chapter 53

) were Sêmylla (Chaul) Mandagora (Mandangad) Palaipatmai (Pâl near Mahâd) Melizeigara (probably Janjîra) and Byzantion (Chiplun). The words which follow probably give another name of Byzantion "which was formerly also called Turannosboas," the name Toparon being a misunderstanding (Müller, Geogr. Gr. Min. I. 296). South of this are the islands of Sêsekreienai (Burnt Islands), Aigidioí (Angediva), Kaineitai (Island of St. George) near the Khersonêsos (Goa), and Leukê (Laccadives ?) all pirate haunts. Next comes Limyrikê (the Tamil country) the first marts of which are Naoura (Cannanor or Tellichery, rather than Honávar, which is too far north) and Tyndis (Kadalundi near Bepur) and south of these Muziris (Kranganur) and Nelkynda (Kallada). Tyndis and Muziris were subject to Kêprobotras (Keralaputra that is the Cera king) and Nelkynda to Pandion (the Pândya king of Madura). Muziris was a very prosperous mart trading with Ariakê (North Konkan) as well as Egypt. Nelkynda was up a river 120 stadia from the sea, ships taking in cargo at the village of Bekarê at the mouth of the river. Our author gives an interesting account of the trade at these ports and further south as well as on the east coast, but we are not concerned with this part of his work.

[Markianos.] Markianos of Hîrakleia about the year 400 A.D. is the leading geographer of the period following Ptolemy, but his work consisted chiefly in corrections of Ptolemy's distances taken from an obscure geographer named Prôtagoras. He adds no new facts to Ptolemy's account of western India.

[Stephanos.] Stephanos of Byzantium wrote about 450 A.D. (or at any rate later than Markianos, whom he quotes) a huge geographical dictionary of which we have an epitome by one Hermolaos. The Indian names he gives are chiefly taken from Hekataios, Arrianos, and especially from a poem called Bassarika on the exploits of Dionysos, by a certain Dionysos. But his geography is far from accurate: he calls Barakê (Dvârakâ) an island, and Barygaza (Broach) a city, of Gedrôsia. Among the cities he names are Argantê (quoted from Hekataios), Barygaza (Broach), Boukephala (Jalâlpur), Byzantion (Chiplun), Gêreia, Gorgippia, Darsania famous for woven cloths, Dionysopolis (Nysa ?), Kathia (Multân ?), Kaspapyros and Kaspeiros (Kasmîr), Margana, Massaka (in Swât), Nysa, Palimbothra (Pâtaliputra), Panaioura near the Indus, Patala (thirty-five miles south-east of Haidarâbâd, Sindh), Rhodoê, Rhôganê, Rhôn in Gandarikê, Saneia, Sesindion, Sinda on the great gulf (perhaps Ptolemy's Asinda, Vadnagar), Sôlimna, and Taxila. He also names a number of tribes, of whom none but the Orbitai (Makrân) the Pandai (Pândya) Bôlingæ (Bhâulingi Sâlvas) and possibly the Salangoi (Sâlankâyana) belong to the western coast.

[Kosmas.] Kosmas Indikopleustes, shipman and monk, who wrote his Topographia Christiana between A.D. 530 and 550, is the last of the ancient writers who shows independent knowledge of India. He says that Sindu (Sindh), is where India begins, the Indus being the boundary between it and Persia. The chief ports of India are Sindu (Debal), which exports musk and nard: Orrhotha (Surâshtra that is Verâval) which had a king of its own: Kalliana (Kalyân) a great port exporting brass, and sîsam (blackwood) logs and cloth having a king of its own and a community of Christians under a Persian bishop: Sibor which also had a king of its own and therefore cannot be Supârâ, which is too close to Kalliana, but must be Goa, the Sindabur of the Arabs:

## Parti, Mangaruth (Mangalor), Salopatana, Nalopatana, and Pudopatana

which are the five marts of Malê the pepper country (Malabâr), where also there are many Christians. Five days' sail south of Malê lay Sielediba or Taprobanê (Ceylon), divided into two kingdoms in one of which is found the hyacinth-stone. The island has many temples, and a church of Persian Christians, and is much resorted to by ships from India Persia and Ethiopia dealing in silk, aloewood, cloves, sandalwood, &c. On the east coast of India is Marallo (Morava opposite Ceylon) whence conch-shells are exported: Then Kaber (Kaveripatam or Pegu. Yule's Cathay Introd. page clxxviii.) which exports Alabandinum; further on is the clove country and furthest of all Tzinista (China) which produces the silk. In India further up the country, that is further north, are the White Ounoi or Hûnas who have a king named Gollas (Mihirakula of inscriptions) who goes forth to war with 1000 elephants and many horsemen and tyrannises over India, exacting tribute from the people. His army is said to be so vast as once to have drunk dry the ditch surrounding a besieged city and marched in dryshod.

In his book XI. Kosmas gives some account of the wild beasts of India, but this part of his work does not require notice here.

This is the last glimpse we get of India before the Arabs cut off the old line of communication with the Empire by the conquest of Egypt (A.D. 641-2).

NOTES

[1] Secretary's Letter 4223 to the Revenue Commissioner dated 30th December 1843. Revenue Volume 1854 of 1843.

[2] Rája Tarangini (Calc. Edition), V. 150, 155; Cunningham's Archæological Survey, II. 8. An earlier but vaguer reference occurs about the end of the sixth century in Bána's Sríharshacharita, p. 274, quoted in Ep. Ind. I. 67ff, where Prabhákaravardhana of Thánesar the father of the great Sri Harsha is said to have waged war with several races of whom the Gurjjaras are one.

[3] Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, I. 165 note 1.

[4] Cunningham's Archæological Survey, II. 71.

[5] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 270.

