Chapter II

. Verse 61.

[633] Kielhorn's and Peterson's Reports on Sanskrit Manuscripts.

[634] Ind. Ant. VI. 197.

[635] The text is dattvásmai doshyate yuvarájyam rájyam ciram kuru.

[636] The text is cáhú rána that is cáhumána ránaka. The term Ránaka would show him to be a Chohán chief.

[637] Ánáka survived Kumárapála and served also under Bhímadeva II. Seeing the kingdom of his weak sovereign divided among his ministers and chiefs Ánáka strove till his death to re-establish the central authority of the Solanki dynasty. Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xiii.

[638] Rás Málá (New Edition), 200.

[639] Kírtikaumudí, Bombay Sanskrit Series Number XXV.

[640] Ind. Ant. VI. 188 footnote. According to Merutunga a cotemporary chronicler an epigram of Bhíma's minister turned back Subhatavarman.

[641] Ind. Ant. VI. 188.

[642] According to one story Madanarájñí left her husband's house taking Víradhavala with her, and went to live with Deva Rája Pattakíla the husband of her deceased sister. On growing up Víradhavala returned to his father's house. Rás Málá (New Edition), 201.

[643] Dr. Bühler in Ind. Ant. VI. 189.

[644] According to the Kírtikaumudí, Káthavate's Ed. XIV. note 1, under Vastupála low people ceased to earn money by base means; the wicked turned pale; the righteous prospered. All honestly and securely plied their calling. Vastupála put down piracy, and, by building platforms, stopped the mingling of castes in milk shops. He repaired old buildings, planted trees, sank wells, laid out parks, and rebuilt the city. All castes and creeds he treated alike.

[645] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xv.

[646] The use of the date Monday the fullmoon of Vaisakha, Samvat 1288 (A.D. 1232) in the second part of the Forms seems to shew that the work was written in A.D. 1232.

[647] Though the object is to give the form of a treaty of alliance, the author could not have used the names Sinhana and Lavanaprasáda unless such a treaty had been actually concluded between them. Apparently Sinhana's invasion of Gujarát took place but a short time before the book of treaties was compiled. Bhandárkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882-83), 40-41.

[648] Bhandárkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882-83), 40.

[649] According to other accounts Sankha, a Broach chieftain, took up the cause of a certain Sayad or Musalmán merchant with whom Vastupála had quarrelled. In the fight Lunapála a Gola, one of Vastupála's chief supporters, was slain and in his honour Vastupála raised a shrine to the Lord Lunapála. Rás Málá (New Edition), 201-202.

[650] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xv.-xvi.

[651] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xv.-xvi.

[652] The modern Gujaráti Ráná.

[653] Bhímadeva's name is preceded by the names of his ten Chaulukya predecessors in the usual order. The attributes of each are given as in published Chaulukya copperplates. Ind. Ant. VI. 180-213.

[654] Bhandárkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882-83), 39.

[655] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiii.

[656] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiii.

[657] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiii.-xxiv.

[658] Elliot and Dowson, II. 209.

[659] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiv.-xxv.

[660] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xx.; J. B. R. A. S. XVIII. Number XLVIII. 28. The Jain writers delight in describing the magnificence of the pilgrimages which Vastupála conducted to the holy places. The details are 4500 carts, 700 palanquins, 1800 camels, 2900 writers, 12,100 white-robed and 1100 naked or sky-clad Jains, 1450 singers, and 3300 bards. Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xvi.

[661] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xviii.-xix.

[662] Rás Málá, 202.

[663] Ind. Ant. VI. 191. The word for Mewád is Medapáta the Med or Mher land.

[664] The Karnáta king would probably be Somesvara (A.D. 1252) or his son Narasimha III. (A.D. 1254) of the Hoysala Ballálas of Dvárasamudra. Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 64, 69.

[665] These details are mentioned in a grant of land in Mándal in Ahmadábád to Bráhmans to fill a drinking fountain, repair temples, and supply offerings. Ind. Ant. VI. 210-213.

[666] Rás Málá (New Ed.), 212. A Jaina Pattávali or succession list of High-priests notices that the famine lasted for three years from Samvat 1315 (A.D. 1259). The text may be translated as follows: Vikrama Samvat 1315, three years' famine the king (being) Vísaladeva. Bhandarkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1883-84, 15, 323.

[667] See Ep. Ind. I.

[668] The inscription was first noticed by Colonel Tod: Rajasthán, I. 705: Western India, 506.

[669] This is not Sultán Rukn-ud-dín of the slave kings, who ruled from A.D. 1234 to A.D. 1235. Elliot and Dowson, II.

[670] All four dates tally. The middle of A.D. 1264 (Samvat 1320) falls in Hijra 662. As the Valabhi era begins in A.D. 318-319 and the Simha era in A.D. 1113, 945 of Valabhi and 151 of Simha tally with A.D. 1264.

[671] Bombay Government Selections CLII. New Series, 71.

[672] From an unpublished copy in the possession of Ráo Sáheb Dalpatram Pranjiwan Khakhar, late Educational Inspector, Kacch. Only the upper six lines of the inscription are preserved.

[673] Asiatic Researches, XVI. 311; Rás Málá, 213.

[674] Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, 17-18.

[675] The bardic story is that king Karna had two Nágar Bráhman ministers Mádhava and Kesava. He slew Kesava and took Mádhava's wife from her husband. In revenge Mádhava went to Delhi and brought the Muhammadans. After the Muhammadan conquest Mádhava presented Alá-ud-dín with 360 horses. In return Mádhava was appointed civil minister with Alaf Khán as military governor commanding a lákh of horsemen, 1500 elephants, 20,000 foot soldiers, and having with him forty-five officers entitled to use kettledrums. Rás Málá, 214.

[676] Rás Málá, 222. The Jhálás were firmly fixed in the plains between the Lesser Ran of Kacch and the Gulf of Cambay. The Koli branches of these clans with other tribes of pure or of adulterated aboriginal descent, spread over the Chunvál near Viramgám and appeared in many remote and inaccessible tracts of hill or forest. On the east, under the protection of a line of Rájput princes, the banner of the goddess Káli floated from the hill of Pávágad; while in the west the descendants of Khengár held their famous fortress of Junágadh from within its walls controlling much of the peninsula over which they had maintained undisputed sway. Chiefs of Junágadh origin were scattered over the rest of the peninsula among whom were the Gohils of Gogo and Piram, and of the sea-washed province which from them derived its name of Gohilvád.

[677] The first notice of the exercise of sovereignty by the Musalmán rulers of Gujarát over lands further south than the neighbourhood of Surat is in A.D. 1428, when king Áhmed I. (A.D. 1412-1443) contested with the Dakhan sovereign the possession of Máhim (north latitude 19° 40'; east longitude 72° 47'). As no record remains of a Musalmán conquest of the coast as far south as Danda Rájapuri or Janjira, about fifty miles south of Bombay, it seems probable that the North Konkan fell to the Musalmáns in A.D. 1297 as part of the recognised territories of the lords of Anahilapura (Pátan). Rás Málá, I. 350. One earlier reference may be noted. In A.D. 1422 among the leading men slain in the battle of Sárangpur, about fifty miles north-east of Ujjain in Central India, was Sávant chief of Danda Rájapuri that is Janjíra. Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text), 40, and Farishtah (Persian Text), II. 468.

[678] The details of Akbar's settlement in A.D. 1583 show Sorath with sixty-three subdivisions and Navánagar (Islámnagar) with seventeen. Similarly in the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1590) Sorath with its nine divisions includes the whole peninsula except Jháláváda in the north, which was then part of Áhmedábád. Gladwin, II. 64 and 66-71.

[679] Bird's History of Gujarát, 418.

