôn~, v, 176.

~mi/asma~, v, 176; 295 f.

~mia/stôr~, v, 178.

Michael, the Archangel, iv, 96.

Midas, 412.

Mid-day, spectres appearing at, ix, 96; xiv, ii, 41; 592 f.

Migrations, Greek, 27, 155, 161, 284.

Milky Way (abode of the souls), ix, 111; xii, 44.

Miltiades, as Hero, iv, 20.

Mimnermos, xii, 7.

Mind, 5, 29 f., 383, 387, 493 f.

Mingrelians, i, 30.

Minos (and Zeus, in Crete), 96; Judge in Hades, vii, 13.

_Minyas_, **vii, 3; 237, 238, 282.

Miracle, 254; xiv, ii, 40-1, 45, 70; 537; desire for in later ages of antiquity, 546 f.

Missions, sent out from Eleusis, 161.

Mithras, Mysteries of, xiv, ii, 144, 153, 172, 174.

Mitylene, funeral ordinance of, v, 54.

Mitys, iv, 118.

~mnê/mê~ (Empedokles and Pythagorean), xi, 96; and ~lê/thê~ in Hades (Pindar), xii, 37; xiv, ii, 151.

Mnemosyne, xii, 37; xiv, ii, 151.

~moi=ra~, 29.

Moon and stars inhabited by souls, x, 75; xi, 116; xiv, **53.

Monism, 432; 500. {619}

Mopsos, iii, 5, 13; 133.

Morality, 40; 228; 294 f.; 302; 376.

~Mormolu/kê, Mormô/~, vii, 25; 592.

Moschion, x, 54.

Moses, ii, 18; xiv, ii, 109.

Motes in the sunbeam = Souls (Pythagoras), xi, 40; Emped. **xi, 101.

Mountains, legends about, 263; viii, 68.

Mourning, period of, 167.

Mousaios, x, 70.

~mu/chioi theoi/~, iii, 35.

~muei=n~, vi, 16.

Murderer, excluded from religious worship, vi, 17.

Murder, action for, religious sense of, 180 f.; expiation of, 174 f., 138; xii, 34, 40.

Murder trials; see _Homicide_.

Music in Dionysiac worship, 257; as a cure for Korybantic frenzy and other diseases, 286 f.; ix, 19; xi, 48.

Musonius, v, 34; 503.

_Mutterrecht_, not Greek, xii, 75.

Mutilation of the dead, 582 f.

Mycenae, 22, 27, 122.

Mykonos (cult of Chthonic Zeus), v, 3, 7, 16.

Myrtle sacred to ~chtho/nioi~, iv, 21; v, 40, 61.

Mysians, x, 78.

Mysteries: see _Eleusinian M._; Orphic, 343 f.; Samothracian, vi, 34; (see also _Isis_ and _Mithras_).

Mysticism, 225 f., 254 f., 262, 291 f., 344; xiii, 75, 104; xiv, 1.

Myth, allegorical interpretation of, vi, 23.

Name, calling the dead by, 42, 527; of Hero used in sacrificing, iv, 62; in invocation of avenging spirits, 604.

Nameless Gods, iv, 62; Heroes, 126 f.; 529; xiv, ii, 61, 63.

Namnites in Gaul, viii, 55.

Narcissus (Orphic?), x, 29.

~na/rthêx~, viii, 22.

National Heroes: see ~archêgoi/~.

"Nature," religion of, 223 f.

Naulochos (Hero), xiv, ii, 74.

Nectar, 58.

nefasti dies, v, 158.

Negro tribes, i, 34; v, 110; 271.

Nekyia of the Odyssey, 32 f.; iii, 8; 237 f.; 240 f.; 2nd Nekyia, i, 62, 65; N. in other epics, 237 f., (see _Descents_); on vases, vii, 27.

~neku/sia~, v, 92.

Nemea, iv, 22.

~neme/seia, ne/mesis, Ne/mesis~, **v, 91.

Neoplatonic writers, x, 27, 29, 38; 596 f.

Neoptolemos, translation of, xiv, ii, 99.

Nero, translated (Antichrist), xiv, ii, 113.

Neurotic diseases, cure of, 286 f.

New Zealand (method of burial), v, 67.

Nightmare, ix, 102; xiv, ii, 86.

Nine, sanctity of number, v, 84; xiii, 45; xiv, ii, 154.

Noise of bronze or iron drives away ghosts, i, 72; v, 167; ix, 83.

Nostoi, 66 f.

Novel (Greek, etc.), iv, 134; xiv, ii, 87.

Novemdialia: festival in Rome, v, 84.

~nou=s~, in Anaxagoras, 387 f.; in Aristotle, 493 f.; cf. 383.

Numbers (Pythagorean mystical theory of), x, 9.