[6] This identification was first made by the late Col. J. W. Watson, I.S.C. Ind. Ant. VI. 63. Bhinmál or Bhilmál also called Srímál, is an old town about fifty miles west of Abu, north latitude 25° 4' east longitude 71° 14'. General Cunningham (Ancient Geography of India, 313) and Professor Beal (Buddhist Records, II. 270) identify Pi-lo-mo-lo with Bálmer or Bádamera (north latitude 71° 10' east longitude 20° 0') in the Jodhpur State of West Rájputána. This identification is unsatisfactory. Bálmer is a small town on the slope of a hill in an arid tract with no vestige of antiquity. Hiuen Tsiang notes that the produce of the soil and the manners of the people of Pi-lo-mo-lo resemble those of Suráshtra. This description is unsuited to so arid a tract as surrounds Bálmer; it would apply well to the fertile neighbourhood of Bhilmál or Bhinmál. Since it is closely associated with Juzr that is Gurjjara the Al Bailáiman of the Arabs (A.D. 750, Elliot's History, I. 442) may be Bhilmál. A Jain writer (Ind. Ant. XIX. 233) mentions Bhilmál as the seat of king Bhímasena and as connected with the origin of the Gadhia coinage. The date Bhinmál in a M.S. of A.D. 906 (Ditto, page 35) suggests it was then a seat of learning under the Gurjjaras. The prince of Srímál is mentioned (Rás Málá, I. 58) as accompanying Múla Rájá Solankhi (A.D. 942-997) in an expedition against Sorath. Al Biruni (A.D. 1030, Sachau's Edn., I. 153, 267) refers to Bhillamála between Multán and Anhilaváda. As late as A.D. 1611 Nicholas Ufflet, an English traveller from Agra to Ahmadádád (Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 301) notices "Beelmahl as having an ancient wall 24 kos (36 miles) round with many fine tanks going to ruin." The important sub-divisions of upper class Gujarát Hindus who take their name from it show Srímál to have been a great centre of population.

[7] Indian Antiquary, XIII. 70-81. Bühler (Ind. Ant. VII. 62) identifies Nandipuri with a suburb of Broach.

[8] Bombay Gazetteer, Násik, page 604. Bombay Arch. Survey Sep. Number X. 38.

[9] Among Deccan Kunbi surnames are Jádhav, Chuhán, Nikumbha, Parmár, Selár, Solké. Cf. Bombay Gazetteer, XXIV. 65 note 2, 414.

[10] Though the identification of the Valabhis as Gurjjaras may not be certain, in inscriptions noted below both the Chávadás and the Solankis are called Gurjjara kings. The Gurjjara origin of either or of both these dynasties may be questioned. The name Gurjjara kings may imply no more than that they ruled the Gurjjara country. At the same time it was under the Chávadás that Gujarát got its name. Though to Al Biruni (A.D. 1020) Gujarát still meant part of Rájputána, between A.D. 750 and 950 the name Gurjjaras' land passed as far south as the territory connected with Anhilváda and Vadnagara that is probably as far as the Mahi. As a Rástrakuta copperplate of A.D. 888 (S. 810) (Ind. Ant. XIII. 69) brings the Konkan as far north as Variáv on the Tápti the extension of the name Gujarát to Láta south of the Mahi seems to have taken place under Musalmán rule. This southern application is still somewhat incomplete. Even now the people of Surat both Hindus and Musalmáns when they visit Pattan (Anhilváda) and Ahmadabad speak of going to Gujarát, and the Ahmadábád section of the Nágar Bráhmans still call their Surat caste-brethren by the name of Kunkanás that is of the Konkan.

[11] See Nagarakhanda (Junágadh Edition), 13, 32, 35, 185, 289, 332, 542.

[12] The Alina grants (Indian Antiquary, VII. 73, 77) dated Valabhi 330 and 337 (A.D. 649-656), are both to the same donee who in the A.D. 649 grant is described as originally of Ánarttapura and in the A.D. 656 grant as originally of Ánandapura.

[13] Girnára-Kalpa, Atthi Surathta vesaé Ujjinto náma pavvao rammo. In the Suraththa district is a lovely mountain named Ujjinto (Girnár).

[14] Hamilton and Falconer's Strabo, II. 252-253; Pliny's Natural History, VI. 20.

[15] Bertius' Ptolemy, VII. 1; McCrindle's Periplus, 113. The Periplus details regarding Indo-Skythia, Surastrene, and Ujjain are in agreement with the late date (A.D. 247) which Reinaud (Indian Antiquary of Dec. 1879 pp. 330-338) and Burnell (S. Ind. Pal. 47 note 3) assign to its author.

[16] Hiuen Tsiang's Valabhi kingdom was probably the same as the modern Gohilváda, which Jinaprabhásuri in his Satruñjaya-kalpa calls the Valláka-Visaa.

[17] Bertius' Ptolemy, VII. 1.

[18] Vátsyáyana Sutra, Chap. II.

[19] Arch. Sur. of Western India, IV. 127. The Mandasor inscription (A.D. 437-38) mentions silk weavers from Látavishaya. Fleet's Corpus Ins. Ind. III. 80. The writer (Ditto, 84) describes Láta as green-hilled, pleasing with choice flower-burdened trees, with temples viháras and assembly halls of the gods.

[20] Ind. Ant. XIII. 157, 158, 163, 180, 188, 196, 199, 204.

[21] Elliot's History, I. 378.

[22] Compare Lassen in Ind. Ant. XIV. 325.

[23] The Vishnu Purána (Ansa iv. Chap. i. Verse 19 to Chap. ii. Verse 2) gives the longest account of the legend. The Bhágavata Purána (Skanda ix. Chap. iii. Verse 16-36) gives almost the same account. The Matsya Purána (Chap. xii. Verse 22-24) dismisses the story in two verses. See also Harivansa, X.

[24] Compare Mahábh. II. 13, 594ff. Jarásandha's sisters Asti and Prápti were married to Kansa.

[25] Harivansa, XXXV.-CXII.

[26] Mahábhárata Ádiparva, chaps. 218-221.

[27] Mahábhárata Vanaparva, Chap. xiv.-xxii. Skanda x. Mrittikávatí the capital of Sálva cannot be identified. The name of the country sounds like Svabhra in Rudradáman's Girnár inscription, which is apparently part of Charotar or South Ahmadabad. A trace of the old word perhaps remains in the river Sábhramati the modern Sábarmati. The fact that Sálva passed from Mrittikávatí along the sea shore would seem to show that part of the seaboard south of the Mahi was included in Sálva's territory. Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. VII. 263) described Pandit Bhagvánlál's reading of Svabhra as a bold conjecture. A further examination of the original convinced the Pandit that Svabhra was the right reading.

[28] The following is the legend of Krishna's iron flail. Certain Yádava youths hoping to raise a laugh at the expense of Visvámitra and other sages who had come to Dwáriká presented to them Sámba Krishna's son dressed as a woman big with child. The lads asked the sages to foretell to what the woman would give birth. The sages replied: 'The woman will give birth to an iron rod which will destroy the Yádava race.' Obedient to the sage's prophecy Sámba produced an iron rod. To avoid the ill effects of the prophecy king Ugrasena had the rod ground to powder and cast the powder into the sea. The powder grew into the grass called eraka Typha elephantina. It was this grass which Krishna plucked in his rage and which in his hands turned into an iron flail. This eraka grass grows freely near the mouth of the Hiranya river of Prabhás.