[680] Naiyad is the present Naiyadkántha about ten miles south-west of Rádhanpur containing Jatvár and Várahi in the west near the Ran and spreading east to Sami and Munjpur thirty to forty miles south-west of Pátan. Hálár is in the north-west of the peninsula; Káthiáváda in the centre; Gohilváda in the south-east; Bábriáváda south-west of Gohilváda; Chorár or Chorvár north-west of Virával; Panchál in the north-east centre; Okhágir or Okhámandal in the extreme west. Nalkántha is the hollow between Káthiáváda and the mainland. Besides these names the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi gives one more district in Sorath and others in Gujarát. The name he gives in Sorath is Nágher or Nághír which he says is also called Sálgogah. Sálgogah is apparently Siálbet and its neighbourhood, as Kodinár, Mádhúpúr, Chingaria, and Pata in south Káthiáváda are still locally known as Nagher, a tract famous for its fruitfulness. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi contains the following additional local names: For Kadi thirty-five miles north-west of Áhmedábád, Dandái; for Dholka twenty-five miles south-west of Áhmedábád, Práth-Nagri; for Cambay, Támbánagri; for Víramgám forty miles north-west of Áhmedábád, Jháláwár; for Múnjpur twenty-two miles south-east of Rádhanpur and some of the country between it and Patan, Párpas; for the tract ten miles south-east of Rádhanpur to the neighbourhood of Pátan, Kakrez; for the town of Rádhanpur in the Pálanpur Political Superintendency and its neighbourhood, Vágadh; for the town of Pálanpur and its neighbourhood up to Dísa and Dántiváda, Dhándár; for Bálásinor forty-two miles east of Áhmedábád with a part of Kapadvanj in the Kaira district, Masálwada; for Baroda, Párkher; for the subdivision of Jambúsar in the Broach district fifteen miles north-west of Broach city, Kánam; for Alimohan that is Chhota Udepur and the rough lands east of Godhra, Pálwára.

[681] Rás Mála, I. 241.

[682] Maktaa and iktáa, the district administered by a muktia, come from the Arabic root kataá, he cut, in allusion to the public revenue or the lands cut and apportioned for the pay of the officers and their establishments.

[683] Further particulars regarding these village headmen are given below.

[684] Bird's History of Gujarát, 192; Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 44.

[685] Elphinstone's History, 76.

[686] In Márwár and in the north and north-east this official was styled tahsíldár and in the Dakhan kamávísdár.

[687] Zakát, literally purification or cleansing, is the name of a tax levied from Muslims for charitable purposes or religious uses. In the endowments-treasury the customs dues from Muslims at 2 1/2 per cent (the technical 1 in 40) as contrasted with the five per cent levied from infidels (the technical 2 in 40) were entered. Hence in these accounts zakát corresponds with customs dues, and is divisible into two kinds khushki zakát or land customs and tari zakát or sea customs.

[688] Bird's History of Gujarát, 93. Though under the Mughal viceroys the state demand was at first realized in grain, at the last the custom was to assess each sub-division, and probably each village, at a fixed sum or jama. The total amount for the sub-division was collected by an officer called majmudár, literally keeper of collections, the village headmen, patels or mukaddams, being responsible each for his own village.

[689] Bird's History of Gujarát, 325.

[690] Bird's History of Gujarát, 341.

[691] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text page 115.

[692] The title rája is applicable to the head of a family only. The payment of tribute to the Mughals or Maráthás does not affect the right to use this title. Rána and ráv seem to be of the same dignity as rája. Rával is of lower rank. The sons of rájás, ránás, rávs, and rávals are called kuvars and their sons thákurs. The younger sons of thákurs became bhumiás that is landowners or garásiás, that is owners of garás or a mouthful. Jám is the title of the chiefs of the Jádeja tribe both of the elder branch in Kachh and of the younger branch in Navánagar, or Little Kachh in Káthiáváda. Rás Málá, II. 277.

[693] Under the Maráthás the title zamíndár was bestowed on the farmers of the land revenue, and this practice was adopted by the earlier English writers on Gujarát. In consequence of this change small landholders of the superior class, in directly administered districts, came again to be called by their original Hindu name of garásia. Mr. Elphinstone (History, 79 and note 13) includes under the term zamíndár: (1) half-subdued chieftains, (2) independent governors of districts, and (3) farmers of revenue. He also notices that until Aurangzíb's time such chiefs as enjoyed some degree of independence were alone called zamíndárs. But in Colonel Walker's time, A.D. 1805, at least in Gujarát (Bombay Government Selections, XXXIX. 25) the term zamíndár included desáis, majmudárs (district accountants), patels, and talátis (village clerks).

[694] Details of A.D. 1571 given in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi show that the chief nobles were bound to furnish cavalry contingents varying from 4000 to 25,000 horse, and held lands estimated to yield yearly revenues of £160,000 to £1,620,000. Bird's Gujarát, 109-127.

[695] According to the European travellers in India during the seventeenth century, provincial governors, and probably to some extent all large holders of service lands, employed various methods for adding to the profits which the assigned lands were meant to yield them. Of these devices two seem to have been specially common, the practice of supporting a body of horse smaller than the number agreed for, and the practice of purveyance that is of levying supplies without payment. Sir Thomas Roe, from A.D. 1615 to 1618 English ambassador at the court of the emperor Jehángír, gives the following details of these irregular practices: 'The Pátan (that is Patna in Bengal) viceroy's government was estimated at 5000 horse, the yearly pay of each trooper being £20 (Rs. 200), of which he kept only 1500, being allowed the surplus as dead pay. On one occasion this governor wished to present me with 100 loaves of the finest sugar, as white as snow, each loaf weighing fifty pounds. On my declining, he said, 'You refuse these loaves, thinking I am poor; but being made in my government the sugar costs me nothing, as it comes to me gratis.' Sir Thomas Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 282-284. The same writer, the best qualified of the English travellers of that time to form a correct opinion, thus describes the administration of the Musalmán governors of the seventeenth century: 'They practise every kind of tyranny against the natives under their jurisdiction, oppressing them with continual exactions, and are exceedingly averse from any way being opened by which the king may be informed of their infamous proceedings. They grind the people under their government to extract money from them, often hanging men up by the heels to make them confess that they are rich, or to ransom themselves from faults merely imputed with a view to fleece them.' Sir Thomas Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 338.

[696] Of these settlements the principal was that of the Ráthod chief who in the thirteenth century established himself at Ídar, now one of the states of the Mahi Kántha. In the thirteenth century also, Gohils from the north and Sodha Parmárs and Káthis from Sindh entered Gujarát. Rás Mála, II. 269.

[697] Gujarát of about the year A.D. 1300 is thus described: 'The air of Gujarát is healthy, and the earth picturesque; the vineyards bring forth blue grapes twice a year, and the strength of the soil is such that the cotton plants spread their branches like willow and plane trees, and yield produce for several years successively. Besides Cambay, the most celebrated of the cities of Hind in population and wealth, there are 70,000 towns and villages, all populous, and the people abounding in wealth and luxuries.' Elliot's History of India, III. 31, 32, and 43. Marco Polo, about A.D. 1292, says: 'In Gujarát there grows much pepper and ginger and indigo. They have also a great deal of cotton. Their cotton trees are of very great size, growing full six paces high, and attaining to an age of twenty years.' Yule's Edition, II. 328. The cotton referred to was probably the variety known as devkapás Gossypium religiosum or peruvianum, which grows from ten to fifteen feet high, and bears for several years. Royle, 149-150.

[698] Elphinstone's History, 762.

[699] Bird's History of Gujarát, 110, 129, and 130.

