Chapter VII

. page 73 note 3.

[485] Dr. Bhagvánlál (Text, 33) traces one set of Medhs to the Mevas the tribe of Ysamotika the father of the Kshatrapa Chashtana (A.D. 130). He holds these Mevas entered India (21) with the Malayas, Palhavas, and Ábhíras about B.C. 150(?) At the same time he seems to have considered those early Mevas different from the fifth and sixth century Mihiras and from the seventh and eighth century Medhs.

[486] Arch. Report for 1863-64, II. 52. In support of this Cunningham cites Ptolemy's (A.D. 150) Euthymedia that is Sagala, sixty miles north-west of Lahor, and the Media of Peutinger's Tables (A.D. 400). This Euthymedia is a corruption of the original Euthydemia the name given to Sagala by Demetrios (B.C. 190) the great Græco-Baktrian in honour of his father Euthydemos (Compare Text page 16 and McCrindle's Ptolemy, 124). Of the cause of this change of name, which may be only a clerical error, two different explanations have been offered. Tod (An. of Rajn. I. 233) would make the new form Yuthi-media the Middle Yuchi. Cunningham (Arch. Surv. Rep. II. 53) would attribute it to the southward migration towards Sindh about B.C. 50 of the Kushán-pressed horde which under Moas or Mogha came from Little Tibet and entered the Panjáb either by way of Kashmír or down the Swát valley. According to General Cunningham (Ditto, 53) the followers of this Moas were Mandrueni called after the Mandrus river south of the Oxus. The two forms Medh and Mand are due to the cerebral which explains the Minnagaras of Ptolemy and the Periplus; Masudi's (A.D. 915) Mind and Ibn Khurdádbha's (died A.D. 912) and Idrísi's (perhaps from Aljauhari) Mand (Elliot, I. 14 and 79, Reinaud's Abulfeda, lxiii.); the present associated Mers and Mins in Rájputána (Ditto, 53); and perhaps the Musalmán Meos and Minas of the Panjáb (Ibbetson's Census, 261).

[487] The Jethvás are closely allied to the Medhs (Káth. Gaz. 138); they entered Káthiáváda along with the Medhs (Ditto, 278).

[488] The passages are somewhat contradictory. Tod (Western India, 413) says: Jethvás marry with Káthis, Ahirs, and Mers. In the Káthiáwár Gazetteer (page 110) Colonel Barton seems to admit the Jethvás' claim to be of distinct origin from the Mers. In another passage he says (page 138): The Mers claim to be Jethvás: this the Jethvás deny. So also Colonel Watson in one passage (page 621) seems to favour a distinct origin while in another (page 279) he says: It seems probable the Jethvás are merely the ruling family Rájkula of the Mers and that they are all of one tribe. Two points seem clear. The Jethvás are admitted to rank among Káthiáváda Rájputs and they formerly married with the Mers. The further question whether the Jethvás were originally of a distinct and higher tribe remains undetermined.

[489] Bombay Administration Report for 1873. Colonel Tod made the same suggestion: Western India, 256. Compare Pottinger's (Travels in Baluchistán, 81) identification of the Jeths of Kacch-Gandevi north of Khelat with Játs or Jits.

[490] Tod's Western India, 413.

[491] Compare Bühler in Epigraphia Indica, I. 294. Like the Chálukyas and other tribes the Jethvás trace the name Jethva to a name-giving chief. Of the Jethvás Tod says (Annals of Rajasthán, I. 114): The Jethvás have all the appearance of Skythian descent. As they make no pretension to belong to any of the old Indian races they may be a branch of Skythians. In his Western India (page 412), though confused by his identification of Sánkha-dwára with Sakotra instead of with Bet-Dwárka (compare Káth. Gaz. 619), Tod still holds to a northern origin of the Jethvás.

[492] Nos. 6 and 82 of Colonel Watson's List, Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 621. The Pandit's evidence in the text ascribes to the somewhat doubtful Jáikadeva a date of A.D. 738 (Vikram 794); to Jáchikadeva a date of about A.D. 904 (Gupta 585); and to the Ghúmli ruins a probable eleventh century. Tod (Western India, 417) traces the Jethvás further back putting the founding of Ghúmli or Bhúmli at about A.D. 692 (S. 749) the date of a settlement between the Tuars of Delhi and the Jethvás (Ditto, 411). Col. Watson (Káth. Gaz. 278) gives either A.D. 650 or A.D. 900.

[493] The form Yetha is used by the Chinese pilgrim Sung-yun A.D. 519. Beal's Buddhist Records, I. xc.

[494] Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 319.

[495] Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 314.

[496] Compare for the chief's name Jetha, Colonel Watson Káth. Gaz. 622 in the Jyeshtha Nakshatra.

[497] Priaulx's Embassies, 220; Migne's Patrologiæ Cursus Vol. 88 page 98.

[498] Census of 1891. III. 116. A reference to the Jhauvlas is given above page 75 note 4. General Cunningham (Ninth Oriental Congress, I. 228-244) traces the tribe of Jhauvla ruling in Sindh, Zabulistan or Ghazni, and Makran from the sixth to the eighth and ninth centuries.