[29] This suggests that as in early times the Great Ran was hard to cross the way from Káthiáváda to Indraprastha or Delhi was by Kachch and Sindh and from Sindh by Multán and the Lower Panjáb. According to the Bhágavata Purána Krishna took the same route when he first came from Indraprastha to Dwáriká. On the other hand these details may support the view that the head-quarters of the historic Krishna were in the Panjáb.

[30] So far as is known neither Gujarát nor Káthiáváda contains any record older than the Girnár rock inscription of about B.C. 240: The Great Kshatrapa Rudra Dáman's (A.D. 139) inscription on the same rock has a reference to the Maurya Rája Chandragupta about B.C. 300. No local sign of Krishna or of his Yádavas remains.

In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XX. XXI. and XXII. Mr. Hewitt has recently attempted to trace the history of Western India back to B.C. 3000 perhaps to as early as B.C. 6000. The evidence which makes so far-reaching a past probable is the discovery of Indian indigo and muslin in Egyptian tombs of about B.C. 1700 (J. R. A. S. XX. 206); and the proof that a trade in teak and in Sindhu or Indian muslins existed between Western India and the Euphrates mouth as far back as B.C. 3000 or even B.C. 4000 (J. R. A. S. XX. 336, 337 and XXI. 204). According to Mr. Hewitt the evidence of the Hindu calendar carries the historical past of India into still remoter ages. The moon mansions and certain other details of the Hindu calendar seem to point to the Euphrates valley as the home of Hindu lunar astronomy. As in the Euphrates valley inscriptions of the Semitic king Sargon of Sippara prove that in B.C. 3750 moon-worship was already antiquated (J. R. A. S. XXI. 325), and as the precession of the equinoxes points to about B.C. 4700 as the date of the introduction of the sun zodiac (Sayce's Hibbert Lectures, 398) the system of lunar mansions and months, if it came from the Euphrates valley, must have reached India before B.C. 4700. The trade records of the black-headed perhaps Dravidian-speaking Sumris of the Euphrates mouth prove so close relations with the peninsula of Sinai and Egypt as to make a similar connection with Western India probable as far back as B.C. 6000. (Compare Sayce's Hibbert Lectures, 33: J. R. A. S. XXI. 326.) Of the races of whose presence in Gujarát and the neighbourhood Mr. Hewitt finds traces the earliest is the same black-headed moon-worshipping Sumri (Ditto). Next from Susiana in south-east Persia, the possessors of a lunar-solar calendar and therefore not later than B.C. 4700 (J. R. A. S. XXI. 325, 327, 330), the trading Sus or Saus, in Hindu books known as Suvarnas, entered India by way of Baluchistán and settled at Pátala in South Sindh. (J. R. A. S. XXI. 209.) With or soon after the Sus came from the north the cattle-herding sun-worshipping Sakas (J. R. A. S. XXII. 332). The Sus and Sakas passed south and together settled in Suráshtra and West Gujarát. At a date which partly from evidence connected with the early Vedic hymns (J. R. A. S. XXII. 466) partly from the early Babylonian use of the Sanskrit Sindhu for India (J. R. A. S. XXI. 309), Mr. Hewitt holds cannot be later than B.C. 3000 northern Áryas entered Gujarát and mixing with the Sus and Sakas as ascetics traders and soldiers carried the use of Sanskrit southwards. (J. R. A. S. XX. 343.) Of other races who held sway in Gujarát the earliest, perhaps about B.C. 2000 since their power was shattered by Parasuráma long before Mahábhárata times (J. R. A. S. XXI. 209-266), were the snake-worshipping perhaps Accadian (Ditto, 265) Haihayas now represented by the Gonds and the Haihayas' vassals the Vaidarbhas (Ditto, 209) a connection which is supported by trustworthy Central Indian Uraon or Gond tradition that they once held Gujarát (Elliott's Races, N. W. P., I. 154). Next to the Haihayas and like them earlier than the Mahábhárata (say B.C. 1500-2000) Mr. Hewitt would place the widespread un-Aryan Bhárats or Bhárgavs (J. R. A. S. XXI. 279-282, 286) the conquerors of the Haihayas (Ditto, 288). In early Mahábhárata times (say between B.C. 1000 and 800, Ditto 197 and 209) the Bhárats were overcome by the very mixed race of the Bhojas and of Krishna's followers the Vrishnis (Ditto, 270). Perhaps about the same time the chariot-driving Gandharvas of Cutch (Ditto, 273) joined the Sus and Sakas, together passed east to Kosala beyond Benares, and were there established in strength at the time of Gautama Buddha (B.C. 530) (Ditto). To the later Mahábhárata times, perhaps about B.C. 400 (Ditto, 197-271), Mr. Hewitt would assign the entrance into Gujarát of the Ábhíras or Ahirs whom he identifies with the northern or Skythian Abárs. Mr. Hewitt finds the following places in Gujarát associated with those early races. Pátála in South Sindh he (J. R. A. S. XXI. 209) considers the head-quarters of the Sus and Sakas. Another Su capital Prágjyotisha which is generally allotted to Bengal he would (XXI. 206) identify with Broach. With the Vaidarbhas the vassals of the Haihayas he associates Surparika, that is Sopára near Bassein, which he identifies (Ditto, 206) with the modern Surat on the Tapti. He connects (Ditto, 266) the Baroda river Visvámitra and Vaidurga the hill Pávágad with the same tribe. He finds a trace of the Bhárats in Baroda and in Bharati an old name of the river Mahi (Ditto, 286) and of the same race under their name Bhárgav in Broach (Ditto, 289). The traditional connection of the Bhojas with Dwárka is well established. Finally Kárpásika a Mahábhárata name for the shore of the Gulf of Cambay (Ditto, 209) may be connected with Kárván on the Narbada about twenty miles above Broach one of the holiest Shaiv places in India. Though objection may be taken to certain of Mr. Hewitt's identifications of Gujarát places, and also to the extreme antiquity he would assign to the trade between India and the west and to the introduction of the system of lunar mansions, his comparison of sacred Hindu books with the calendar and ritual of early Babylonia is of much interest.