[700] The passage from the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Bird 109, is: 'A sum of 25 lákhs of húns and one kror of ibráhíms, that were two parts greater, being altogether nearly equal to 5 krors and 62 lákhs of rupees, was collected from the Dakhan tribute and the customs of the European and Arab ports.' The word hún, from an old Karnátak word for gold, is the Musalmán name for the coin known among Hindus as varáha or the wild-boar coin, and among the Portuguese as the pagoda or temple coin. Prinsep Ind. Ant. Thomas' Ed. II. U. T. 18. The old specimens of this coin weigh either 60 grains the máda or half pagoda, or 120 grains the hún or full pagoda. Thomas, Chron. Pat. Ks. II. 224, note. The star pagoda, in which English accounts at Madras were formerly kept, weighs 52·56 grains, and was commonly valued at 8s. or Rs. 4 (Prinsep as above). At this rate in the present sum the 25 lákhs of húns would equal one kror (100 lákhs) of rupees. The ibráhími, 'two parts greater than the hún,' would seem to be a gold coin, perhaps a variety of the Persian ashrafi (worth about 9s. English. Marsden, N. O. 455). Taking the two parts of a hún as fánams or sixteenths, this would give the ibráhími a value of Rs. 4 1/4, and make a total customs revenue of 425 lákhs of rupees. This statement of the revenues of the kingdom is, according to the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, taken from such times as the power of the Gujarát kings continued to increase. The total revenue of the twenty-five districts (£5,840,000) is the amount recovered in the year A.D. 1571. But the receipts under the head of Tribute must have been compiled from accounts of earlier years. For, as will be seen below, the neighbouring kings ceased to pay tribute after the end of the reign of Bahádur (A.D. 1536). Similarly the customs revenues entered as received from Daman and other places must have been taken from the accounts of some year previous to A.D. 1560.

[701] The remains at Chámpáner in the British district of the Panch Maháls are well known. Of Mehmúdábád, the town of that name in the district of Kaira, eighteen miles south of Áhmedábád, a few ruins only are left. In A.D. 1590 this city is said to have contained many grand edifices surrounded with a wall eleven miles (7 kos) square with at every 3/4 mile (1/2 kos) a pleasure house, and an enclosure for deer and other game. (Áin-i-Akbari: Gladwin, II. 64.) The Mirat-i-Áhmedi makes no special reference to the sovereign's share of the revenue. The greater part of the £5,620,000 derived from tribute and customs would probably go to the king, besides the lands specially set apart as crown domains, which in A.D. 1571 were returned as yielding a yearly revenue of £900,000 (900,000,000 tankás). This would bring the total income of the crown to a little more than 6 1/2 millions sterling.

[702] So Sikandar Lodi emperor of Dehli, A.D. 1488-1517, is reported to have said: 'The magnificence of the kings of Dehli rests on wheat and barley; the magnificence of the kings of Gujarát rests on coral and pearls.' Bird, 132.

[703] The twelve Gujarát ports mentioned by Barbosa are: On the south coast of the peninsula, two: Patenixi (Pátan-Somnáth, now Verával), very rich and of great trade; Surati-Mangalor (Mangrul), a town of commerce, and Diu. On the shores of the gulf of Cambay four: Gogari (Gogha), a large town; Barbesy (Broach); Guandári or Gandar (Gandhár), a very good town; and Cambay. On the western coast five: Ravel (Ránder), a rich place; Surat, a city of very great trade; Denvy (Gandevi), a place of great trade; Baxay (Bassein), a good seaport in which much goods are exchanged; and Tanamayambu (Thána-Máhim), a town of great Moorish mosques, but of little trade. (Stanley's Barbosa, 59-68). The only one of these ports whose identification seems doubtful is Ravel, described by Barbosa (page 67) as a pretty town of the Moors on a good river, twenty leagues south of Gandhár. This agrees with the position of Ránder on the Tápti, nearly opposite Surat, which appears in Al Bírúni (A.D. 1030) as Ráhanur one of the capitals of south Gujarát and is mentioned under the name Ránir, both in the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1590) and in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi for the year A.D. 1571, as a place of trade, 'in ancient times a great city.' In his description of the wealth of Cambay, Barbosa is supported by the other European travellers of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. According to Nicolo de Conti (A.D. 1420-1444), the town, including its suburbs, was twelve miles in circuit abounding in spikenard, lac, indigo, myrobalans, and silk. Athanasius Nikotin (A.D. 1468-1474) found it a manufacturing place for every sort of goods as long gowns damasks and blankets; and Varthema (A.D. 1503-1508) says it abounds in grain and very good fruits, supplying Africa Arabia and India with silk and cotton stuffs; 'it is impossible to describe its excellence.' Barbosa's account of Áhmedábád is borne out by the statement in the Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin, II. 63) that the whole number of the suburbs (purás) of the city was 360, and in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, that it once contained 380 suburbs each of considerable size, containing good buildings and markets filled with everything valuable and rare, so that each was almost a city. Bird, 311.

[704] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 62-63. Compare Terry (Voyage, 80, 131) in 1615: Gujarát a very goodly large and exceeding rich province with, besides its most spacious populous and rich capital Áhmedábád, four fair cities Cambay Baroda Broach and Surat with great trade to the Red Sea, Achin, and other places. At the same time (Ditto, 179-180) though the villages stood very thick, the houses were generally very poor and base, all set close together some with earthen walls and flat roofs, most of them cottages miserably poor little and base set up with sticks rather than timber.

[705] The decrease in the Mughal collections from Gujarát compared with the revenues of the Áhmedábád kings may have been due to Akbar's moderation. It may also have been due to a decline in prosperity. Compare Roe's (1617) account of Toda about fifty miles south-east of Ajmír. It was the best and most populous country Roe had seen in India. The district was level with fertile soil abounding in corn cotton and cattle and the villages were so numerous and near together as hardly to exceed a kos from each other. The town was the best built Roe had seen in India tiled two-storied houses good enough for decent shopkeepers. It had been the residence of a Rájput Rája before the conquests of Akbar Sháh and stood at the foot of a good and strong rock about which were many excellent works of hewn stone, well cut, with many tanks arched over with well-turned vaults and large and deep descents to them. Near it was a beautiful grove two miles long and a quarter of a mile broad all planted with mangoes tamarinds and other fruit trees, divided by shady walks and interspersed with little temples and idol altars with many fountains wells and summer houses of carved stone curiously arched so that a poor banished Englishman might have been content to dwell there. This observation may serve universally for the whole country that ruin and devastation operate everywhere. For since the property of all has become vested in the king no person takes care of anything so that in every place the spoil and devastations of war appear and nowhere is anything repaired. Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 320-321.

[706] Bird's History of Gujarát. Another detailed statement of the revenue of Gujarát given in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, apparently for the time when the author wrote (A.D. 1760) gives: Revenue from crown lands £2,107,518; tribute-paying divisions or sarkárs £12,700; Mahí Kántha tribute £178,741; Vátrak Kántha tribute £159,768; and Sábar Kántha tribute £121,151; in all £2,579,878: adding to this £20,000 for Kachh, £40,000 for Dungarpur, and £5000 for Sirohi, gives a grand total of £2,644,878. According to a statement given by Bird in a note at page 108 of his History, the revenue of Gujarát under Jehángir (A.D. 1605-1627) averaged £1,250,000; under Aurangzíb (A.D. 1658-1707) £1,519,622; and under Muhammad Sháh (A.D. 1719-1748) £1,218,360. In this passage the revenue under the emperor Akbar (A.D. 1556-1605) is given at £66,845. This total is taken from Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari. But at vol. II. page 73 of that work there would seem to be some miscalculation; for while the total number of dáms (1/40th of a rupee) is 43,68,02,301, the conversion into rupees is Rs. 10,96,123 instead of Rs. 1,09,20,057 1/2. The corresponding returns given by Mr. Thomas (Rev. of the Mog. Emp. page 52) are under Akbar, A.D. 1594, £1,092,412; under Sháh Jahán, A.D. 1648, £1,325,000; and under Aurangzíb, A.D. 1658 £2,173,220, A.D. 1663-1666 £1,339,500, A.D. 1697 £2,330,500, and A.D. 1707 £1,519,623. The varieties in the currency employed in different parts of the accounts cause some confusion in calculating the Gujarát revenue. Under the Áhmedábád kings the accounts were kept in tánkás or 1/100 of rupees, while under the Mughals dáms or 1/45th of a rupee took the place of tánkás. The revenues from Surat Baroda Broach and other districts south of the Máhi were returned in changízis, a coin varying in value from something over 2/3rds of a rupee to slightly less than 1/2; the revenues from Rádhanpur and Morvi were entered in mahmúdis, a coin nearly identical in value with the changízi, while, as noticed above, the tribute and customs dues are returned in a gold currency, the tribute in huns of about 8s. (Rs. 4) and the customs in ibráhímís of 9s. (Rs. 4 1/2).