Nyktelios, Nyktelia, viii, 28; 285; ix, 36.

~numpho/lêptos~, ix, 63.

~ek numphô=n ka/tochos~, ix, 58.

Nymphs, agents of Translation, xiv, ii, 105.

Oath, religio-juristic significance of, 41 f.; v, 156; 238; xi, 77; xii, 40.

Oath-breaking punished in Hades; see _Perjury_.

Oath taken by both parties in a suit, v, 156.

Obolos for the ferryman of the dead: see _Charon_.

Ocrisia, v, 132.

Odyssey, 32 f., 55, 62 f., 236; 2nd Nekyia, i, 62, 65.

Odysseus, end of, ii, 30; oracle of, iv, 97; as Hero, xiv, ii, 41; O. and Kalypso, xiv, ii, 105.

Oedipus, 430 f.; xii, 85, 112 f.

Oikistes, 127 f.

Oinomaos, iv, 2.

Oknos, 241.

Olbia, xiv, ii, 102. {620}

Olive, kathartic effects of, v, 36-7, 61; ix, 72.

Olympos as dwelling-place of souls, xiv, ii, 135.

Olympia, iv, 22, 62; 121, 160; v, 98.

~ômothetei=n~, 584 f.

~omphalo/s~ at Delphi, iii, 31.

Onomakritos, 336-7, 338 f.; (the Lokrian), ix, 113.

Oracles of Heroes, 133 f.; of Earth, 160; see _Delphi_, _Dodona_, _Incubation_.

Orators, Greek, 413.

Orators' official speeches of consolation, xiv, ii, 6.

Orestes, iv, 35; 178; 424, 426.

Orgeones, 124.

Orgiastic cults in Greece, ix, 56; in Thessaly and Phrygia, 257.

Orient influenced by Greece, 539.

Origen, _c. Cels._, iii, **20; xiv, 33.

Orion, 39; 58.

Oropos, 92; iii, 19, 56; xiv, ii, 104.

Orpheus, ~kata/basis eis Ha/idou~, vii, 3, 27; x, 60; of Kamarina, x, 7; of Kroton, x, 7, 11.

Orphics, v, 99; 124; vi, 13; vii, 15, 18; 335 f.; xii, 137; xiii, 44; 70a; 586; alleged influence in Homer, x, 5.

Orphic cult of Bakchos, x, 1; poetry, authorship of, x, 7; Rhapsodical Theogony, ix, 123; 339-40; 596 f.; other Theogonies, x, 21; origin of mankind in, 339 f.; x, 77; six Rulers of the world, x, 40; Asceticism, 342 f.; kathartic doctrine, 338; ideas of Hades, 344 f.; doctrine of rebirth and Transmigration of souls, 345 f.; grave-tablets (Sicily), 417 f.; xiv, ii, 151; 598, 601; _Hymns_, xiv, ii, 173.

Orphica (fr. 120). x, 22; (fr. 226), x, 48.

Orphico-Pythagorean Hymnus on Number, x, 9.

~Ortugi/ê~, ii, 25.

Os resectum of the Romans, i, 34.

~ho/sioi~, the Pure, vi, 18; 343.

Osiris, xiv, ii, 152.

Ostiaks, religious dances of the, viii, 55.

~oxuthu/mia~, 216; ix, 88.

~ouk ê/mên, geno/mên ktl.~ on epitaphs, xiv, ii, 167.

Ouranos, x, 28.

Paetus Thrasea, xiv, 64.

Palamedes, xiv, ii, 41.

Palaimon, iii, 38.

~palamnai=os~, v, 178.

~paliggenesi/a~, 224; vii, 21; x, 47, 81, 84; 519; xiv, **i, 68, 142; 547.

Pan, ix, 56.

Panaitios, xiv, 24; 501 f.

Pandaemonism, 519.

Pandareos, daughters of, ii, 5.

Pantheism, 261, 498 f.; xiv, 60; 504.

Panchatantra, iv, 134.

Paradise, imaginary, in Hades, vii, 18.

~paramuthêtika\ psêphi/smata~, xiv, ii, 6.

Pardon for Homicide, v, 144, 151, 154.

Parentalia in Rome, v, 90.

Parmenides, 372; 408; 597.

Parsley used in cult of the dead, iv, 22; v, 40, 107.

Pasiphaë, iv, 104.

~pa/trai~, iv, 49; v, 131; in Rhodos, iv, 52.

Patroklos, Funeral of, 12 f.; Translation of, xiv, ii, 102.

~patromu/stês~, 602.

Pausanias, Spartan King, v, 173; Periegeta, 126; 529; (4, 32, 1) 554; Doctor (pupil of Empedokles), 378; xi, 61.

Pehuenchen Indians (S. America), i, 26.