[31] Mahábhárata Anusásanaparvan 2158-9 mentions Látas among Kshatriya tribes who have become outcastes from seeing no Bráhmans. Again, Chap. VII. 72. ib. couples (J. Bl. As. Soc. VI. (1) 387) thievish Báhikas and robber Suráshtras. Compare Vishnu Purána, II. 37, where the Yavanas are placed to the west of Bháratavarsha and also J. R. A. S. (N. S.) IV. 468; and Brockhaus' Prabodha Chandrodaya, 87. The sloka referred to in the text runs: He who goes to Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Sauráshtra, or Magadha unless it be for a pilgrimage deserves to go through a fresh purification.

[32] Turnour's Maháwanso, 71.

[33] Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society Journal, 1891, page 47.

[34] It is interesting to note that Chandragupta married a Vaisya lady. Similarly while at Sánchi on his way to Ujjain Asoka married Deví, the daughter of a Setthi, Turnour's Maháwanso, 76; Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, 95.

[35] Probably from some mistake of the graver's the text of the inscription ashokasy te yavanarájena yields no meaning. Some word for governor or officer is apparently meant.

[36] Hemachandra's Parisishta Parva. Merutunga's Vichárasreni.

[37] The text is 'Kunálasûnustrikhandabharatádhipah Paramárhanto Anáryadeseshvapi Pravarttitasramana-vihárah Samprati Mahárája Sohábhavat' meaning 'He was the great king Samprati son of Kunála, sovereign of India of three continents, the great saint who had started monasteries for Jain priests even in non-Aryan countries.'

[38] McCrindle's Periplus, 115. The author of the Periplus calls the capital of Surastrene Minnagara. Pandit Bhagvánlál believed Minnagara to be a miswriting of Girinagara the form used for Girnár both in Rudradáman's (A.D. 150) rock inscription at Girnár (Fleet's Corpus Ins. Ind. III. 57) and by Varáha-Mihira (A.D. 570) (Brihat-Samhitá, XIV. 11). The mention of a Minagara in Ptolemy inland from Sorath and Monoglossum or Mangrul suggests that either Girnár or Junágadh was also known as Minnagara either after the Mins or after Men that is Menander. At the same time it is possible that Ptolemy's Agrinagara though much out of place may be Girinagara and that Ptolemy's Minagara in the direction of Ujjain may be Mandasor.

[39] Justin's date is probably about A.D. 250. His work is a summary of the History of Trogus Pompeius about A.D. 1. Watson's Justin, 277; Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 231.

[40] Hamilton and Falconer's Strabo, II. 252-253.

[41] These small local coins which were found in Hálár Gondal were presented to the Bombay Asiatic Society by the Political Agent of Káthiáwár and are in the Society's cabinet. Dr. Bhagvánlál found the two elephant coins in Junágadh.

[42] Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 266. Gardner's British Museum Catalogue, 26, brings Eucratides to after B.C. 162.

[43] See above page 15.

[44] McCrindle's Periplus, 121.

[45] The Bombay Asiatic Society possesses some specimens of these coins of bad workmanship found near Broach with the legend incorrect, probably struck by some local governor of Menander. Two were also found in Junágadh.

[46] McCrindle's Periplus, 115.

[47] Numismatic Chronicle (New Series), X. 80; Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 288.

[48] Numismatic Chronicle (New Series), X, 80.

[49] Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Plate XXII. Number 41. Gardner's British Museum Catalogue, Plate XI. Number 8.

[50] Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Plate XXII. Number 66, shows one variety of this monogram.

[51] These coins are said to have been found in 1882 by a cultivator in an earthen pot. Two of them were taken for Pandit Bhagvánlál and one for Mr. Vajeshankar Gaurishankar Naib Diván of Bhávnagar. The rest disappeared.

[52] Ariana Antiqua, Plate XXII. Number 47.

[53] Numismatic Chronicle (New Series), X. 86.

[54] Ariana Antiqua, 288; Gardner and Poole's Catalogue of Indian Coins, xxxiii.

[55] Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, 332-334) identifies the coins marked Basileus Basileon Soter Megas with a king or dynasty of Indian extraction who reigned between Azes and Kadphises (B.C. 50-25), chiefly in the Panjáb. Gardner (British Museum Catalogue, 47) says: The Nameless king is probably cotemporary with Abdagases (A.D. 30-50): he may have been a member of the Kadphises dynasty. Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 245) places the coins of the tribal Yaudheyas in the first century A.D. The remark of Prinsep (Jour. Bengal Soc. VI. 2, 973) that in the Behat group of Buddhist coins some with Baktro-Páli legends have the name Yaudheya in the margin seems to support the suggestion in the text. But the marked difference between the Stag coins of the Yaudheyas (Thomas' Prinsep, I. Plate V.) and the Nameless king's coins (Gardner, Plate XIV. 1-6) tells strongly against the proposed identification. Of the Yaudheyas details are given below.

[56] Journal Bengal Asiatic Society (1835), 684; (1837), 351; (1838), 346; Thomas' Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, I. 425-435, II. 84-93; Thomas in Journal Royal Asiatic Society (Old Series), XII. 1-72; Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 405-413; Journal B. B. R. A. S. VI. 377, VII. 392; Burgess' Archæological Report of Káthiáwár and Kachh, 18-72; Journal B. B. R. A. S. XII. (Proceedings), XXIII.; Indian Antiquary, VI. 43, X. 221-227.

The dynasty of the Kshatrapas or Mahákshatrapas of Sauráshtra was known to Prinsep (J. R. A. S. Bl. VII.-1. (1837), 351) to Thomas (J. R. A. S. F. S. XII. 1-78), and to Newton (Jl. B. B. R. A. S. IX. 1-19) as the Sah or Sâh kings. More recently, from the fact that the names of some of them end in Sena or army, the Kshatrapas have been called the Sena kings. The origin of the title Sah is the ending siha, that is simha lion, which belongs to the names of several of the kings. Síha has been read either sáh or sena because of the practice of omitting from the die vowels which would fall on or above the top line of the legend and also of omitting the short vowel i with the following anusvára. Sáh is therefore a true reading of the writing on certain of the coins. That the form Sáh on these coins is not the correct form has been ascertained from stone inscriptions in which freedom from crowding makes possible the complete cutting of the above-line marks. In stone inscriptions the ending is síha lion. See Fleet's Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III. 36 note 1. Mr. Fleet (Ditto) seems to suggest that with the proof of the incorrectness of the reading Sáh the evidence that the Kshatrapas were of Indo-Skythian origin ceases. This does not seem to follow. In addition to the Parthian title Kshatrapa, their northern coinage, and the use of the Saka (A.D. 78) era, now accepted as the accession of the great Kushán Kanishka, the evidence in the text shows that the line of Káthiáváda Kshatrapas starts from the foreigner Chashtana (A.D. 130) whose predecessor Nahápana (A.D. 120) and his Saka son-in-law Ushavadatta are noted in Násik inscriptions (Násik Gazetteer, 538 and 621) as leaders of Sakas, Palhavas, and Yavanas. Further as the limits of Ptolemy's (A.D. 150) Indo-Skythia (McCrindle, 136) agree very closely with the limits of the dominions of the then ruling Mahákshatrapa Rudradáman (A.D. 150) it follows that Ptolemy or his informer believed Rudradáman to be an Indo-Skythian. There therefore seems no reasonable doubt that the Kshatrapas were foreigners. According to Cunningham (Num. Chron. VIII. 231) they were Sakas who entered Gujarát from Sindh. The fact that the Kushán era (A.D. 78) was not adopted by the first two of the Western Kshatrapas, Chashtana and Jayadáman, supports the view that they belonged to a wave of northerners earlier than the Kushán wave.