[707] Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin), I. 305. The Áin-i-Akbari mentions four ways of calculating the state share in an unsurveyed field: (1) to measure the land with the crops standing and make an estimate; (2) to reap the crops, collect the grain in barns, and divide it according to agreement; (3) to divide the field as soon as the seed is sown; and (4) to gather the grain into heaps on the field and divide it there.

[708] The men to whom this 2 1/2 per cent was granted are referred to in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi as desáis. Whatever doubt may attach to the precise meaning of the term desái it seems clear that it was as village headmen that the desáis petitioned for and received this grant. These desáis were the heads of villages with whom, as noticed above, the government agent for collecting the revenue dealt, and who, agreeing for the whole village contribution, themselves carried out the details of allotment and collection from the individual cultivators. In the sharehold villages north of the Narbada, the headman who would be entitled to this 2 1/2 per cent was the representative of the body of village shareholders. South of the Narbada, in villages originally colonised by officers of the state, the representatives of these officers would enjoy the 2 1/2 per cent. In south Gujarát the desáis or heads of villages also acted as district hereditary revenue officers; but it was not as district hereditary revenue officers, but as heads of villages, that they received from Akbar this 2 1/2 per cent assignment. In north Gujarát there were desáis who were only district revenue officers. These men would seem to have received no part of Akbar's grant in 1589-90, for as late as A.D. 1706 the emperor Aurangzíb, having occasion to make inquiries into the position of the desáis, found that hitherto they had been supported by cesses and illegal exactions, and ordered that a stop should be put to all such exactions, and a fixed assignment of 2 1/2 per cent on the revenues of the villages under their charge should be allowed them. It does not appear whether the Surat desáis succeeded in obtaining Aurangzíb's grant of 2 1/2 per cent as district revenue officers in addition to Akbar's (A.D. 1589) assignment of 2 1/2 per cent as heads of villages.

[709] Bird's History of Gujarát, 409.

[710] Áhmedábád (A.D. 1583) by Muzaffar Sháh the last king of Gujarát; Cambay (A.D. 1573) by Muhammad Husain Mirza; and Surat (A.D. 1609) by Malik Ambar the famous general of the king of Amednagar. In such unsettled times it is not surprising that the European travellers of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, between Áhmedábád and Cambay found native merchants marching in large weekly caravans which rested at night within a space barricaded by carts. (Kerr, IX. 127 and 201.) The English merchants, on their way from one factory to another, were accompanied by an escort, and, in spite of their guard, were on more than one occasion attacked by large bands of Rájputs. (Kerr, IX. 127, 187, 201, 203.) As regards the state of the different parts of the province, Nicholas Ufflet, who went from Agra to Surat about 1610, describes the north, from Jhálor to Áhmedábád, as throughout the whole way a sandy and woody country, full of thievish beastly men, and savage beasts such as lions and tigers; from Áhmedábád to Cambay the road was through sands and woods much infested by thieves; from Cambay to Broach it was a woody and dangerous journey; but from Broach to Surat the country was goodly, fertile, and full of villages, abounding in wild date trees. (Kerr, VIII. 303.) Passing from the mouth of the Tápti to Surat Mr. Copland (24th Dec. 1613) was delighted to see at the same time the goodliest spring and harvest he had ever seen. 'Often of two adjoining fields, one was as green as a fine meadow, and the other waving yellow like gold and ready to be cut down, and all along the roads were many goodly villages.' (Kerr, IX. 119.) At that time the state of north-east Gujarát was very different. Terry, 1617 (Voyage, 404), describes the passage of nineteen days from Mándu near Dhár to Áhmedábád as short journeys in a wilderness where a way had to be cut and made even and the great space required for the Mughal's camp rid and made plain by grubbing up trees and bushes. And between Cambay and Áhmedábád De la Valle, A.D. 1623 (Travels, Hakluyt Ed. I. 92), resolved to go with the káfila since the insecurity of the ways did not allow him to go alone. Still at that time Gujarát as a whole (see above page 220 note 2) was an exceeding rich province, a description which twenty years later (1638) is borne out by Mandelslo (Travels, French Edition, 56): No province in India is more fertile; none yields more fruit or victuals. With the boast of the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (A.D. 1756) that Gujarát was the richest province in India compare Kháfi Khan's (A.D. 1719) remark (Elliot, VII. 530): This rich province which no other province in India can equal.

[711] Orme's Historical Fragments, 12.

[712] The following are some of the notices of Áhmedábád and Cambay by the European travellers of the seventeenth century: Cambay, 1598, trade so great that if he had not seen it he would not have believed it possible (Cæsar Frederick); 1623, indifferent large with sufficiently spacious suburbs and a great concourse of vessels (De la Valle, Hakluyt Edition, I. 66-67); 1638, beyond comparison larger than Surat (Mandelslo, 101-108); 1663-1671, twice as big as Surat (Baldæus in Churchill, III. 506). Áhmedábád, 1598, a very great city and populous (Cæsar Frederick); 1623, competently large with great suburbs, a goodly and great city, with large fair and straight but sadly dusty streets (De la Valle, Hakluyt Edition, I. 95); 1627, large and beautiful with many broad and comely streets, a rich and uniform bazár, and shops redundant with gums perfumes spices silks cottons and calicoes (Herbert's Travels, 3rd Edition, 66); 1638, great manufactures, satin and velvet, silk and cotton (Mandelslo, 80); 1695, the greatest city in India, nothing inferior to Venice for rich silks and gold stuffs (Gemelli Careri in Churchill, IV. 188).

[713] Bird, 411.

[714] The usual explanation of toda garás is the word toda meaning the beam-end above each house door. The sense being that it was a levy exacted from every house in the village. A more likely derivation is toda a heap or money-bag with the sense of a ready-money levy. Toda differed from vol in being exacted from the garás or land once the property of the levier's ancestors.

[715] Somnáth (north latitude 20° 55'; east longitude 70° 23'), the temple of Mahádev 'Lord of the Moon,' near the southern extremity of the peninsula of Káthiáváda.

[716] Anahilaváda (north latitude 23° 48'; east longitude 72° 2'), Nehrwála or Pátan, on the south bank of the Sarasvatí river, sixty-five miles north-east of Ahmedábád, was from A.D. 746 to A.D. 1298 the capital of the Rájput dynasties of Gujarát. As a result of Muhammad Ghori's defeat the Tárikh-i-Sorath (Burgess, 112-113) states that the Turkish Afghán and Mughal prisoners, according to the rule of the Kuraan (XXIV. 25) were distributed, the wicked women to the wicked men and the good women to the good men. Of the male prisoners the better class after having their heads shaved were enrolled among the Chakáwal and Wádhel tribes of Rájputs. The lower class were allotted to the Kolis, Khánts, Bábriás, and Mers. All were allowed to keep their wedding and funeral ceremonies and to remain aloof from other classes.

[717] The Mirat-i-Áhmedi gives an account of an expedition by one Alifkhán a noble of Sultán Sanjar's against Anahilaváda in A.D. 1257. He is said to have built the large stone mosque without the city. Alifkhán returned unsuccessful, but not without levying tribute.