Peirithoös, vii, 3.

Pelasgians, v, 18.

Peleus, Translation of, xiv, ii, 99.

Pellichos, xiv, ii, 45.

Pelops, 121; iv, 37.

Penates, v, 132-3.

Penitents undergoing punishment in Hades, 40 f., 238, 241; vii, 27.

Pentheus, 283.

~peri/deipnon~, 167.

~perika/tharma~, 589.

~perima/ttein~, 590.

Perjury punished in Hades, 41 f.; v, 156; 238; xi, 77; xii, 40.

Peripatetics, 512.

~peripsê=n~, 589.

Persephone, 158 f.; v, 5; 160 f.; 220; 222 f.; and see _Koré_.

Perseus and the Mainades, ix, 3.

Persian War, Heroizing of those who fell in, 131.

Persians, i, 5; 10; 22; v, 85-6; kathartic practice among, ix, 78.

Persinos of Miletos, x, **7.

Persius, i, 31; 504. {621}

Personality, reduplication of, 595 f.; cf. ~e/kstasis~.

Peru, religious dances in, viii, 55.

Pessimism, 412, 545.

Petelia, grave tablet from, 417 f., 601 f., 598.

Phaeacians, 63; ii, 17, 46.

Phaënnis, ix, 59.

Phaëthon, iii, 35.

Phanes, x, 9; 598.

Pharisees, xi, 50.

~pharmakoi/~, ix, 87; 589 f.

~pha/smata Hekatika/~, 590 f.

Pherekrates, comic poet, vii, 17.

Pherekydes, 301; x, 79; xi, 51; vi, 25; 597.

Philippos of Opos, author of _Epinomis_, xiv, 1.

Philiskos, xii, 157.

Philo Judaeus, xiv, ii, 117; (ap. Gal. xiii, 268), iii, 43.

Philodamos of Skarpheia, his Hymn to Dionysos, vi, 9.

Philolaos, x, 44; xi, 35-6, 50, 55.

Philopoimen, as Hero, xiv, ii, 49.

Philopregmon (Hero), 529.

Philosophy, 362 f.; 432 f.; 463 f.; 490 f.

Philostratos, _Heroikos_, xiv, ii, 41; _V. Apoll._, xiv, ii, 115.

~phimou=n, phimôtiko/n~, 604.

Phokion, v, 66.

Pseudo-Phokylides, xiv, ii, 117.

Phormion, of Sparta, ix, 111.

Phratriai in Athens, 124 f.

Phrygians, v, 167; 257; viii, 52; 286; xiv, ii, 13, 174.

Phylai in Athens, 124 f.

Pig, in cult of the dead, v, 105.

Pitch, kathartic property of, v, 95; ix, 72.

Piety of the Greeks, 28 f.

Piety towards the dead, 16, 164, 169.

Pindar, 7, 115, 157; vi, 22; 238; 412; 414 f.; (_O._ 2, 57), xii, 35; (_O._ 2, 61), xii, 38; (_P._ 8, 57), iv, 105; (_fr._ 129-30), xii, 37; (_fr._ 132), xii, 45; (_fr._ 133), xii, 34, 41.

~pi/thos tetrême/nos~ in Hades, 586 f.

Pittakos of Mitylene, v, 54.

Pixodaros (Hero), xiv, ii, 63.

Plato, ix, 107; 383; xi, 96; 463 f.; xiv, ii, 108; 547; Beauty in 473; influence of, on popular belief, xiv, ii, 143; doctrine of Ideas, 470 f.; different strata of the _Republic_, xiii, 8; 474; _Laws_, xiii, 36, 37; 476; _Gorgias_, vii, 13; xiii, 36, 96; _Meno_, xiii, 100; _Phaedo_, xiii, 36; 468 f.

Plants with souls, xi, 72, 82; 382; xi, 117; xiii, 40.

~hoi plei/ous~, the dead, xiv, ii, 124.

Plotinos, 547 f.

Plouton, iii, 34; 160.

~ploutô/nia~, v, 23.

Plutarch, v, 34; vi, 23; vii, 1; xiv, ii, 85, 87.

Pluto, iii, 34; 160.

~pneu=ma~ = soul, **xii, 150; 498; 541 f.

Podaleirios, iii, 13; 133.

~poinê/~ for homicide, in Homer, 175; forbidden, v, 154; and see _Murder_.

Polemon, xiv, 1.

Polemokrates (Hero), iv, 93.

Politics, Epicurean withdrawal from, 506 f.

Pollution, 294 f.

~polua/ndrioi dai/mones~, 604.

Polyaratos, ix, 111.

Polybios, 492.

Polyboia, 100.

Polygnotos' picture of Hades, 241 f.; 586.

Polynesians, v, 161.