[57] The Taxila plate in Journal R. A. S. (New Series), IV. 487; the Baktro-Páli on Nahapána's coins also gives the form Chhatrapa.

[58] Chhatrava appears in an unpublished Kshatrapa inscription from Mathurá formerly (1888) in Pandit Bhagvánlál's possession.

[59] Khatapa appears in the inscription of Nahapána's minister at Junnar (Bombay Gazetteer, XVIII. Pt. III. 167) and in some coins of the Northern Kshatrapa kings Pagamasha, Rájavula, and Sudása found near Mathurá. Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, II. Pl. XLIV. Figs. 12, 20, 21.

[60] Kshatrampâtîti Kshatrapah.

[61] Thomas' Prinsep, II. 63 and 64.

[62] Malaya or Malava, Pallava, Ábhíra, Meva or Meda, and Mihira or Mehr appear to be the leading warlike tribes who came to India under these chiefs. These tribes formed the Kshatras whose lords or Kshatrapas these chiefs were.

[63] The explanation of the word Kshatrapa started by Prinsep and accepted by Pandit Bhagvánlál is of doubtful accuracy. The title is well known in Greek literature in the form satrapês, and in the form Kshatrapávan occurs twice (B.C. 520) in connection with the governors of Baktria and Arachosia in the great Behistan inscription of Darius (Rawlinson's Herodotus, I. 329; Spiegel's Altpersische Keilinschriften, 24-26). The meaning of Kshatrapávan in old Persian is not "protector of the Kshatra race" but "protector of the kingdom," for the word kshatram occurs in the inscriptions of the Achæmenidæ with the meaning of "kingship" or "kingdom" (Spiegel, Altpersische Keilinschriften, 215). As is well known Satrap was the official title of the ruler of a Persian province. That the name continued in use with the same meaning under the Greek kings of Baktria (B.C. 250-100) is known from Strabo, who says (XI. 11) "the Greeks who held Baktria divided it into satrapies (satrapeias) of which Aspionus and Touriva were taken from Eukratides (B.C. 180) by the Parthians." It is to be presumed that the Baktro-Grecians introduced the same arrangement into the provinces which they conquered in India. The earliest occurrence of the title in its Indian form is on the coins of a Rajabula or Ranjabola (Gardner, B. M. Cat. 67), who in his Greek legend makes use of the title "King of kings," and in his Indian legend calls himself "The unconquered Chhatrapa." His adoption for the reverse of his coins of the Athene Promachos type of Menander and Apollodotus Philopator connects Rajabula in time with those kings (B.C. 126-100) and we know from an inscription (Cunningham Arch. Rep. XX. 48) that he reigned at Mathurá. He was probably a provincial governor who became independent about B.C. 100 when the Greek kingdom broke up. The above facts go to show that Kshatrapa was originally a Persian title which was adopted by the Greeks and continued in use among their successors: that it originally denoted a provincial governor; but that, when the Greek kingdom broke up and their provincial chiefs became independent, it continued in use as a royal title. That after the Christian era, even in Parthia, the title Satrapes does not necessarily imply subjection to a suzerain is proved by the use of the phrase satrapês tôn satrapôn Satrap of Satraps, with the sense of King of Kings in Gotarzes' Behistan inscription of A.D. 50. See Rawlinson's Sixth Monarchy, 88 n. 2 and 260 n. 1.--(A. M. T. J.)

The Pandit's identification of the Malavas or Malayas with a northern or Skythian tribe is in agreement with Alberuni (A.D. 1015), who, on the authority of the Báj Purána (Sachau's Text, chap. 29 page 150-155) groups as northern tribes the Pallavas, Sakas, Mallas, and Gurjars. In spite of this authority it seems better to identify the Mallas, Malavas, or Malayas with Alexander the Great's (B.C. 325) Malloi of Multán (compare McCrindle's Alexander's Invasion of India, Note P). At the same time (Rockhill's Life of Buddha, 132, 133, 137) the importance of the Mallas in Vaisáli (between Patná and Tirhút) during the lifetime of Sakya Muni (B.C. 580) favours the view that several distinct tribes have borne the same or nearly the same name.

[64] Patika was apparently the son of the Liako Kujulako of the Taxila plate. Dowson in Jour. R. A. S. New Series. IV. 497 mistranslates the inscription and fails to make out the name Patika.

[65] Compare Specht. Jour. Asiatique. 1883. t. II. 325. According to Chinese writers about A.D. 20 Yen-kao-tchin-tai or Kadphises II. conquered India (Thientchou) and there established generals who governed in the name of the Yuechi.

[66] Pandit Bhagvánlál found two of his copper coins at Mandasor in 1884.

[67] This is a bad specimen with the legend dim and worn.

[68] Some coins of Apollodotus have on the reverse Apollo with his arrow; others have Athene Promachos with the thunderbolt.

[69] Bom. Gaz. XVI. 571ff.

[70] A well known Sanskrit saying is shvashurakhyátodhamádhama: A man known through his father-in-law is the vilest of the vile.

[71] Cunningham's Arch. Sur. III. Plate 13. Inscriptions 2 and 3.