[718] Devgadh near Daulatabad in the Dakhan, about ten miles north-west of Aurangábád (north latitude 19° 57'; east longitude 75° 18'). The Mirat-i-Áhmedi has Devgadh Chandah, which is in the Central Provinces.

[719] Jhálor (north latitude 25° 23'; east longitude 72° 40') in the Rájput state of Jodhpur, seventy miles south-west by south from the city of Jodhpur.

[720] Bayley (Gujarát, 39 note) shows strong ground for holding that, though Gujarát was conquered by Ulugh Khán a brother of Alá-ud-dín, its first governor was not Ulugh Khán but Álp Khán a brother-in-law of Alá-ud-dín. According to this account Ulugh Khán died in A.D. 1299 and Álp Khán at Malik Káfúr's instigation was killed in A.D. 1315. Ziá Barni (Elliot, III. 169) supports this account.

[721] According to Ziá Barni (Elliot, III. 218) Hisám-ud-dín was the mother's brother, according to others he was the brother of Hasan afterwards Khusraw Khán Parmár the favourite of Mubárak Sháh. On coming to Gujarát Hisám-ud-dín collected his Parmár kindred and revolted, but the nobles joining against him seized him and sent him to Dehli. To their disgust Mubárak in his infatuation for Hisám-ud-dín's nephew or brother, after slapping Hisám-ud-dín on the face set him at liberty.

[722] In the Karnátak, probably on the Tungabhadra near Vijayánagar. Briggs' Muhammadan Power in India, I. 418 and 428. Briggs speaks of two Kampilás one on the Ganges and the other on the Tungabhadra near Bijánagar.

[723] Asáwal (north latitude 23° 0'; east longitude 72° 36'), a town of some size, afterwards, A.D. 1413, made the capital of the Musalmán kings of Gujarát and called Áhmedábád.

[724] Girnár (north latitude 21° 30'; east longitude 70° 42'), in the Sorath sub-division of the peninsula of Káthiáváda.

[725] Both the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and the Táríkh-i-Fírúz Sháhi say that the fortress was taken. The Úparkot or citadel of Junágadh, in the plain about two miles west of Mount Girnár, is probably meant.

[726] Nágor (north latitude 27° 10'; east longitude 73° 50'), in the Ráthod state of Jodhpur, eighty miles north-east of Jodhpur city.

[727] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has Khánpur or Kánpur. The place is Khambhoi about twenty miles west of Pátan.

[728] Ídar is the principal state of the Mahi Kántha. The town of Ídar is in north latitude 23° 50' and east longitude 73° 3'.

[729] Junágadh in the Sorath sub-division of Káthiáváda. This is Briggs' Rái of Jehrend. Junágadh was formerly called Jirangad, both names meaning ancient fortress.

[730] Rájpípla is in the Rewa Kántha division of Gujarát.

[731] Sultánpur and Nandurbár now form part of the British district of Khándesh.

[732] Ásir, now Ásírgad (north latitude 21° 26'; east longitude 76° 26'), beyond the north-eastern frontier of Khándesh.

[733] Mándu (north latitude 22° 20'; east longitude 75° 27'), one of the most famous forts in India, the capital of the Pathán dynasty of Málwa, A.D. 1404-1561, stands on the crest of the Vindhyas about twenty-five miles south of Dhár. During a considerable part of the fifteenth century Mándu was either directly or indirectly under Gujarát. An account of Mándu is given in the Appendix.

[734] Ajmír (north latitude 26° 29'; east longitude 74° 43'), the chief town of the district of the same name to which Sámbhar and Dandwána belong.

[735] Delváda and Jháláváda are somewhat difficult. The context suggests either Jhálor in Márwár or Jháláváda in the extreme south-east of Rájputána south of Kotah. The combination Delváda and Jháláváda seems to favour Káthiáváda since there is a Delváda in the south of the peninsula near Diu and a Jháláváda in the north-east. But the Delváda of the text can hardly be near Diu. It apparently is Delváda near Eklingji about twenty miles north of Udepur. The account of Áhmed Sháh's expedition to the same place in A.D. 1431 (below page 239) confirms this identification.

[736] Pánipat (north latitude 29° 23'; east longitude 77° 2'), seventy-eight miles north of Dehli.

[737] Farishtah (II. 355) calls the Ídar chief Ranbal.

[738] Compare Farishtah, II. 355-356. After his death Muhammad was known as Khudáigán-i-Shahíd, Our Lord the Martyr, according to the custom of the Sultáns of Dehli, all of whom had three names, their family name, their throne name, and their after-death name whose letters contain the date of the monarch's decease. Thus the emperor Akbar's after-death title is Ársh Áshiáni, The Holder of the Heavenly Throne; the emperor Jehángír's is Jannat Makáni, The Dweller in Heaven; the emperor Sháh Jehán's is Firdaus Makáni, He Whose Home is Paradise; and the emperor Aurangzíb's is Khuld Makáni, The Occupier of the Eternal Residence. Similarly the after-death title of Muzaffar Sháh, Tátár Khán's father, is Khûdáigán-i-Kabir, The Great Lord.

[739] Dhár (north latitude 22° 35'; east longitude 75° 20'), the capital of the state of Dhár thirty-three miles west of Mhow in Central India.

[740] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has Kanthkot a dependency of Kachh. This is probably correct.

[741] The date is doubtful: Farishtah (II. 630) gives A.D. 1412, the Áin-i-Akbari (Blochman's Edition, I. 507) A.D. 1411.

[742] Four Áhmeds who had never missed the afternoon prayer helped to build Áhmedábád: Saint Sheikh Áhmed Khattu, Sultán Áhmed, Sheikh Áhmed, and Mulla Áhmed. Compare Bombay Gazetteer, IV. 249 note 5.

[743] Called in the Tabakát-i-Akbari the Rája of Mandal.

[744] Sidhpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 72° 20'), on the Sarasvatí, fifty-eight miles north of Áhmedábád.

[745] Chámpáner (north latitude 22° 30'; east longitude 73° 30') in the British district of the Panch Maháls, from A.D. 1483 to A.D. 1560 the chief city of Gujarát, now in ruins.

[746] Modása (north latitude 23° 27'; east longitude 73° 21'), fifty miles north-east of Áhmedábád.

[747] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 34, 35; Farishtah, II. 363, 364.

[748] Sankheda is on the left bank of the Or river about twenty miles south-east of Baroda.

[749] Mángni Mákani or Mánki, famous for its witches, eight miles east of Sankheda. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D. Compare Bom. Gov. Rec. N. S. XXIII. 98.

[750] Dohad (north latitude 22° 50'; east longitude 74° 15'), seventy-seven miles north-east of Baroda, now the chief town of the sub-division of the same name in the British district of the Panch Máháls. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D.

[751] Jítpur about twelve miles north-east of Bálásinor.

[752] Ujjain (north latitude 23° 10'; east longitude 75° 47'), at different times the capital of Málwa.

[753] Sárangpur about fifty miles north-east of Ujjain.

[754] Ahmednagar (north latitude 23° 34'; east longitude 73° 1') in the native state of Ídar.

[755] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 43.

[756] There are two Máhims on the North Konkan coast, one about twenty-two miles north of Bassein (north latitude 19° 40'; east longitude 72° 47'), and the other in the northern extremity of the island of Bombay (north latitude 19° 2'; east longitude 72° 54'). The southern Máhim, to which Farishtah (II. 370-371) is careful to apply the term jaziráh or island, is the town referred to in the text. The northern Máhim, now known as Kelva Máhim, was, as is noted in the text, the head-quarters of a Hindu chief.

[757] Thána (north latitude 19° 11'; east longitude 73° 6'), the head-quarters of the British district of that name, about twenty-four miles north-by-east of Bombay, was from the tenth to the sixteenth century A.D. the chief city in the Northern Konkan.