Pomegranate in the cult of the dead, v, 105.

Pomptilla, grave in Sardinia, xiv, ii, 71.

Poplar in the cult of the dead, v, 61; xiv, ii, 102.

Popular belief about the dead, 524.

Popular version of "Translation", xiv, ii, 105.

Poseidonios, x, 78; xi, 35, 55; xiv, 40, 44, 51, 53-4; 502; xiv, 60-2.

Possession, 255; 595; see ~e/kstasis~.

Possessions of the dead burnt with the body, i, 30, 51.

Postponement of coming events by the gods, ix, 120.

Poulytion, 222.

Praetextatus, xiv, ii, 172.

Praise of the dead at the ~peri/deipnon~, v, 81.

Pre-existence: see _Soul_.

Prophecy by Incubation (dream-oracles), 92 f., 289 f.; by Heroes, 133; in Thracian worship of Dionysos, 260; two kinds of (~technikê/~ and ~a/technos~), 289; by "inspiration", 289 f.; at Delphi, 289 f.; in Greek {622} worship of D., 289 f.; wandering prophets, 292 f.; by means of lots at Delphi, 289; in Leuke, xiv, ii, 102.

Prodikos of Keos, vi, 23; of Phokaia, vii, 3; of Samos, vii, 3; x, 7.

Proërosia, ix, 108.

Proitides, 282, 287.

Proklidai, iv, 53.

Prophecy: see _Mantiké_.

Prophetic power of the dying, i, 69.

~prospha/gion~, v, 46.

~prostro/paios~, v, 148, 176.

Protagoras, 438.

Protesilaos, iv, 98.

Proteus in the Odyssey, 55.

~pro/thesis~ of the corpse, 164 (v, 41 f.).

Proverbs, Greek, v, 120; xii, 3; 586.

Prussia, cult of the dead in, v, 99, 114.

~psuchê/~ in Homer, 4 f.; 30 f.; 364 f.; = alter ego, 6; in Pindar, xii, 32; in Philosophy, 364 f.; situated in eye or mouth, i, 25; = Life, i, 59; xi, 1.

~psuchagôgo/s~, ix, 106.

Psyche (of Apuleius), xiv, ii, 151.

Psychology, Homeric, 30 f.; of the philosophers, 364 f.

~psuchomantei=a~, v, 23.

~psuchpompei=a~, v, 23.

~psuchostasi/a~, v, 100.

Punishment of guilty through descendants, xii, 7, 65; xiv, ii, 96.

Purification: see _Kathartic_, ~ka/tharsis~; after a funeral, v, 77; [after seeing a corpse: Jul., _Ep._ 77, p. 601, 20 f. H.]; carried out by ~exêgêtai/~, v, 139; of murderers, 179 f.; 295; (this not Homeric), v, 166; ritual, in daily life, 295; of the new-born, ib.; by blood, 296; by fire, 21; by running water, 588 f.; removal of the polluting substance with figs or eggs, 589 f.

"Pure, the," vi, 18; 343.

Purgation in Plato, xiii, 36.

Purple (Red) colour proper to the dead, v, 61.

Pythagoras, 374 f.; xii, 150; and Zalmoxis, viii, 68; and Abaris, ix, 108, 122; his previous births, 598 f.; descent to Hades, 600 f.

Pythagoreans, suicide, v, 33; bury the body on leaves, v, 61; and Orphics in Herodotos, 336; x, 8; in Athens, 337; psychology, xi, 55; Transmigration-doctrine, x, 79, 81; xi, 42; xiii, 40; ~psuchê/~ (Alkmaion), xi, 28, 35; and Parmenides, xi, 30; Empedokles and P. ~ana/mnêsis~, xi, 96; ~U~ Pythag., xii, 62; and Plato (divisions of the soul), xiii, 27; (transmigration of the soul), xiii, 40; and the Stoics (souls in the air), xiv, 53.

Pythia, viii, 52-3; ix, 45; 289 f.; 596.

Pythian Games, iv, 22.

Python, 97; 180 f.

Quietism, 380.

Ram, in cult of the dead, v, 105, 107; as expiatory sacrifice, v, 167.

Rationalism among the Greeks, 29 f.; 122; 492; 545.

Rebirth (see ~paliggenesi/a~), xiv, ii, 174; 602.

Recurrence, periodical, of everything, x, 47; xiv, 68.

Red colour belonging to the dead, v, 61.

Reduplication of Personality, 595 f.

Regilla, wife of Herodes Atticus, xiv, ii, 71, 131.

Relatives obliged to prosecute vendetta, v, 141.

"Release" of man from fate, etc., 342 f.; xi, 50; 384.

Religion, Homeric, 28 f.; of "Nature" 223 f.; Symbolic, ib.

Relics, cult of, iv, 2; 121 f.; 529.