[499] Tod's Western India, 194 Note [++]. Tod adds: Chand abounds in such jeu-de-mot on the names of tribes.

[500] Rás Málá, I. 302: Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 111.

[501] Tod's Annals of Rajasthán, I. 111.

[502] Among references to Húnas may be noted: In the Váyu Purána (Sachau's Alberuni, I. 300) in the west between Karnaprávarna and Darva; in the Vishnu Purána Húnas between the Saindhavas and the Sálvás (Wilson's Works, VII. 133 and 134 Note †); in the eighth century Ungutsi lord of the Húnas who helped Chitor (Tod's Annals, II. 457); in the Khichi bard Mogji, traditions of many powerful Húna kings in India (Tod's Annals, I. 111 Note †) among them the Húna chief of Barolli (Ditto, II. 705); and Rája Húna of the Pramára race who was lord of the Pathár or plateau of Central India (Ditto, II. 457). In the Middle Ages the Húnas were considered Kshatriyas and Kshatriyas married Húna wives (Wilson's Works, VII. 134 Note †). Of existing traces in the Panjáb may be noted Hon and Hona Rájputs and Gujjars, Hona Jats, Hon Labánas, Hon Lohárs, Honi Mális, Hon Mochis, Húna Barbers, and Haun Rabáris (Panjáb Census. 1891. III. pages 116, 139, 227, 233, 246, 265, 276, 305, 315). The only traces Colonel Tod succeeded in finding in Gujarát were a few Húna huts at a village opposite Umetha on the gulf of Cambay, a second small colony near Somanátha, and a few houses at Trisauli five miles from Baroda. (Western India, 247, 323.) Since 1825 these traces have disappeared.

[503] The following manuscript histories have been used in preparing Part II. Hemachandra's Dvyásrayakávya, Merutunga's Prabandhachintámani, Merutunga's Vichárasreni, Jinaprabhasúri's Tírthakalpa, Jinamandanopádhyáya's Kumárapálaprabandha, Krishna-rishi's Kumárapálacharita, Krishnabhatta's Ratnamálá, Somesvara's Kírtikaumudí, Arisinha's Sukritasankírtana, Rájasekhara's Chaturvinsatiprabandha, Vastupálacharita, and published and unpublished inscriptions from Gujarát and Káthiáváda.

[504] The Prabandhachintámani is a short historical compilation; the Vichárasreni, though a mere list of kings, is more reliable; the Ratnamálá is a poetic history with good descriptions and many fables taken from the Prabandhachintámani; the Sukritasankírtana is a short work largely borrowed from the Vichárasreni.

[505] This is apparently Vriddhi Áhára or the Vriddhi Collectorate, probably called after some village or town of that name.

[506] See above page 108.

[507] See above page 109.

[508] In the Satyapurakalpa of his Tírthákalpa, Jinaprabhasúri tells an almost identical story of another king.

[509] This name often recurs in Jain works. These would seem to be Kshatrapa coins as Gadhaiya coins are simply called drammas.

[510] The text is "Pañchásatavarshadesyah."

[511] Probably Kákrej famous for its bullocks.

[512] Stories of thieves refraining from plundering houses where they have accidentally laid their hands on salt or millet are common.

[513] The making of the installation mark on the forehead is the privilege of the king's sister who gives a blessing and receives a present of villages.

[514] Elliot and Dowson, I. 11.

[515] Ind. Ant. IV. 71-72 and VI. 180.

[516] Ind. Ant. VI. 180ff. The suggestion may be offered that the Kanyákubja which is mentioned as the seat of Múlarája's ancestors, is Karnakubja, an old name of Junágadh. Compare Burgess' Káthiáwár and Kutch, 156.

[517] Ind. Ant. VI. 191ff.

[518] Kirtane's Hammíramahákávya, I.

[519] The Choháns of Ajmir were also known as the rulers of Sákambharí, the Sámbhar lake in Rájputána on the borders of Jaipur and Jodhpur. The corrected edition of the Harsha inscription published by Prof. Kielhorn in Epigraphia Indica II. 116ff. shows that their first historical king was Gúvaka, who reigned some time in the first half of the ninth century (c. 820 A.D.) The Choháns are still very numerous in the neighbourhood of the Sewálik hills, especially in the districts of Ambálá and Karnál. Compare Ibbetson's Panjáb Census for 1881.

[520] It appears from the grant of Saka 972 published by Mr. Dhruva in Ind. Ant. XII. 196 and from the Surat grant of Kírttirája dated Saka 940, that this Bárappa was the founder of a dynasty who ruled Láta or South Gujarát as under-kings of the Dakhan Chálukyas until at least A.D. 1050. Bárappa was, as his name shows, a Southerner from the Kánarese country, but his descendants spell the family name Chaulukya in the same way as the dynasty of Anahilaváda.

[521] Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. XII. 123) sees a reference to this retirement in Múlarája's grant of Samvat 1043.

[522] Apparently a Sanskrit form of Bárappa.

[523] Broach according to the commentator.