[758] Báglán, now called Satána, is the northern sub-division of the British district of Násik. In A.D. 1590 the chief commanded 8000 cavalry and 5000 infantry. The country was famous for fruit. Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin), II. 73. The chief, a Ráthod, was converted to Islám by Aurangzíb (A.D. 1656-1707).

[759] Dúngarpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 73° 50') in Rájputána, 150 miles north-west of Mhow.

[760] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 45, 46.

[761] Godhra (north latitude 22° 45'; east longitude 73° 36'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of the Panch Maháls. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 49) gives, probably rightly, Kothra a village of Sáunli or Savli about twenty miles north of Baroda.

[762] Sultánpur (north latitude 21° 43'; east longitude 74° 40'), in the north of the Sháháda sub-division of the British district of Khándesh, till A.D. 1804 a place of consequence and the head-quarters of a large district.

[763] Kapadvanj (north latitude 23° 2'; east longitude 73° 9'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of Kaira.

[764] Dholka (north latitude 22° 42'; east longitude 72° 25'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of Áhmedábád.

[765] Sámbhar (north latitude 26° 53'; east longitude 75° 13'), a town in the province of Ajmír, about fifty-one miles north-north-east from the city of Ajmír.

[766] Chitor (north latitude 24° 52'; east longitude 74° 4'), for several centuries before A.D. 1567 the capital of the principality of Udepur.

[767] Sirohi (north latitude 24° 59'; east longitude 72° 56'), the capital of the principality of the same name in the province of Ajmír.

[768] Ábu (north latitude 24° 45'; east longitude 72° 49') in the state of Sirohi.

[769] The Rája is called Krishna Kishan or Kánh Devra. Ábu is still held by the Sirohi Devrás.

[770] Mandisor (north latitude 24° 4'; east longitude 75° 9'), the chief town of a district of the same name in the province of Málwa.

[771] Persian Text, Mirat-i-Sikandari, 75-76.

[772] The Portuguese merchant and traveller Barbosa (A.D. 1511-1514) gives the following details of Mahmúd Begada's cavalry: The Moors and Gentiles of this kingdom are bold riders, mounted on horses bred in the country, for it has a wonderful quantity. They ride on small saddles and use whips. Their arms are very thick round shields edged with silk; each man has two swords, a dagger, and a Turkish bow with very good arrows. Some of them carry maces, and many of them coats-of-mail, and others tunics quilted with cotton. The horses have housings and steel headpieces, and so they fight very well and are light in their movements. The Moorish horsemen are white and of many countries, Turks and Mamelukes, military slaves from Georgia Circassia and Mingrelia, Arabs Persians Khorásánis Turkomans, men from the great kingdom of Dehli, and others born in the country itself. Their pay is good, and they receive it regularly. They are well dressed with very rich stuffs of gold silk cotton and goat's wool, and all wear caps on their heads, and their clothes long, such as morisco shirts and drawers, and leggings to the knee of good thick leather worked with gold knots and embroidery, and their swords richly ornamented with gold and silver are borne in their girdles or in the hands of their pages. Their women are very white and pretty: also very richly decked out. They live well and spend much money. Stanley's Barbosa, 55-56.

[773] Mahmúd's favourite trees were the mango ámbo Mangifera indica, ráen Mimusops hexandra, jámbu Eugenia jambolana, gúlar Ficus glomerata, tamarind ámli Tamarindus indica, and the shrubby phyllanthus áonla Emblica officinalis.

[774] Burhánpur (north latitude 21° 18'; east longitude 76° 20'), under the Musalmáns the capital of Khándesh, now within the limits of the Berárs.

[775] Gondwána, a large hilly tract lying between north latitude 19° 50' and 24° 30' and east longitude 77° 38' and 87° 20'.

[776] The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, page 89) gives the hill fort of Bárudar. The Persian r may be a miswritten g and the d a mistake for w that is Baguwar or Baguwarah. The seaport Dûn may be Dungri hill six miles from the coast. But Dûn for Dáhánu a well-known port in north Thána is perhaps more likely. Farishtah (Briggs, IV. 51) gives Bavur for Baru and Dura for Dûn. Compare Tabakát-i-Akbari in Bayley's Gujarát, page 178 note 2.

[777] Girnár the diadem of Káthiáváda. See above page 231 note 2.

[778] Mangifera indica, Mimusops hexandra, Eugenia jambolana, Ficus glomerata, Tamarindus indica, and Emblica officinalis.

[779] Khánts are still found chiefly in Soráth. See Bombay Gazetteer, VIII. 142.

[780] The Tabakát-i-Akbari says they were Játs. Sir H. Elliot (History of India, I. 496) represents the Sumrás to be Agnikula Rájputs of the Parmára stock. The Jádejás had been ruling in Kachh since A.D. 1350-1365.

[781] Dwárka (north latitude 22° 15'; east longitude 69°), on the north-western shore of Káthiáváda, famous for its temple of Krishna.

[782] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has 'To-morrow the sword of adamant shall answer your message.'

[783] Farishtah, II. 396-397.

[784] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 112-114.

[785] Dábhol (north latitude 17° 34'; east longitude 73° 16'), on the north bank of the river Váshishti (called Halewacko and Kalewacko by the early navigators. See Badger's Varthema, page 114 note 1) in the British district of Ratnágiri. About this time, according to Athanasius Nikitin (A.D. 1468-1474), Dábhol was the great meeting place for all nations living along the coast of India and Ethiopia. In A.D. 1501 it was taken by the Portuguese. Between A.D. 1626 and 1630 an English factory was established here, but by the end of the century trade had left Dábhol and has never returned.

[786] Cheul, now Revdanda (north latitude 18° 33'; east longitude 72° 59'), from about A.D. 1500 to 1650 a place of much trade.

[787] Mahmúd Begada greatly impressed travellers, whose strange tales of him made the king well-known in Europe. Varthema (1503-1508) thus describes his manner of living: 'The king has constantly 20,000 horsemen. In the morning when he rises there come to his palace 50 elephants, on each of which a man sits astride, and the said elephants do reverence to the king, and, except this, they have nothing else to do. When the king eats, fifty or sixty kinds of instruments, drums trumpets flageolets and fifes play, and the elephants again do him reverence. As for the king himself, his mustachios under his nose are so long that he ties them over his head as a woman would tie her tresses, and he has a white beard that reaches to his girdle. As to his food, every day he eats poison (Hudibras' Prince whose 'daily food was asp and basilisk and toad'), not that he fills his stomach with it, but he eats a certain quantity, so that when he wishes to destroy any great person he makes him come before him stripped and naked, and then eats certain fruits which are called chofole (jáiphal, nutmeg), like a muscatel nut. He also eats certain leaves called tamboli (pán or betel leaf; like the leaves of a sour orange, and with these he eats lime of oyster shells. When he has chewed this well he spurts it out on the person he wishes to kill, and so in the space of half an hour the victim falls to the ground dead. The Sultán has also three or four thousand women, and every night that he sleeps with one, she is found dead in the morning.' Barbosa (A.D. 1511) goes further (Stanley's Trans. 57), saying that so soaked was the king with poison that if a fly settled on his hand it swelled and immediately fell dead. This was the result of his early training. For, on Varthema's companion asking how it was that the king could eat poison in this manner, certain merchants, who were older than the Sultán, answered that his father had fed him upon poison from his childhood. (Badger's Varthema, 110.) Of the origin of Mahmúd's surname Begada two explanations are given: (1) 'From his mustachios being large and twisted like a bullock's horn, such a bullock being called Begado; (2) that the word comes from the Gujaráti be, two, and gad, a fort, the people giving him this title in honour of his capture of Junágadh (A.D. 1472) and Chámpáner (A.D. 1484).' (Bird's History of Gujarát, 202; Mirat-i-Ahmedi Persian Text, 74.) Varthema's account of the poison-eating is probably an exaggeration of the Sultán's habit of opium-eating to which from his infancy he was addicted. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 751) speaks of the great physical power of Mahmúd and of his wonderful appetite. Mahmúd's daily food weighed forty sers the ser being 15 bahlulis a little over half a pound. He used to eat about three pounds (5 sers) of parched gram to dessert. For breakfast, after his morning prayer, Mahmúd used to consume a cupfull of pure Makkah honey with a second cupfull of clarified butter and fifty small plantains called sohan kelas. At night they set by his bed two plates of sambúsás or minced mutton sausages. In the morning Mahmúd seeing the empty plates used to give thanks: 'Oh Allah,' he said, 'hadst thou not given this unworthy slave rule over Gujarát, who could have filled his stomach.' His virile powers were as unusual as his appetite. The only woman who could bear his embraces unharmed was a powerful Abyssinian girl who was his great favourite. Of the wealth and weapons kept in store the Mirat-i-Sikandari gives the following details regarding the great expedition against Junágadh (Persian Text, 94): The Sultán ordered the treasurer to send with the army gold coins worth five krors, 1700 Egyptian Allemand Moorish and Khurásáni swords with gold handles weighing 2 1/2 to 3 pounds (4-5 sers), 1700 daggers and poignards with gold handles weighing 1 to 1 1/2 pounds (2-3 sers), and 2000 Arab and Turki horses with gold-embroidered housings. All this treasure of coin and weapons the Sultán spent in presents to his army (Ditto, 94-95).