Responsibility, moral, in Tragedy (Aesch.), 423 f.

Resurrection of the body, xiv, ii, 174.

Revenge and Vendetta, circle of those expected to carry it out (in Homer), v, 141; Vend. bought off (in Homer), v, 143; this later forbidden, v, 154; Vend. in Tragedy, 424 f., 434.

Rewards and punishments transmitted to descendants, xii, 65 (x, 47); exact equivalence, x, 71; xi, 44; in Hades, 40-1; 239 f.; 467 f.; 536.

Right and left, significance of, in Hades, xii, 62.

Rhadamanthys, 55 f.; ii, 17, 23; 247; xiv, ii, 132.

~rha/mnos~, kathartic uses of, v, 95; xi, 85.

Rhea: see _Kybele._

Rhesos, iv, 36; 557. {623}

Rock graves, v, 62, 66.

Rome, _genius_, i, 5; v, 132; marriage ceremonies, v, 95; Lares, v, 66, 132; Lemuria, v, 99; Manes, ib.; v, 133; Novemdialia, v, 83-4; os resectum, i, 34; Parentalia, v, 90; Penates, v, 132-3; Cult of Souls in, v, 114; Cremation, i, 37, 39.

Romans, admitted to Eleusinian Mysteries, 226.

Romulus, translation of, xiv, ii, 103, 107, 110.

Sabazios (Sabos), viii, 10.

~sa/bos, saba/zios~, viii, 32.

~Saba/zia~ in Athens, x, 12.

Sabazios Mysteries (late, xiv, ii, 174.

Sacrifice at graves, 167, 169; made to Heroes before gods, iii, 46; kathartic, 585.

Salamis, 136 f.

Salmoneus, 581.

Samothrace, Mysteries of, vi, 34.

Sappho, xii, 12

Sarpedon, ii, 28; iv, 99.

Satrai, viii, 53.

Scapegoat, ix, 87.

Schelling, 223.

Scheriê, ii, 46.

Schol. Aristoph. _Vesp._ 1038, ix, 102.

Scythians, 259; ix, 15; x, 78.

Second sight, 260; 293 (see ~e/kstasis~).

Second-sight of the dying, i, 69.

Secret cults, 219.

Sects, Orphic, 335.

Seers, ecstatic: see ~ma/nteis~ and _Prophecy_.

Seirenes, ix, **102; 593.

~se/linon~ sacred to the dead, v, 40, 107.

~Se/lloi~, iii, 14.

Semele, 581.

Seminoles of Florida, i, 25.

Semitic influence on Greeks, 60; 96.

Semonides (Simonides of Amorgos), xii, 4, 8, 15.

Seneca, xiv, 41, 56, 68; 503.

Sertorius, his search for the Islands of the Blest, xiv, ii, 101.

Severus Alexander, xiv, ii, 112.

Servius ad. _Aen._ vi, 324 (Poeta Anon.), xi, 77.

Sex, changes of, in legend, iii, 3.

Shamans, viii, 43; 262.

Sheep (or Ram), v, 105, 107, 167.

Sibyls, viii, 52; 292 f.; 596.

Sicily, xii, 47; 417 f.

Sikyon (limitation on the length of epitaphs), xiv, ii, 118.

Silenus, legend of, xii, 10 (viii, 15, 31).

Silence in passing graves, v, 110.

Simonides of Keos, xii, 1, 3, 11.

Sin, 294 f., 343, 381, (Plato) 466; consciousness of, 242.

Sisyphos, i, 82; 241; vii, 27.

Sit tibi terra levis, xiv, ii, 120.

Sithon, iii, 3.

Sitting (not reclining) at feasts in honour of the dead, v, 86.

Skedasos, daughters of, xiv, ii, 35.

Skeletons, the dead as, xiv, ii, 92.

~ski/lla~, kathartic property of, ix, 115; xi, 85; 589 f.

Skiron, v, 168.

Skotos, vii, 6.

Skylla (daughter of Hekate), 593.

Slaves admitted to initiation at the Mysteries, vi, 14; when freed, bound to keep up the cult of their dead master, v, 128.

Slavonic cult of souls, v, 161.

Sleep and Death, ii, 28; Death only Sleep, xiv, ii, 140; of the Gods, iii, 30; "Temple-sleep": see _Incubation_.

Snakes, form in which ~chtho/nioi~ appear, iii, 12, 33; 98; iii, 55; iv, 129; v, 105**, 113, 133, 168; 602.

Societies: see Associations.

Sokrates, 463.

Solon, date of archonship, ix, **120; as Hero, iv, 38; limits funeral pomp, 4, 45, 57, 75; protects the memory of the dead, v, 115; his view of life, xii, 6; and Croesus, xiv, ii, 170.