[524] The Sukritasankírtana mentions this defeat of Bárappa who is said to be a general of the Kanyákubja or Kanoj king. The Prabandhachintámani (Múlarájaprabandha) also mentions the invasion and slaughter of Bárappa; but there is no reference to it in the grant of Bárappa's descendant Trilochanapála (Ind. Ant. XII. 196ff.)

[525] Canto II. Verse 3.

[526] As Mr. Forbes rightly observed Graharipu the Planet-seizer is a made-up title based on the resemblance of the planet-seizer's name Ráhu to Rá the title of the Chúdásamás of Junágadh. The personal name of the chief is not given and the list of the Junágadh Chúdásamás is too incomplete to allow of identification.

[527] The mention of her name and of the language in which she wrote suggest something remarkable in the race and position of queen Nílí.

[528] Perhaps Sithá in Jhálávád.

[529] The same account appears in the Kumárapálacharita.

[530] Compare the Lakshmí-Vihára Jain temple in Jesalmir built by the Jain Sangha and called after the reigning king Lakshmana.

[531] Dr. Bühler's copperplate of Múlarája records a grant to this temple, said to be of Múlanáthadeva in Mandali in the Vardhi zilla, apparently the modern Mándal near Pañchásar in the Vadhiár province near Jhinjhuváda. The grant is in Samvat 1043 and is dated from Anahilapura though the actual gift was made at Srísthala or Sidhpur after bathing in the Sarasvatí and worshipping the god of the Rudramahálaya. The grant is of the village of Kamboika, the modern Kamboi near Modhera. Ind. Ant. VI. 192-193. The grant is said to have been written by a Káyastha named Káñchana and ends with the words "of the illustrious Múlarája."

[532] The difference between 1052 and 1053 is probably only a few months.

[533] The fight with Muñja must have taken place about A.D. 1011 (S. 1067). As Chámunda started just after installing Vallabha the beginning of the reign must be before A.D. 997 as Tailapa who fought with Muñja died in that year. This is proved by a manuscript dated A.D. 994 (S. 1050) which gives the reigning king as Muñja. That Bhoja Muñja's successor was ruling in A.D. 1014 (S. 1070) makes it probable that Muñja's reign extended to A.D. 1011 (S. 1067).

[534] This Svayamvara and the list of attendant and rival kings seem imaginary. The Nadol chiefship was not important enough to draw kings from the countries named.

[535] The text has son but Bhíma was Durlabha's nephew not his son.

[536] By sowing cowries Kulachandra may have meant to show the cheapness of Anahilaváda. Bhoja's meaning was that as shells are money, to sow shells was to sow Málwa wealth in Gujarát. If Kulachandra had sown salt all would have melted, and no trace been left. [This seems a symbolic later-stage explanation. The sense seems to be shell-sowing keeps the Anahilaváda guardians in place since guardians can live in shells: salt-sowing scares the guardian spirits and makes the site of the city a haunt of demons. Bhoja saw that thanks to his general the Luck of Anahilaváda would remain safe in the shells.]

[537] The Prabandhachintámani tells other stories of the relations between Bhíma and Bhoja. Once when Gujarát was suffering from famine Bhíma heard that Bhoja was coming with a force against Gujarát. Alarmed at the news Bhíma asked Dámara his minister of peace and war to prevent Bhoja coming. Dámara went to Málwa, amused the king by witty stories, and while a play was being acted in court degrading and joking other kings, something was said regarding Tailapa of Telingana. On this Damara reminded the king that the head of his grandfather Muñja was fixed at Tailap's door. Bhoja grew excited and started with an army against Telingana. Hearing that Bhíma had come against him as far as Bhímapura (?) Bhoja asked Dámara to prevent Bhíma advancing further. Dámara stopped Bhíma by taking him an elephant as a present from Bhoja. The Prabandhachintámani gives numerous other stories showing that at times the relations between Bhoja and Bhíma were friendly.

[538] See above page 9.

[539] See above page 160.

[540] With this silence compare the absence (Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 67) of any reference either in Sanskrit or in Buddhist books to the victories, even to the name, of Alexander the Great. Also in modern times the ignoring of British rule in the many inscriptions of Jain repairers of temples on Satruñjaya hill who belong to British territory. The only foreign reference is by one merchant of Daman who acknowledges the protection of the Phirangi játi Puratakála Pátasahi the king of the Firangis of Portugal. Bühler in Epigraphia Indica, II. 36.

[541] Elliot and Dowson, II. 468ff. Sir H. M. Elliot gives extracts for this expedition from the Tárikh-i-Alfi, Tabakát-i-Akbari, Tabakát-i-Násiri, and Rauzatu-s-safá.

[542] Since the earliest times Hindus have held eclipse days sacred. According to the Mahábhárata the Yádavas of Dwárká came to Somanátha for an eclipse fair. Great fairs are still held at Somanátha on the Kártika and Chaitra (December and April) fullmoons.

[543] This old Indian idea is expressed in a verse in an inscription in Somanátha Pátan itself.

[544] Ten thousand must be taken vaguely.