[788] Ferishtah, II. 404. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 148, 149) calls the Persian ambassador Ibráhím Khán.

[789] Farishtah, II. 408.

[790] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 166-167; Farishtah, II. 411.

[791] The verse supposed to possess the highest virtue against poison is the last verse of Chap. cvi. of the Kurâán.... Serve the Lord of this House who supplieth them with food against hunger and maketh them free from fear.

[792] Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Manuscript), 174, 175, 194.

[793] Both the Mirat-i-Sikandari (287) and Farishtah (II. 419) place Munga in Nandurbár-Sultánpur. The further reference to Rána Bhím of Pál seems to apply to the same man as the Rána Bhím of Munga. Munga may then be Mohangad that is Chhota Udepur.

[794] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 225-226: Farishtah, II. 425-428. The Gujarát Musalmán historians give a somewhat vague application to the word Pál which means a bank or step downwards to the plain. In the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Páhlanpur Edition, page 168) Pálvaráh, whose climate is proverbially bad, includes Godhra Ali Mohan and Rájpípla that is the rough eastern fringe of the plain land of Gujarát from the Mahi to the Tapti. As the Rája of Nándod or Rájpípla was the leading chief south of Ídar Colonel Watson took references to the Rája of Pál to apply to the Rája of Rájpípla. An examination of the passages in which the name Pál occurs seems to show that the hill country to the east rather than to the south of Pávágad or Chámpáner is meant. In A.D. 1527 Latíf Khán the rival of Bahádur Sháh after joining the Rája Bhím in his kohistan or highlands of Pál when wounded is taken into Hálol. The same passage contains a reference to the Rája of Nándod as some one distinct from the Rája of Pál. In A.D. 1531 Ráisingh of Pál tried to rescue Mahmúd Khilji on his way from Mándu in Málwa to Chámpáner. In A.D. 1551 Násir Khán fled to Chámpáner and died in the Pál hills. These references seem to agree in allotting Pál to the hills of Bária and of Mohan or Chhota Udepur. This identification is in accord with the local use of Pál. Mr. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D., Political Agent, Rewa Kántha, writes (8th Jan. 1895): Bhíls Kolis and traders all apply the word Pál to the Bária Pál which besides Bária takes in Sanjeli and the Navánagar-Saliát uplands in Godhra.

[795] Purandhar about twenty miles south by east of Poona, one of the greatest of Dakhan hill forts.

[796] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 238, 239; Farishtah, II. 430. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (239) the Sultán enquired on which side was the loftiest height. They told him that in the direction of Songad-Chitauri the hill was extremely high. These details show that the cliff scaled by Bahádur was in the extreme south-west of Mándu where a high nearly isolated point stretches out from the main plateau. For details see Appendix II. Mándu.

[797] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 241-242; Farishtah, II. 432.

[798] Halvad is a former capital of the chief of Dhrángadhra in Káthiáváda.

[799] Gágraun in Central India about seventy miles north-east of Ujjain.

[800] Rantanbhúr about seventy-five miles south by east of Jaipur.

[801] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 266, 268; Farishtah, II. 439.

[802] A detailed account of the death of Sultán Bahádur is given in the Appendix.

[803] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 233. Compare Farishtah, II. 427.

[804] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 292.

[805] A poet of the time, Mulla Muhammad of Astarábád, enshrined the date H. 947 (A.D. 1540) in the words:

SADD BUWAD BAR SÍNAH-O-JÁNAI FIRANGÍ ÍN BINÁI. May this fabric press like a pillar on the breast and the life of the Frank.

Farishtah, II. 447. The letter values that make 947 are: S = 60, d = 4, b = 2, w = 6, d = 4, b = 2, r = 200, s = 60, y = 10, n = 50, h = 5, w = 6, j = 3, a = 1, n = 50, f = 80, r = 200, n = 50, g = 20, y = 10, a = 1, y = 10, n = 50, b = 2, n = 50, a = 1, y = 10. Total 947.

[806] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326-27.

[807] This Imád-ul-Mulk is different from the Imád-ul-Mulk mentioned above (page 258) as receiving a grant of Broach and Surat. The latter had before this retired to Surat, and was killed there in A.D. 1545. (Bird, 266.) Imád-ul-Mulk II. who attacked Burhán, was originally called Malik Arslán (Bird, 272). He is also called the leader of the Turks and Rúmi. This Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi, who was the father of Changíz Khán, was ultimately killed in A.D. 1560 at Surat by his own son-in-law Khudáwand or Ikhtiyár Khán.

[808] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326-27.

[809] This seems to be the palace referred to in the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, V. 369): After his second settlement of Gujarát (A.D. 1573, H. 981) Akbar left Áhmedábád for Mehmudábád and rested in the lofty and fine palace of Sultán Mahmúd of Gujarát.

[810] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 332.

[811] For Pál compare note 2 page 253.

[812] The fort of Daman was taken by the Portuguese in A.D. 1530, and, according to Portuguese accounts (Faria y Souza in Kerr's Voyages, VI. 413) the country round was annexed by them in 1558. According to a statement in Bird's History, 128, the districts surrendered by Changíz Khán contained 700 towns (villages) yielding a yearly revenue of £430,000 (Rs. 43,00,000). Sanján, since known as St. John's Head (north latitude 20° 13'; east longitude 72° 47'), between Daman and Bassein, seems to be one of the two Sindáns, the other being in Kachh, mentioned by the ninth to twelfth century Arab geographers. According to Idrísi (Jaubert's Edition, 172) the mainland Sindán was a great town with a large import and export trade and well peopled with rich warlike and industrious inhabitants. Idrísi's (Elliot, I. 85) notice of an island of the same name to the east is perhaps a confused reference to the Kachh Sindán which is generally supposed to be the Sindán of the Arab geographers. In A.D. 842, Sindán then a city of some size, is mentioned by Al-Biláduri (Reinaud's Fragments, 216-217) as having been taken by a Musalmán slave Fazl son of Máhán. This Fazl is related to have sent an elephant from Sindán to the Khalífah Al Maamún the Abbási (A.D. 813-833) and to have built an Assembly Mosque at Sindán. (Al-Biláduri in Elliot, I. 129.)

[813] According to Abul Fazl (Akbarnáma, III. 404; Elliot, V. 730) Muzaffar was a base-born boy of the name of Nathu.

[814] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot's India, V. 339 note 2.