Sorcery: see _Magic_ and _Conjuration of the dead_.

Sortilege, oracle of at Delphi, 290.

Soul = breath (~pneu=ma~), 500 f.; xiv, ii, 138; represented on lekythoi as winged, 170; Pre-existence of, taught by Pythagoras, xi, 49; by Plato, 465 f.; Aristotle, 495 f.; Stoics, xiv, 60; by Jews under Greek influence, xiv, ii, 117; Soul and Mind, in Aristotle, 496; "Poor Souls," v, 114; x, 66; Souls **become daimones (Hesiod), 67 f.; transition from Soul to daimon, v, 133, 148; 179; v, 176; assist growth of crops, v, 120; called upon {624} at marriages, v, 121; appearances after death, ix, 105; 533 f.; xiv, ii, 154; dissipated by wind after leaving the body, xiii, 5; xi, 102; xiv, 49, 77; of murdered men, 181 f.; kingdom of Souls in the air, in the Aether or in Heaven, 342; xi, 35; 436 f.; Stoic, 500 f.; 541 f.; cf. _Hades_; in popular belief, xiv, ii, 142; in Neoplatonism, 547; parts of the soul, acc. to Pythagoras, xi, 55; Plato, 466 f.; Peripatetics, 512; Stoics, xiv, 60; Epicureans, 505; conjuration of souls not known in Homer, 24; later, v, 23; ix, 106; xiv, ii, 87, 90; on Defixions, 594 f., 604 f.; Souls, Cult of, after burial, 22 f., 77 f., 158 f., 163 f., 166 f., 181 f., 253 f.; Rudiments of, in Homer, 12 f.; in the family, 172 f.; represented on sepulchral reliefs, v, 105; Souls, Festival of, 168; in cult of Dionysos, ix, 11; Soul, "Salvation" of the, 172.

Souls: Transmigration of Souls--Greek names for, x, 84; Thracian belief in, 263 f.; Egyptian belief in, 346; Orphic, 337; 342 f.; 346 f.; Pythagorean, 375; xi, 50, 55; in Pindar, 415 f.; Empedokles, xi, 75, 96; Plato, 467; Stoics (Poseidonios?), xiv, 60.

~sô=ma--sê=ma~: Orphic, 342; x, 73; Pythagoras, 375; xi, 50; Empedokles, xi, 75; Euripides, xii, 137; Plato, xiii, 44; in popular belief, xiv, ii, 141.

_Somnium Scipionis_, xiv, 53, 54, 62; xiv, ii, 58.

Sophists, 432.

Sophokles, vi, 22, 26; 426 f.; as Hero, iv, 71; _Oed. Col._ 1583, xii, 112.

~sôtê/r (hê/rôs)~, xii, 128.

Sparta; funeral of kings, iv, 46; burial customs, v, 61; reliefs representing feasts of the dead, v, 105, 86; criminal law of, v, 145.

Speaking ill of the dead forbidden, v, 115.

Spell: see _Magic_.

Spencer, Herbert, 6.

Spielhansel, folk-tale of, i, 82.

Spiritualism, 264 f.; 385; 500; 595.

Spirits: see _Ghosts_.

Spirits, island of (Leuke), xiv, ii, 102; nocturnal battle of, xiv, ii, 37; magical compulsion of, ix, 107.

Spitting, apotropaic effect of, 586.

Stars inhabited, xi, 116; by the souls of the departed, x, 75-6; myths, 58.

State: see _Politics_; State Funerals, xiv, ii, 5-6.

Statues of Heroes, miracles performed by, 136.

~ste/phanos~, iv, 21.

Stertinius, C. Xenophon (Hero), xiv, ii, 64.

Stobaeus, _Ecl._ i, 49, 46; xiv, ii, 138.

Stoics, xi, 98; xii, 67; 497 f.; 542.

Stones (a soul attributed to), xi, 72.

Stormclouds, shooting at, viii, 63; cf. _Weather-magicians_.

Straton, xii, 150; xiv, 34.

Striking the ground in calling on ~chtho/nioi~, iii, 10.

Styx, vii, 21.

Subterranean translation among the Greeks, 89 f.; xiv, ii, 104; in Germany, 93; in Mexico and in the East, iii, 17.

Sûfis of Persia, viii, 60; 266.

Suicide forbidden (Orphic), x, 44; suicides refused burial, v, 33.

Suidas on ~emaschali/sthê~, 582 f.

Sulphur, kathartic property of, v, 95.

Swoon (~piopsuchi/a~), i, 9.

Syrians, xiv, ii, 174.

Sybaris (Lamia), iv, 115; Orphic gold tablets from, 417 f.; 598; 601.

Symbolism in religion, 224, 226 f.

Symmachos, xiv, ii, 172.