[72] The author's only reason for supposing that two eras began between A.D. 70 and 80 seems to be the fact that the Javanese Saka era begins A.D. 74, while the Indian Saka era begins A.D. 78. It appears, however, from Lassen's Ind. Alt. II. 1040 note 1, that the Javanese Saka era begins either in A.D. 74 or in A.D. 78. The author's own authority, Dr. Burnell (S. Ind. Pal. 72) while saying that the Javanese Saka era dates from A.D. 74, gives A.D. 80 as the epoch of the Saka era of the neighbouring island of Bali, thus supporting Raffle's explanation (Java, II. 68) that the difference is due to the introduction into Java of the Muhammadan mode of reckoning during the past 300 years. The Javanese epoch of A.D. 74 cannot therefore be treated as an authority for assuming a genuine Indian era with this initial date. The era of Kanishka was used continuously down to its year 281 (Fergusson Hist. of Ind. Architecture, 740) and after that date we have numerous instances of the use of the Sakanripakála or Sakakála down to the familiar Saka of the present day. It seems much more likely that the parent of the modern Saka era was that of Kanishka, which remained in use for nearly three centuries, than that of Nahapána, who so far as we know left no son, and whose era (if he founded one) probably expired when the Kshaharáta power was destroyed by the Ándhrabhrityas in the first half of the second century A.D. We must therefore assume A.D. 78 to be the epoch of Kanishka's era. There remains the question whether Nahapána dates by Kanishka's era, or uses his own regnal years. There is nothing improbable in the latter supposition, and we are not forced to suppose that Nahapána was a feudatory of the Kushán kings. It has been shown above that the use of the title Kshatrapa does not necessarily imply a relation of inferiority. On the other hand (pace Oldenburg in Ind. Ant. X. 213) the later Kshatrapas certainly seem to have used Kanishka's era: and Nahapána and the Kushán dynasty seem to have been of the same race: for Heraus, who was certainly a Kushán, apparently calls himself Saka on his coins (Gardner B. M. Cat. xlvii.); and it is highly probable that Nahapána, like his son-in-law Ushavadáta, was a Saka. Further, the fact that Nahapána does not call himself Mahárája but Rája goes to show that he was not a paramount sovereign.--(A. M. T. J.)

[73] Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 378; Ind. Ant. XV. 198, 201, XIII. 126; Arch. Sur. X. 33.

[74] Cunningham's Arch. Sur. XIII. 162. Cf. Kielhorn in Ind. Ant. XIX. 20ff.

[75] Cunningham's Arch. Sur. X. 33-34. Numerous Western India inscriptions prove that ya and va are often intermixed in Prákrit.

[76] Vide Telang's Mudrárákshasa, 204. Mr. Telang gives several readings the best of which mean either the king of the Málaya country or the king of the Málaya tribe.

[77] Macmurdo (1818) notices the democratic constitution of the Káthis. Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. I. 274.

[78] Compare Fleet's Corpus Ins. Ind. III. 87, 152, 158 from the (supremacy of) the tribal constitution of the Málavas. Prof. Kielhorn has however shown that the words of the inscription do not necessarily mean this. Ind. Ant. XIX. 56.

[79] Inscription 10 lines 3-4. Bom. Gaz. XVI. 572.

[80] Details are given below under the Guptas.

[81] Burgess' Archæological Report of Káthiáwár and Cutch, 55; Numismata Orientalia, I. Pl. II. Fig. 8.

[82] The meaning of this symbol has not yet been made out. It is very old. We first find it on the punched coins of Málwa and Gujarát (regarded as the oldest coinage in India) without the serpentine line below, which seems to show that this line does not form part of the original symbol and has a distinct meaning.

[83] Compare Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Plate XV. Fig. 26-27.

[84] Cave Temple Inscriptions, Bombay Archæological Survey, Extra Number (1881), 58.

[85] Ariana Antiqua, Plate XV. Fig. 29. Some imaginary animals are shown under the serpentine line.

[86] Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. XIII. 303.

[87] The variations noted in the text seem examples of the law that the later religion reads its own new meaning into early luck signs.

[88] This letter ysa in both is curiously formed and never used in Sanskrit. But it is clear and can be read without any doubt as ysa. Pandit Bhagvánlál thought that it was probably meant to stand as a new-coined letter to represent the Greek Z which has nothing corresponding to it in Sanskrit. The same curiously formed letter appears in the third syllable in the coin of the fourth Kshatrapa king Dámajadasri.

[89] The text of the inscription is rúdradámno varshe that is in the year of Rudradáman. That this phrase means 'in the reign of' is shown by the Gunda inscription of Rudradáman's son Rudrasimha, which has rúdrasimhasya varshe tryuttarashate that is in the hundred and third year of Rudrasimha. Clearly a regnal year cannot be meant as no reign could last over 103 years. So with the year 72 in Rudradáman's inscription. The same style of writing appears in the inscriptions at Mathurá of Huvishka and Vasudeva which say 'year ---- of Huvishka' and 'year ---- of Vasudeva' though it is known that the era is of Kanishka. In all these cases what is meant is 'the dynastic or era year ---- in the reign of ----'.

[90] See below page 34.

[91] McCrindle's Ptolemy, 155.

[92] See above page 29.

[93] See above page 25.

[94] Of these coins Dr. Bhagvánlál kept one in his own collection. He sent the other to General Cunningham. The Pandit found the copper coin in Amreli in 1863 and gave it to Dr. Bhau Dáji.

[95] Except that the ja is much clearer the Nágarí legend in the silver coin obtained for General Cunningham is equally bad, and the Baktro-Páli legend is wanting.

[96] Ind. Ant. X. 157.

[97] Journal B. B. R. A. Soc. VIII. 234-5 and Ind. Ant. XII. 32ff.

[98] Dr. Burgess' Archæological Report of Káthiáwár and Cutch, 140.

[99] The explanation of the reduction of Jayadáman's rank is probably to be found in the Násik Inscription (No. 26) of Gautamíputra Sátakarni who claims to have conquered Suráshtra, Kukura (in Rájputána), Anúpa, Vidarbha (Berár), Ákara, and Avanti (Ujain). (A. M. T. J.)

[100] See below page 39.

[101] Several small mixed metal coins weighing from 3 to 10 grains with on the obverse an elephant in some and a bull in others and on the reverse the usual arched Kshatrapa symbol have been found in Málwa and Káthiáváda. The symbols show them to be of the lowest Kshatrapa currency. Several of them bear dates from which it is possible as in the case of Rudrasimha's and Rudrasena's coins to infer to what Kshatrapa they belonged. Lead coins have also been found at Amreli in Káthiáváda. They are square and have a bull on the obverse and on the reverse the usual arched Kshatrapa symbol with underneath it the date 184.

[102] Compare however Weber, Hist. of Indian Lit. 187-8.

[103] Jour. B. B. R. A. S. VII. 114.

[104] Ind. Ant. II. 156; V. 50, 154 &c.