[545] Compare Sachau's Alberuni, II. 104. Every day they brought Somanátha a jug of Ganges water and a basket of Kashmir flowers. Somanátha they believed cured every inveterate sickness and healed every desperate and incurable disease. The reason why Somanátha became so famous was that it was a harbour for those who went to and fro from Sofala in Zanzibar to China. It is still the practice to carry Ganges water to bathe distant gods.

[546] These must be the local Sompura Bráhmans who still number more than five hundred souls in Somanátha Patan.

[547] Shaving is the first rite performed by pilgrims.

[548] Dancers are now chiefly found in the temples of Southern India.

[549] Mahmúd seems to have crossed the desert from Multán and Baháwalpur to Bikánír and thence to Ajmír.

[550] Apparently Delváda near Uná. Mahmúd's route seems to have been from Anahilaváda to Modhera and Mándal, thence by the Little Ran near Pátri and Bajána, and thence by Jhálávád Gohelvád and Bábriavád to Delvádá.

[551] The waves still beat against the walls of the ruined fort of Somanátha.

[552] This shows that the temple was a building of brick and wood. According to Alberuni (Sachau, II. 105) the temple was built about a hundred years before Mahmúd's invasion. An inscription at Patan states that Bhímadeva I. (A.D. 1022-1072) rebuilt the Somanátha temple of stone. In Dr. Bhagvánlál's opinion the first dynasty in Gujarát to make stone buildings were the Solankis. Before them buildings and temples were of wood and brick.

[553] Of the fate of the great Linga Alberuni (Sachau, II. 103) writes: Prince Mahmúd ordered the upper part to be broken. The rest with all its coverings and trappings of gold jewels and embroidered garments he transported to Ghazni. Part of it together with the brass Chakravarti or Vishnu of Thánesvar has been thrown into the hippodrome of the town:

## part lies before the mosque for people to rub their feet on.

[554] The next paragraph relating to Mahmúd's return will be found on page 249 of the same volume of Sir H. Elliott's work.

[555] Khandahat which must have been on the coast has not been identified. The description suggests some coast island in the gulf of Kacch. By the Girnár route forty parasangs that is 240 miles would reach the Kacch coast. Kanthkot in Vágad in east Kacch suits well in sound and is known to have been a favourite resort of the Solankis. But the ebb and flow of the tide close to it are difficult to explain. The identification with Kanthkot is favoured by Dr. Bühler. Colonel Watson (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 80) prefers Gándhvi on the Káthiáváda coast a few miles north-east of Miáni. M. Reinaud and Dr. Weil suggest Gandhár in Broach on the left bank of the mouth of the Dhádhar river. Sir H. Elliot (I. 445 and II. 473) prefers Khandadár at the north-west angle of Káthiáváda.

[556] According to Ferishta (Bombay Persian Ed. I. 57, Briggs' Translation, I. 74) Mahmúd stayed and meant to make his capital at Anahilaváda not at Somanátha. That Mahmúd did stay at Anahilaváda the Martyr's Mound and the Ghazni Mosque in Patan are evidence. Still the mound was probably raised and the mosque may at least have been begun in honour of the capture of Anahilaváda on the journey south. Traces of a second mosque which is said to have had a tablet recording Mahmúd of Ghazni as the builder have recently (1878) been found at Munjpur about twenty-five miles south-east of Rádhanpur.

[557] Briggs' Ferishta, I. 75. This account of the Dábshilíms reads more like a tradition than an historical record. It is to be noted that the authors both of the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1583) and of the Mirat-i-Ahmadí (A.D. 1762) give Chámunda as king at the time of Mahmúd's invasion. Their statements cannot weigh against Ibn Asír's account. Compare Dr. Bühler's remarks in Ind. Ant. VI. 184. Of Mahmúd's return to Ghazni (A.D. 1026) the Tabakát-i-Akbari says: 'When Mahmúd resolved to return from Somanátha he learned that Parama Dev, one of the greatest Rájás of Hindustán, was preparing to intercept him. The Sultán, not deeming it advisable to contend with this chief, went towards Multán through Sindh. In this journey his men suffered much in some places from scarcity of water in others from want of forage. After enduring great difficulties he arrived at Ghazni in A.D. 1029 (H. 417).' This Parama Dev would seem to be the Parmára king of Ábu who could well block the Ajmir-Gujarát route. The route taken by Mahmúd must have passed by Mansúra near Bráhmanábád, Bhátia, and Multán. It must have been in the crossing of the great desert that he suffered so severely from scarcity of water and forage. Ferishta (Briggs, I. 75) says that many of Mahmúd's troops died raging mad from the intolerable heat and thirst. The historian Muhammad Ufi (A.D. 1200) alleges (Elliot, II. 192) that two Hindus disguised as countrymen offered themselves as guides and led the army three days' march out of the right course, where they were saved only by Mahmúd's miraculous discovery of a pool of sweet water. [This tale of the self-sacrificing Bráhman or priest and the miraculous find of water has gathered round Mahmúd as the latest of myth centres. It is Herodotus' (Book III. 154-158) old Zopyrus tale (Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 318); it is revived in honour of the Great Kushán Kanishka, A.D. 78 (Beruni in Elliot, II. 11), of the Sassanian Firoz A.D. 457-483 (Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 318), and of a certain king of Zábulistán or Ghazni of uncertain date (Elliot II. 170). Similarly the puzzling Dabshilím tale seems to be peculiar neither to Gujarát nor to Mahmúd of Ghazni. It seems a repetition of the tale of Dabshilím the man of the royal race, who, according to the Panchatantra or Fables of Pilpai, was chosen successor of Porus after Alexander the Great's Viceroy had been driven out. [Compare Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 127-128.] The Tabakát-i-Násirí (A.D. 1227) adds (Elliot, II. 475) that the guide devoted his life for the sake of Somanátha and this account is adopted by Ferishta, Briggs' Translation, I. 78.