Syncretism, 288; 534.

Syrianos, 596 f.

Syrie, 62 f.

Tacitus, xiv, 47.

Tahiti, funeral dirges of, v, 48.

Talthybios, 134.

Tantalos, 40 f., 241; vii, 27.

Tarantism, ix, 19.

Taraxippos (Hero), 127.

Tarentum, v, 68.

Tartaros, 76; vii, 6; 340; xi, 38.

Tasmania, cult of dead in, 585.

~Tau=ta, tosau=ta~ in epitaphs, xiv, ii, 167.

Teiresias, 36 f., 41; iii, 3, 8.

_Telegoneia_, 65, 90.

Teleology in Anaxagoras, xi, 104.

Tellos the Athenian, xiv, ii, 170.

Temesa, the Hero of, 135 f. {625}

Temple-sleep: see _Incubation._

Tenes, iv, 138.

Terizoi in Thrace, **viii, 65.

Thales, vi, 25; 366.

Thamyris, 238.

Thanatos, xii, 4, 121; and Hypnos, ii, 28.

Thargelia, ix, 87.

Theagenes (Hero), 136; iv, 119, 134.

_Thebais_, 75, 90, 93.

~thei=os anê/r~, xiii, 68.

Themistokles as Hero, iv, 30.

Theognetos (Orphic), x, **7; 597.

Theognis, 411 f.; xii, 13.

Theogony of Epimenides, ix, 123; of Hesiod, x, 5; Orphic, 339 f.; 596.

Theokrasia, x, 24.

Theology, Homeric, 25 f., 31 f.; of the court in Hellenistic period, 538 (see _Orphics_).

Theophanes (Hero), xiv, ii, 64.

Theophrastos, xiv, 34; Testament of, v, 137.

Theopompos, on Abaris, ix, 108; Aristeas, ix, 109; Bakis, ix, 66; Epimenides, ix, 117; Hermotimos, ix, 112; Phormion, ix, 111.

~ho theo/s, hê thea/~ at Eleusis, v, 19.

Theosophy (Orphic), 336.

Theoxenia, 96; iv, 16, 71; festival at Delphi, iv, 82.

Theron, 416.

Theseus, transfer of his bones to Athens, 122; expiation of murder of Skiron, v, 168; Descent to Hades, vii, 3.

Thesmophoria, 222.

~thi/asos~, Dionysiac, Thracian, viii, 31.

30,000 = innumerable, xi, 78.

~tho/loi~, iii, 31.

Thorn: see _White-thorn_.

Thracians, viii, 11; cult of Dionysos, 256 f.; belief in immortality, 263 f.; in Transmigration, 263 f.; Ascetic practices, x, 78.

Thrasea Paetus, xiv, 64.

~thro/non strônnu/nai~ for a god, iii, 26.

~thro/nôsis~ (of mystai), ix, 19.

Thunder clouds driven away by noise, etc., viii, 63.

~thu/ein~, iv, 15.

Thyme used in burial, v, 36.

~thumo/s~ and ~psuchê/~, i, 58; xi, 1.

Thyrsos, viii, 22.

Tii of Polynesia, v, 161.

Timokles of Syracuse, x, 7.

Timoleon as Hero, xiv, ii, 59.

Titans (Orphic), 340 f.; x, 77 (cf. p. 76).

Tithonos, 58.

Tityos, 40 f.

Tragedy, Greek, 421 f.

~Tra/leis~, Thracian tribe of mercenaries, viii, 77.

Tralles in Karia, criminal law of, v, 150.

_Translation_, in Homer, 55 f.; subterranean, 89 f.; in Pindar, 414; in Euripides, xii, 127; Semitic, 60; xiv, ii, 109; German, 93; Italian, xiv, ii, 110; Tr. to Islands of the Blest, xiv, ii, 99; to the Nymphs, xiv, ii, 105; into a river, xiv, ii, 114; by lightning, 583; Tr. of Achilles, 64 f.; Alkmene, xiv, ii, 99; Althaimenes, iii, 4; Amphiaraos, 89 f.; Amphilochos, iii, 5; Antinous, xiv, ii, 114; Apollonios of Tyana, xiv, ii, 116; Aristaios, iii, 6; Aristeas (?), ix, 109; Berenike, etc., xiv, ii, 107; Diomedes, 67; xiv, ii, 99; Emperors, xiv, ii, 107; Empedokles, xi, 61; Erechtheus, 98; Euthymos, 136; Hamilcar, xiv, ii, 109; Helen, ii, 21; Herakleid. Pont., xi, 61; Iphigeneia, ii, 26; Kleomedes, 129; Laodike, iii, 6; Memnon, 64; Menelaos, 55; ii, 21; Oedipus, xii, 112; Phaethon, iii, 35; Rhadamanthys, ii, 17; Telegonos and Penelope, 65; Trophonios, 90; Tr. no longer understood in later ages, xiv, ii, 103; effected mechanically, xiv, ii, 106.