[105] Ákarávanti that is Ákara and Avanti are two names which are always found together. Cf. Gotamíputra's Násik inscription (No. 26). Avanti is well known as being the name of the part of Málwa which contains Ujjain. Ákara is probably the modern province of Bhilsa whose capital was Vidisa the modern deserted city of Besnagar. Instead of Ákarávanti Brihatsamhitá mentions Ákaravenávantaka of which the third name Vená Pandit Bhagvánlál took to be the country about the Sagara zilla containing the old town of Eran, near which still flows a river called Vená. The adjectives east and west are used respectively as referring to Ákara which is East Málwa and Avanti which is West Málwa. Compare Indian Antiquary, VII. 259; Bombay Gazetteer, XVI. 631.

[106] Anúpa is a common noun literally meaning well-watered. The absence of the term nîvrit or 'country' which is in general superadded to it shows that Anúpa is here used as a proper noun, meaning the Anúpa country. Dr. Bhagvánlál was unable to identify Anúpa. He took it to be the name of some well-watered tract near Gujarát.

[107] See above page 10 note 1. The greater part of North Gujarát was probably included in Svabhra.

[108] Maru is the well known name of Márwár.

[109] Kachchha is the flourishing state still known by the name of Cutch.

[110] Sindhu Sauvíra like Ákarávanti are two names usually found together. Sindhu is the modern Sind and Sauvíra may have been part of Upper Sind, the capital of which is mentioned as Dáttámitrî. Alberuni (I. 300) defines Sauvíra as including Multán and Jahráwár.

[111] Nothing is known about Kukura and it cannot be identified. It was probably part of East Rájputána.

[112] Aparánta meaning the Western End is the western seaboard from the Mahi in the north to Goa in the south. Ind. Ant. VII. 259. The portion of Aparánta actually subject to Rudradáman must have been the country between the Mahi and the Damanganga as at this time the North Konkan was subject to the Ándhras.

[113] Nisháda cannot be identified. As the term Nisháda is generally used to mean Bhils and other wild tribes, its mention with Aparánta suggests the wild country that includes Bánsda, Dharampur, and north-east Thána.

[114] Grammar, V. iii. 117.

[115] Compare Gardner and Poole's Catalogue, Pl. XXVI. Fig. 2 &c.

[116] Another variety of their brass coins was found at Behat near Saháranpur. Compare Thomas' Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, I. Pl. IV. Figs. 11B 12B and Pl. XIX. Figs. 5, 6, 9. General Cunningham, in his recent work on The Coins of Ancient India, 75ff, describes three chief types, the Behat coins being the earliest and belonging to the first century B.C., the second type which is that described above is assigned to about A.D. 300, and the third type, with a six-headed figure on the obverse, is placed a little later. General Cunningham's identification of the Yaudheyas with the Johiya Rájputs of the lower Sutlej, seems certain, Rudradáman would then have "uprooted" them when he acquired the province of Sauvíra.

[117] Mr. Fleet notices a later inscription of a Mahárája Mahásenápati "who has been set over" the 'Yaudheya gana or tribe' in the fort of Byána in Bharatpur. Ind. Ant. XIV. 8, Corp. Insc. Ind. III. 251ff. The Yaudheyas are also named among the tribes which submitted to Samudragupta. See Corp. Insc. Ind. III. 8.

[118] Huvishka's latest inscription bears date 45 that is A.D. 123 (Cunningham's Arch. Sur. III. Pl. XV. Number 8).

[119] Ind. Ant. VII. 262.

[120] McCrindle's Ptolemy, 152.

[121] McCrindle's Ptolemy, 175.

[122] Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. XV. 306.

[123] Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. XV. 313, 314. See also Ind. Ant. XII 272, where Bühler suggests that the queen was a daughter of Rudradáman, and traces the syllables Rudradá ... in the Kanheri inscription.

[124] See above page 34.

[125] It seems doubtful whether the Pandit's estimate of fifteen years might not with advantage be increased. As his father's reign was so short Rudradáman probably succeeded when still young. The abundance of his coins points to a long reign and the scarcity of the coins both of his son Dámázada and of his grandson Jívadáman imply that neither of his successors reigned more than a few years. Jivadáman's earliest date is A.D. 178 (S. 100). If five years are allowed to Jivadáman's father the end of Rudradáman's reign would be A.D. 173 (S. 95) that is a reign of thirty years, no excessive term for a king who began to rule at a comparatively early age.--(A. M. T. J.)

[126] Two specimens of his coins were obtained by Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar Náib Díwán of Bhávnagar, from Káthiáváda, one of which he presented to the Pandit and lent the other for the purpose of description. The legend in both was legible but doubtful. A recent find in Káthiáváda supplied four new specimens, two of them very good.

[127] Apparently a mistake for rudradámnah putrasa.

[128] As in the case of Zamotika the father of Chashtana, the variation ysa for ja proves that at first ysa and afterwards ja was used to represent the Greek Z.

[129] The oldest of the four was found by the Pandit for Dr. Bhau Dáji in Amreli. A fair copy of it is given in a plate which accompanied Mr. Justice Newton's paper in Jour. B. B. R. A. S. IX. page 1ff. Plate I. Fig. 6. Mr. Newton read the father's name in the legend Dámasrí, but it is Dámájadasrí, the die having missed the letters ja and da though space is left for them. This is coin A of the description. Of the remaining three, B was lent to the Pandit from his collection by Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar. C and D were in the Pandit's collection.

[130] This inscription which has now been placed for safe custody in the temple of Dwárkánáth in Jámnagar, has been published by Dr. Bühler in Ind. Ant. X. 157-158, from a transcript by Áchárya Vallabji Haridatta. Dr. Bhagvánlál held that the date is 103 tryuttarasate not 102 dvyuttarasate as read by Dr. Bühler; that the name of the father of the donor is Bápaka and not Báhaka; and that the name of the nakshatra or constellation is Rohiní not Sravana.

[131] Several coins have the same date.

[132] One is in the collection of the B. B. R. A. Society, the other belonged to the Pandit.

[133] An unpublished inscription found in 1865 by Mr. Bhagvánlál Sampatrám.

[134] The top of the third numeral is broken. It may be 7 but is more likely to be 6.

[135] The Jasdan inscription has been published by Dr. Bháu Dáji, J. B. R. A. S. VIII. 234ff, and by Dr. Hoernle, Ind. Ant. XII. 32ff.

[136] Five have recently been identified in the collection of Dr. Gerson daCunha.