[558] Vasahiis Prákrit for Vasati that is residence. The word is used to mean a group of temples.

[559] Several later mentions of a Tripurushaprásáda show there was only one building of that name. The statement that the great Múlarája I. built a Tripurushaprásáda seems a mistake, due to a confusion with prince Múlarája.

[560] Meaning a large number of Bhils of whom Áshá was the head.

[561] Forbes' Rás Málá (New Ed.), 79.

[562] Probably a Bhíl goddess. The name does not sound Sanskrit.

[563] In one passage the Prabandhachintámani calls these princes half-brothers of Udaya. Further details show that they were half-brothers of one another and sons of Udaya.

[564] This Jayakesi is Jayakesi I. son of Shashthadeva (Suchakesi) the third of the Goa Kádambas. Jayakesi's recorded date A.D. 1052 (S. 974) fits well with the time of Karna (Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 91). The Prabandhachintámani tells the following story of the death of Jayakesi. Jayakesi had a favourite parrot whom he one day asked to come out of his cage and dine with him. The parrot said: The cat sitting near you will kill me. The king seeing no cat replied: If any cat kills you I too will die. The parrot left his cage, ate with the king, and was killed by the cat. Jayakesi made ready his funeral pyre, and, in spite of his minister's prayers, taking the dead parrot in his hand laid himself on the funeral pyre and was burned.

[565] Chandrapura is probably Chandávar near Gokarn in North Kánara.

[566] Rás Málá (New Edition), 83.

[567] Kielhorn's Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1881 page 22.

[568] Dussala was sixth in descent from Vigraharája the enemy of Múlarája from whom Karna was fifth in descent.

[569] The date of his installation is given by the author of the Vichárasreni as Vikrama S. 1150.

[570] Ásapála and Kumárapála appear to be local chiefs.

[571] Compare Forbes' Rás Málá, I. 118-153.

[572] Goa Kádámba inscriptions say that Jagaddeva was the cousin of the Goa Kádamba king Vijayárka the nephew of Miyánalladeví and call him by courtesy the younger brother of Vijayárka's son Jayakesi II. He would seem to have been held in esteem by Vijayárka and his son Jayakesi, to have then gone for some time to Siddharája, and after leaving Siddharája to have transferred his services to Permádi. His being called Paramára may be due to his connection with Permádi. Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 91.

[573] Seventy-two a favourite number with Indian authors.

[574] Prabandhachintámani and Kumárapálacharita.

[575] Dr. Kielhorn's Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1881 page 22.

[576] The Kumárapálacharita says that the title was assumed on the conquest of Barbaraka. The verse is:

siddho barbarakashvásya siddharájastatobhavat

that is, by him the demon Barbaraka was vanquished, therefore he became Siddharája The Lord of Magical Power.

[577] Ind. Ant. IV. 265.

[578] This Permádi may be the Goa Kádamba chief Permádi Sivachitta (A.D. 1147-1175), who was heir-apparent in the time of Siddharája, or the Sinda chief Permádi who was a cotemporary of Siddharája and flourished in A.D. 1144.