Trausians, viii, 75.

Trees planted round graves, i, 28; v, 73; sacred to the ~chtho/nioi~, v, 61.

~Triaka/des~, v, 86 f.; xiv, ii, 17.

Trieteric festival of Dionysos, 258, 285.

Triopion, ancient Greek cult there, ix, 89.

Triphylians, v, 11.

Triptolemos, i, 41; 220; vi, 35; as Judge in Hades, vii, 14.

~tri/ta~ (sacrifice to the dead), v, 83.

~tritopa/tores~, v, 123 f.; x, 45.

Trophonios, 90 f., 101, 121, 159, 161; v, 133; viii, 68; xiv, ii, 104; _Zeus_ Troph., iii, 18.

Trojan Heroes, xiv, ii, 41.

Tronis in Phokis, iv, 34. {626}

Turning one's back on spirits: see _Avoiding_, etc.

Turnus, translation of, xiv, ii, 110.

~tumbôru/chos~, xiv, ii, 11.

Twelve **Tables influenced by Solon, v, 47.

Typhon, vii, 6.

Tyrtaios, xii, 13.

Underworld, pictures of on vases, vii, 27; Polygnotos' picture of, 241 f., 586 f.

Unknown gods, iv, 62; Heroes, 127.

Unlucky days, v, 158.

Utopia in Hades, vii, 18.

Vampyre, v, 161; xiv, ii, 86.

Vapour-baths used by Scythians and Indians to produce religious intoxication, viii, 39.

Varro, i, 21, 34; iii, 31; vi, 23; ix, 111.

Vendetta: see _Revenge_.

Venus, conductress of souls, xiv, ii, 146.

Vergil, i, 37; vii, 6; xi, 50; xii, 62; 535.

Vibia, tomb of, xiv, ii, 144, 174.

Vine, cultivation of in Thrace, viii, 38; branches used in burial, v, 37.

Virbius, legend of, iv, 38.

Visions, 30 f., 258 f. (and see ~e/kstasis~).

Visits of Gods to men, ii, 38 (iv, 134).

Voodoo, Negro sect in Haiti, viii, 55.

Wanderings: see _Migration_.

Water polluted by the neighbourhood of a corpse, v, 38; ix, 76; flowing, kathartic properties of, 588 f.; cold water in the lower world, xiv, ii, 151; of Life in folk-lore, ib.; speaking, ib.

Ways, Two, Three, in the lower world, xii, 62.

Weather-magicians, viii, 63; ix, 107.

Weregild, 175 f.; forbidden, v, 154.

Will, freedom of, 423 f.; 498 f.

Wind = Soul, xiii, 5; Spirits of, v, 124; Bride of, ii, 7.

Wine, belongs to later Dionysos, viii, 3.

Wisdom of Solomon, xiv, ii, 117.

White-thorn, v, 95.

Witches, etc. (see also _Hekate_), ix, 101.

Works of "supererogation" assist others, x, 66.

World, different Ages of, in Hesiod, 67 f.

World, withdrawal from, in later Greek life, 546 f.; enjoyment of, in early period, **3, 63; xiv, ii, 170; hatred of, Christian-Gnostic, xiv, ii, 179; periods of (Orphic), 342.

Wolf-shape, of spirits, iv, 114; 590.

Wool, kathartic properties of, 590.

~xenikoi\ theoi/~, x, 3.

Xenokrates, vi, 35; x, 39; xiv, 1.

Xenophanes, 371 f.; xi, 42; xii, 150; xiv, 53.

Xenophon C. Stertinius (Hero), xiv, ii, 64.

Yama, Indian god of the lower world, vii, 6.

Yogis of India, viii, 43.

Zagreus, 340 f.; viii, 28; x, 9, 12, 77; 598.

Zaleukos, v, 145.

Zalmoxis, iii, 13; viii, 10, 28; 263.

Zeno (Eleatic), 372 f.

Zeno (Stoic), xiv, 43.

Zeus in Crete, 97 f., 161; ix, 56; and Alkmene, iv, 134; as conductor of Souls, xiv, ii, 146.

~Zeu\s Amphia/raos~, iii, 19; ~chtho/nios~, 159; v, 167; 220; ~Eubouleu/s, Bouleu/s~, v, 7, 19; ~Lu/kaios~, v, 170; ~meili/chios~, v, 168; ~prostro/paios~, v, 148; ~phi/lios~, ii, 38; ~Saba/zios~, viii, 10; ~Trophô/nios~, iii, 18.]

Zopyros, x, 7, 11.

Zoroastrianism, 302.

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