[137] His name, the fact that he regained the title Mahákshatrapa, and his date about A.D. 225 suggest that Sanghadáman (A.D. 222-226) may be the Sandanes whom the Periplus (McCrindle, 128) describes as taking the regular mart Kalyán near Bombay from Saraganes, that is the Dakhan Sátakarnis, and, to prevent it again becoming a place of trade, forbidding all Greek ships to visit Kalyán, and sending under a guard to Broach any Greek ships that even by accident entered its port. The following reasons seem conclusive against identifying Sanghadáman with Sandanes: (1) The abbreviation from Sanghadáman to Sandanes seems excessive in the case of the name of a well known ruler who lived within thirty years of the probable time (A.D. 247) when the writer of the Periplus visited Gujarát and the Konkan: (2) The date of Sanghadáman (A.D. 222-226) is twenty to thirty years too early for the probable collection of the Periplus details: (3) Apart from the date of the Periplus the apparent distinction in the writer's mind between Sandanes' capture of Kalyán and his own time implies a longer lapse than suits a reign of only four years.

In favour of the Sandanes of the Periplus being a dynastic not a personal name is its close correspondence both in form and in geographical position with Ptolemy's (A.D. 150) Sadaneis, who gave their name, Ariake Sadinôn or the Sadins' Aria, to the North Konkan, and, according to McCrindle (Ptolemy, 39) in the time of Ptolemy ruled the prosperous trading communities that occupied the sea coast to about Semulla or Chaul. The details in the present text show that some few years before Ptolemy wrote the conquests of Rudradáman had brought the North Konkan under the Gujarát Kshatrapas. Similarly shortly before the probable date of the Periplus (A.D. 247) the fact that Sanghadáman and his successors Dámasena (A.D. 226-236) and Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249) all used the title Mahákshatrapa makes their possession of the North Konkan probable. The available details of the Káthiáváda Kshatrapas therefore confirm the view that the Sadans of Ptolemy and the Sandanes of the Periplus are the Gujarát Kshatrapas. The question remains how did the Greeks come to know the Kshatrapas by the name of Sadan or Sandan. The answer seems to be the word Sadan or Sandan is the Sanskrit Sádhana which according to Lassen (McCrindle's Ptolemy, 40) and Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary may mean agent or representative and may therefore be an accurate rendering of Kshatrapa in the sense of Viceroy. Wilford (As. Res. IX. 76, 198) notices that Sanskrit writers give the early English in India the title Sádhan Engrez. This Wilford would translate Lord but it seems rather meant for a rendering of the word Factor. Prof. Bhandárkar (Bom. Gaz. XIII. 418 note 1) notices a tribe mentioned by the geographer Varáhamihira (A.D. 580) as Sántikas and associated with the Aparántakas or people of the west coast. He shows how according to the rules of letter changes the Sanskrit Sántika would in Prákrit be Sándino. In his opinion it was this form Sandino which was familiar to Greek merchants and sailors. Prof. Bhandárkar holds that when (A.D. 100-110) the Kshatrapa Nahapána displaced the Sátaváhanas or Ándhrabhrityas the Sántikas or Sandino became independent in the North Konkan and took Kalyán. To make their independence secure against the Kshatrapas they forbad intercourse between their own territory and the Dakhan and sent foreign ships to Barygaza. Against this explanation it is to be urged; (1) That Násik and Junnar inscriptions show Nahapána supreme in the North Konkan at least up to A.D. 120; (2) That according to the Periplus the action taken by the Sandans or Sadans was not against the Kshatrapas but against the Sátakarnis; (3) That the action was not taken in the time of Nahapána but at a later time, later not only than the first Gautamíputra the conqueror of Nahapána or his son-in-law Ushavadáta (A.D. 138), but later than the second Gautamíputra, who was defeated by the Káthiáváda Kshatrapa Rudradáman some time before A.D. 150; (4) That if the Sántikas were solely a North Konkan tribe they would neither wish nor be able to send foreign ships to Broach. The action described in the Periplus of refusing to let Greek ships enter Kalyán and of sending all such ships to Broach was the action of a Gujarát conqueror of Kalyán determined to make foreign trade centre in his own chief emporium Broach. The only possible lord of Gujarát either in the second or third century who can have adopted such a policy was the Kshatrapa of Ujjain in Málwa and of Minnagara or Junágadh in Káthiáváda, the same ruler, who, to encourage foreign vessels to visit Broach had (McCrindle's Periplus, 118, 119) stationed native fishermen with well-manned long boats off the south Káthiáváda coast to meet ships and pilot them through the tidal and other dangers up the Narbada to Broach. It follows that the Sandanes of the Periplus and Ptolemy's North Konkan Sádans are the Gujarát Mahákshatrapas. The correctness of this identification of Sadan with the Sanskrit Sádhan and the explanation of Sádhan as a translation of Kshatrapa or representative receive confirmation from the fact that the account of Kálakáchárya in the Bharaheswara Vrítti (J. B. B. R. A. S. IX. 141-142), late in date (A.D. 1000-1100) but with notable details of the Saka or Sáhi invaders, calls the Saka king Sádhana-Simha. If on this evidence it may be held that the Kshatrapas were known as Sádhanas, it seems to follow that Sántika the form used by Varáhamihira (A.D. 505-587) is a conscious and intentional Sanskritizing of Sádan whose correct form and origin had passed out of knowledge, a result which would suggest conscious or artificial Sanskritizing as the explanation of the forms of many Puránic tribal and place names. A further important result of this inquiry is to show that the received date of A.D. 70 for the Periplus cannot stand. Now that the Kanishka era A.D. 78 is admitted to be the era used by the Kshatrapas both in the Dakhan and in Gujarát it follows that a writer who knows the elder and the younger Sátakarnis cannot be earlier than A.D. 150 and from the manner in which he refers to them must almost certainly be considerably later. This conclusion supports the date A.D. 247 which on other weighty grounds the French scholar Reinaud (Ind. Ant. Dec. 1879. pp. 330, 338) has assigned to the Periplus.

[138] The Pandit's coin was obtained by him in 1863 from Amreli in Káthiáváda. A copy of it is given by Mr. Justice Newton who calls Sanghadáman son of Rudrasimha (Jour. B. B. R. A. S. IX. Pl. I. Fig. 7). The other specimen is better preserved.

[139] One of these coins was lent to the Pandit by Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar.

[140] One specimen in the collection of Mr. Vajeshankar bears date 158.

[141] One of them was lent by Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar.

[142] This name has generally been read Atridáman.

[143] Jour. B. B. R. A. S. VII. 16.

[144] See below