[579] Ind. Ant. IV. 2. Regarding Barbaraka Doctor Bühler remarks in Ind. Ant. VI. 167: 'The Varvarakas are one of the non-Aryan tribes which are settled in great numbers in North Gujarát, Koli, Bhíl, or Mer.' Siddharája's contests with the Barbarakas seem to refer to what Tod (Western India, 173 and 195) describes as the inroads of mountaineers and foresters on the plains of Gujarát during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. To attempt to identify Bhut Barbar or Varvar is hazardous. The name Barbar is of great age and is spread from India to Morocco. Wilson (Works, VII. 176) says: The analogy between Barbaras and barbarians is not in sound only. In all Sanskrit authorities Barbaras are classed with borderers and foreigners and nations not Hindu. According to Sir Henry Rawlinson (Ferrier's Caravan Journeys, 223 note) tribes of Berbers are found all over the east. Of the age of the word Canon Rawlinson (Herodotus, IV. 252) writes: Barbar seems to be the local name for the early race of Accad. In India Ptolemy (A.D. 150; McCrindle's Edn. 146) has a town Barbarei on the Indus and the Periplus (A.D. 247; McCrindle's Ed. 108) has a trade-centre Barbarikon on the middle mouth of the Indus. Among Indian writings, in the Ramáyana (Hall in Wilson's Works, VII. 176 Note *) the Barbaras appear between the Tukháras and the Kambojas in the north: in the Mahábhárata (Muir's Sanskrit Texts, I. 481-2) in one list Var-varas are entered between Sávaras and Sakas and in another list (Wilson's Works, VII. 176) Barbaras come between Kiratas and Siddhas. Finally (As. Res. XV. 47 footnote) Barbara is the northmost of the Seven Konkanas. The names Barbarei in Ptolemy and Barbarikon in the Periplus look like some local place-name, perhaps Bambhara, altered to a Greek form. The Hindu tribe names, from the sameness in sound as well as from their position on the north-west border of India, suggest the Mongol tribe Juán-Juán or Var-Var, known to the western nations as Avars, who drove the Little Yuechi out of Balkh in the second half of the fourth century, and, for about a hundred years, ruled to the north and perhaps also to the south of the Hindu Kush. (Specht in Journal Asiatique 1883. II. 390-410; Howorth in Jour. R. A. S. XXI. 721-810.) It seems probable that some of these Var-Vars passed south either before or along with the White Húnas (A.D. 450-550). Var, under its Mongol plural form Avarti (Howorth, Ditto 722), closely resembles Avartiya one of the two main divisions of the Káthis of Kacch (Mr. Erskine's List in J. Bom. Geo. Soc. II. 59-60 for Aug. 1838). That among the forty-seven clans included under the Avartiyas four (Nos. 30, 35, 42, and 43) are Babariyas, suggests that the Káthis received additions from the Var-Vars at different times and places. Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. VI. 186) thinks that the Babaro or Barbar or Var-Var who gave trouble to Siddharája represent some early local non-Aryan tribe. The fact that they are called Rákshasas and Mlecchas and that they stopped the ceremonies at Sidhpur north of Anahilaváda seems rather to point to a foreign invasion from the north than to a local uprising of hill tribes. Though no Musalmán invasion of Gujarát during the reign of Siddharája is recorded a Jesalmir legend (Forbes' Rás Málá, I. 175) tells how Lanja Bijirao the Bhatti prince who married Siddharája's daughter was hailed by his mother-in-law as the bulwark of Anahilaváda against the power of the king who grows too strong. This king may be Báhalim the Indian viceroy of the Ghaznavid Bahrám Sháh (A.D. 1116-1157). Báhalim (Elliot, II. 279; Briggs' Ferista, I. 151) collected an army of Arabs, Persians, Afgháns, and Khiljis, repaired the fort of Nágor in the province of Sewálik, and committed great devastations in the territories of the independent Indian rulers. He threw off allegiance to Ghazni and advancing to meet Bahrám Sháh near Multán was defeated and slain. Except that they were northerners and that Báhalim's is the only known invasion from the north during Siddharája's reign nothing has been found connecting Barbar and Báhalim. At the same time that the Barbar or Var-Var of the Gujarát writers may have been non-Hindu mercenaries from the north-west frontier whom Siddharája admitted as Hindu subjects is made not unlikely by two incidents preserved by the Muhammadan historians. The Tárikh-i-Soráth (Bayley's Gujarát, 35 Note *) tells how in A.D. 1178 from the defeated army of Shaháb-ud-din Ghori the Turkish Afghán and Moghal women were distributed the higher class to high caste and the commoner to low caste Hindus. Similarly how the better class of male captives were admitted among Chakával and Wadhál Rájputs and the lower among Khánts, Kolis, Bábrias, and Mers. Again about thirty years later (A.D. 1210) when his Turk mercenaries, who were not converted to Islám, revolted against Shams-ud-dín Altamsh they seized Delhi and built Hindu temples (Elliot, II. 237-239). These cases seem to make it likely that among Báhalim's mercenaries were some un-Islamised North Indian Var-Vars and that they were admitted into Hinduism by Siddharája and as the story states served him as other Rájputs. Some of the new-comers as noted above seem to have merged into the Káthis. Others founded or joined the Bábariás who give their name to Bábariáváda a small division in the south of Káthiáváda. Though the tribe is now small the 72 divisions of the Bábariás show that they were once important. One of their leading divisions preserves the early form Var (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 132-133) and supports their separate northern origin, which is forgotten in the local stories that they are descended from Jethvás and Ahirs and have a Bráhman element in their ancestry. (Tod's Western India, 413; Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 132-123.) Of the Var-Vars in their old seats a somewhat doubtful trace remains in the Barbaris a tribe of Hazáráhs near Herat (Bellew in Imp. and As. Quar. Review Oct. 1891 page 328) and in the Panjáb (Ibbetson's Census, 538) Bhábras a class of Panjáb Jains.

[580] Abhayatilaka Gani who revised and completed the Dvyásraya in Vikrama S. 1312 (A.D. 1256) says, in his twentieth Sarga, that a new era was started by Kumárapála. This would seem to refer to the Simha era.

[581] The Kumárapálacharita states that Sajjana died before the temple was finished, and that the temple was completed by his son Parasuráma. After the temple was finished Siddharája is said to have come to Somanátha and asked Parasuráma for the revenues of Sorath. But on seeing the temple on Girnár he was greatly pleased, and on finding that it was called Karna-vihára after his father he sanctioned the outlay on the temple.

[582] Ind. Ant. VI. 194ff. Dr. Bühler (Ditto) takes Avantínátha to mean Siddharája's opponent the king of Málwa and not Siddharája himself.

[583] Archæological Survey Report, XXI. 86.

[584] Jour. B. A. Soc. (1848), 319.

[585] The original verse is mahálayo maháyátrá mahásthánam mahásarah yatkritam siddharájena kriyate tanna kenacit .

[586] These, as quoted by Ráo Sáheb Mahípatrám Rúprám in his Sadhara Jesangh, are, the erection of charitable feeding-houses every yojana or four miles, of Dabhoi fort, of a kunda or reservoir at Kapadvanj, of the Málavya lake at Dholká, of small temples, of the Rudramahálaya, of the Ráni's step-well, of the Sahasralinga lake, of reservoirs at Sihor, of the fort of Sáelá, of the Dasasahasra or ten thousand temples, of the Muna lake at Viramgám, of the gadhs or forts of Dadharapur, Vadhwán Anantapur and Chubári, of the Sardhár lake, of the gadhs of Jhinjhuváda, Virpur, Bhádula, Vásingapura, and Thán, of the palaces of Kandola and Sihi Jagapura, of the reservoirs of Dedádrá and Kírtti-stambha and of Jitpur-Anantpura. It is doubtful how many of these were actually Siddharája's works.

[587] One of the best preserved slabs was sent by Sir John Malcolm when Resident of Málwa to the Museum of the B. B. R. A. S., where it still lies. It has verses in twelfth century Prakrit in honour of a king, but nothing historical can be made out of it.

[588] See above page 170.

[589] Devasúri was born in S. 1134 (A.D. 1078), took díkshá in S. 1152 (A.D. 1096), became a Súri in S. 1174 (A.D. 1118), and died on a Thursday in the dark half of Srávana S. 1226 (A.D. 1170). His famous disciple Hemachandra was born on the fullmoon of Kártika S. 1145 (A.D. 1089), became an ascetic in S. 1150 (A.D. 1094), and died in S. 1229 (A.D. 1173).

[590] The Prákrit local name was Âno, of which the Sanskritised forms would appear to be Arno, Arnava, Ánáka, and Ánalla as given in the Hammíramahákávya. The genealogy of these kings of Sákambhari or Sámbhar is not settled. The Nadol copperplate dated Samvat 1218 gives the name of its royal grantor as Alan and of Alan's father as Máharaja (Tod's Rajasthán, I. 804), the latter apparently a mistake for Anarája which is the name given in the Dvyásraya. Alan's date being V. 1218, the date of his father Ána would fit in well with the early part of Kumárapála's reign. The order of the two names Álhana and Ánalla in the Hammíramahákávya would seem to be mistaken and ought to be reversed.

[591] Kodinár is a town in Gáikwár territory in South Káthiáváda. This temple of Ambiká is noticed as a place of Jain pilgrimage by the sage Jinaprabhasúri in his Tírthakalpa and was a well-known Jain shrine during the Anahilaváda period.

[592] The Kumárapálaprabandha has Kelambapattana and Kolambapattana probably Kolam or Quilon.

[593] The Kumárapálaprabandha says that Udayana was appointed minister and Vágbhata general. Sollá the youngest son of Udayana did not take

## part in politics.

[594] Kirtane's Hammíramahákávya, 13.

[595] Dhavalakka or Dholka according to the Kumárapálaprabandha.

[596] According to the Kumárapálacharita Kumárapála's sister who was married to Ána having heard her husband speak slightingly of the kings of Gujarát took offence, resented the language, and bandied words with her husband who beat her. She came to her brother and incited him to make an expedition against her husband.

[597] The Dvyásraya does not say that Kumárapála's sister was married to Ána.

[598] This was a common title of the Siláhára kings. Compare Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. 437 note 1.

[599] Ámbadá is his proper name. It is found Sanskritised into Ámrabhata and Ambaka.

[600] This is the Káverí river which flows through Chikhli and Balsár. The name in the text is very like Karabená the name of the same river in the Násik cave inscriptions (Bom. Gaz. XVI. 571) Kaláviní and Karabená being Sanskritised forms of the original Káveri. Perhaps the Káveri is the Akabarou of the Periplus (A.D. 247).

[601] Sausara or Sásar seems the original form from which Samara was Sanskritised. Sásar corresponds with the Mehr name Cháchar.

[602] The Kumárapálacharita says that Samara was defeated and his son placed on the throne.

[603] The translation of the inscription runs: Steps made by the venerable Ámbaka, Samvat 1222. According to the Kumárapálaprabandha the steps were built at a cost of a lákh of drammas a dramma being of the value of about 5 annas. According to the Prabandhachintámani an earthquake occurred when the king was at Girnár on his way to Somanátha. The old ascent of Girnár was from the north called Chhatrasilá that is the umbrella or overhanging rocks. Hemáchárya said if two persons went up together the Chhatrasilá rocks would fall and crush them. So the king ordered Ámrabhata to build steps on the west or Junágadh face at a cost of 63 lákhs of drammas.

[604] The site of Báhadapura seems to be the ruins close to the east of Pálitána where large quantities of conch shell bangles and pieces of brick and tile have been found.

[605] This would appear to be the Kalachuri king Gayá Karna whose inscription is dated 902 of the Chedi era that is A.D. 1152. As the earliest known inscription of Gayá Karna's son Narasimhadeva is dated A.D. 1157 (Chedi 907) the death of Gayá Karna falls between A.D. 1152 and 1157 in the reign of Kumárapála and the story of his being accidentally strangled may be true.

[606] So many marriages on one day points to the people being either Kadva Kunbis or Bharváds among whom the custom of holding all marriages on the same day still prevails.

[607] The text of the inscription is:

(1) ... paushasudígurau adyoha shrímadan- (2) hilapátake [samasta] rájávalíbirájitaparamabhattárakamahá- (3) [rájádhirájanirjita] sákambharíbhúpálashrímadavantináthashrímatku (4) [márapála] ... niyuktamahámátyashríjasodhava-- (5) la shríkaranádau samastamudrávyápáránparipanthayatítyevam (6) kále [pravartamáne mahárájá] dhirájashríkumárapáladevena vija (7) ..... shrímadudayapuro .. rocakánvaye mahárája-- (8) putra ..... mahárájaputravasantapála evam ana (9) ..... likhitá yátrá . adya somagrahanaparvani (10) ... layavane samáhritatírthodake snátvá jagadgu (11) ... sukhapunyajayavriddhaye udayapurakári (12) ...... kárápita devashrí ........

Lines broken below.

[608] Annals of Rájasthán, I. 803.

[609] Rás Málá (New Edition), 154.

[610] Rás Málá (New Edition), 154.

[611] The text is:

yah kauberímá turushkamaindrímá tridivápagám yámyámá vindhyamá sindhum pashcamám yo hásádhayat

[612] It is also interesting, if there is a foundation of fact to the tale, that this is the temple visited by the Persian poet Saádi (A.D. 1200-1230) when he saw the ivory idol of Somanátha whose arms were raised by a hidden priest pulling a cord. According to Saádi on pretence of conversion he was admitted behind the shrine, discovered the cord-puller, threw him into a well, and fled. Compare Journal Royal Asiatic Society Bengal VII.-2 pages 885-886. That Saádi ever visited Somanátha is doubtful. No ivory human image can ever have been the chief object of worship at Somanátha.

[613] From the Prabandhachintámani and the Kumárapálacharita.

[614] The head-quarters of the Dhandhuka sub-division sixty miles south-west of Ahmadábád.

[615] Another reading is Láhiní.

[616] Prabandhachintámani.

[617]

bhavavíjánkurajananá rágádyáh kshayamupágatá yasya . brahmá vá vishnurvá haro jino vá namastasmai . yatra tatra samaye yathá tathá yosi sosyabhidhayá yayá tayá . vítadoshakalushah sa cedbhaváneka eva bhagavannamostu te .

[618] samvat 1229 vaishákhashudi 3 some adyeha shrímadanahillapashthake samastarajávalívirájitamahárájádhirájaparameshvara ajayapáladevakalyánavijayarájye tatpádapadmopajívini mahámátyashrísomeshvare shríkaranádau.

[619] Regarding the remarkable story that not long before their deaths both Hemáchárya and Kumárapála inclined towards if they did not become converts to Islám (Tod's Western India, 184) no fresh information has been obtained. Another curious saying of Tod's (Ditto, 182) also remains doubtful. Kumárapála expelled the tribe of Lár from his kingdom. That this tribe of Lár can have had to do either with Láta or South Gujarát or with the caste of Lád Vánis seems unlikely. The alternative is Pársis from Lar on the Persian Gulf whom Tod (Annals of Rajasthán, I. 235) notices as sending an expedition from Laristhán to Gujarát. In this connection it is worthy of note that Lár remained the seat of a Gueber prince till A.D. 1600 the time of Shah Abas (D'Herbelot Bib. Or. II. 477). A repetition of the Pársi riots (Cambay Gazetteer, VI. 215) may have been the cause of their expulsion from Gujarát.

[620] See the Dvyásraya. A Patan inscription lying at Verával also calls Ajayapála the brother's son of Kumárapála.

[621] It is stated in a grant of Bhíma II. dated S. 1283, that Ajayadeva, as he is there called, made the Sapádalaksha or Sámbhar king tributary. Ind. Ant. VI. 199ff.

[622] The Udayapura inscription mentions Somesvara as the minister of Ajayapála in Samvat 1229 (A.D. 1173). See above page 193.

[623] The abuse of Ajayapála is explained if Tod's statement (Western India, 191) that he became a Musalmán is correct.

[624] Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 93.

[625]