[815] These Mírzás were the great grandsons of a Muhammad Sultán Mírza, the ruler of Khurásán, who, on being driven out of his dominions, sought refuge in India. This prince and his family on the ground of their common descent from Taimûr, were entertained first by Bábar (A.D. 1526-1531), and afterwards by Humáyún (A.D. 1531-1556). Before this quarrel Akbar had treated the Mírzás with great honour. Elliot's History, VI. 122.

[816] The modern game of polo. Lane in his translation of the Thousand and One Nights (I. 76, 1883 Edition) calls it the golf-stick, but the nature of the game described there does not in any way differ from polo. Chaugán is the Persian and As-súlján-wal-kurah the Arabic name for the game.

[817] The emperor Akbar took Muzaffar Sháh with him to Agra, and settled on him the districts of Sárangpur and Ujjain in Málwa with a revenue of Rs. 20,00,000 (50 lákhs of tankás) (Elliot, V. 353). When Mun'im Khán Khán Khánán was going to Bengal, the emperor made Muzaffar over to him. Mun'im Khán gave his daughter Sháhzádah Khánam in marriage to Muzaffar, but shortly afterwards having reason to suspect him imprisoned him, whence Muzaffar finding an opportunity fled to Gujarát in A.D. 1581 (H. 989) according to Farishtah (II. 460), 1583 according to the Mirat-i-Sikandari.

[818] Both the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Elliot, V. 342) and Farishtah (I. 491) name four other nobles Mír Abu Turáb, Sayad Áhmed Bhukhári, Malik Ashraf, and Wajíh-ul-Mulk. The Sayad Áhmed of these two writers is a misprint for the Sayad Hámid of the text.

[819] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 415; Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 343.

[820] These details of the Surat expedition are taken from the Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 343-346 and Abúl Fazl's Akbar-námah in Elliot, VI. 42.

[821] The emperor Jehángír in his Diary (Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri, Persian Text, Sir Sayad Ahmed's Edition, page 196) says that Biharji or Viharji was the hereditary title of the chiefs of Báglán. The personal name of the Baglán Bihárji of his time was Partáp.

[822] According to the Áin-i-Akbari (Blochmann, I. 325) the province of Gujarát over which the Kokaltásh was placed did not pass further south than the river Mahi.

[823] Tuzuki Jehángíri or Jehángír's Memoirs, Pers. Text, Sayad Áhmed Khán's Edition page 20. For Akbar's march compare Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 365 and Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 325 and note. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Pers. Text, 131) records these further details: When starting from his last camp Akbar began to mount his horse on the day of the battle that took place near Áhmedábád. The royal steed unable to bear the weight of the hero laden with the spirit of victory sat down. Rája Bhagwándás Kachwáhah ran up to the rather embarrassed emperor and offered him his congratulations saying: This, your Majesty, is the surest sign of victory. There are also two further signs: the wind blows from our back and the kites and vultures accompany our host.

[824] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 405.

[825] Mángrúl (north latitude 21° 8'; east longitude 70° 10'), a seaport on the south coast of Káthiáváda, about twenty miles west of Somnáth. This town, which is supposed to be the Monoglossum emporium of Ptolemy (A.D. 150) (see Bird, 115), is spelt Mánglúr by the Muhammadan historians. Barbosa (A.D. 1511-1514), under the name of Surati-mangaler, calls it a 'very good port where many ships from Malabár touch for horses, wheat, rice, cotton goods, and vegetables.' In A.D. 1531 the city was taken by the Portuguese general Sylveira with a vast booty and a great number of prisoners (Churchill's Travels, III. 529). It is incidentally mentioned in the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1590). In A.D. 1638 Mandelslo describes it as famous for its linen cloth, and in A.D. 1700 it is mentioned by Hamilton (New Account, I. 136) as a place of trade.

[826] This has been rendered by Bird, 353, 'the mountain of Dínár,' as if Koh Dínár.

[827] H. 992 (1584 A.D.) according to the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Elliot, V. 428).

[828] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 422. Compare Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 386.

[829] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 426: Farishtah, I. 503; Elliot, V. 434. In honour of this victory the Khán Khánán built, on the site of the battle, a palace and garden enclosing all with a high wall. This which he named Jítpur the City of Victory was one of the chief ornaments of Áhmedábád. In November 1613 the English merchant Wittington writes (Kerr's Voyages, IX. 127): A kos from Sarkhej is a pleasant house with a large garden all round on the banks of the river which Chon-Chin-Naw (Khán Khánán) built in honour of a great victory over the last king of Gujarát. No person inhabits the house. Two years later (1615) another English merchant Dodsworth (Kerr, IX. 203) describes the field of Victory as strongly walled all round with brick about 1 1/2 miles in circuit all planted with fruit trees and delightfully watered having a costly house called by a name signifying Victory in which Khán Khánán for some time resided. In 1618, the emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Persian Text, 210-213) on his way to Sarkhej visited the Khán-i-Khánán's Bághi Fateh or Garden of Victory which he had built at a cost of two lákhs of rupees ornamenting the garden with buildings and surrounding it with a wall. The natives he notices call it Fateh-Wádi. In 1626 the English traveller Herbert (Travels, 66) writes: Two miles nearer Áhmedábád than Sirkhej are the curious gardens and palace of Khán Khánán where he defeated the last of the Cambay kings and in memory built a stately house and spacious gardens the view whereof worthily attracts the traveller. Mandelslo writing in 1638 is still louder in praise of Tschietbág the Garden of Victory. It is the largest and most beautiful garden in all India because of its splendid buildings and abundance of fine fruits. Its site is one of the pleasantest in the world on the border of a great tank having on the water side many pavilions and a high wall on the side of Áhmedábád. The lodge and the caravanserai are worthy of the prince who built them. The garden has many fruit trees oranges, citrons, pomegranates, dates, almonds, mulberries, tamarinds, mangoes, and cocoanuts so closely planted that all walking in the garden is under most pleasing shade (Mandelslo's Travels, French Ed. 111-112). When (A.D. 1750) the Mirat-i-Áhmedi was written several of the buildings and the remains of the summer house were still to be seen (Bird's History of Gujarát, 375). A few traces of the buildings known as Fateh Bádi or Victory Garden remains 1879). (Áhmedábád Gazetteer, 292.)

[830] Two lákhs of mahmúdis. The mahmúdi varied in value from about one-third to one-half of a rupee. See Introduction page 222 note 2.

[831] Morvi (north latitude 29° 48'; east longitude 70° 50'), a town in Káthiáváda, about twenty-one miles south of Kachh.

[832] Jagat (north latitude 22° 15'; east longitude 69° 1'), the site of the temple of Dwárka, at the western extremity of the peninsula of Káthiáváda.

[833] Verával (north latitude 20° 55'; east longitude 70° 21'), on the south-west coast of Káthiáváda. On the south-east point of Verával bay stood the city of Dev or Mungi Pátan and within its walls the temple of Somanátha.

[834] Jehángír's Memoirs, Persian Text, 23; Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 470. Bahádur died about A.D. 1614: Jehángír's Memoirs, 134.

[835] Now belonging to His Highness the Gáikwár about twenty-seven miles north-west of Áhmedábád.

[836] Belpár, belonging to the Thákor of Umeta in the Rewa Kántha.

[837] This Mándwa is probably the Mándwa under His Highness the Gáikwár in his district of Atarsumba, but it may be Mándwa on the Narbada in the Rewa Kántha. Atarsumba is about ten miles west of Kapadvanj in the British district of Kaira.

[838] Jehángír's Memoirs, Persian Text, 75.

[839] Now belonging to the Rája of Dharampur, east of the British district of Surat.

[840] In this year (A.D. 1611) the English East India Company sent vessels to trade with Surat. The Portuguese made an armed resistance, but were defeated. The Mughal commander, who was not sorry to see the Portuguese beaten, gave the English a warm reception, and in A.D. 1612-13 a factory was opened in Surat by the English, and in A.D. 1614 a fleet was kept in the Tápti under Captain Downton to protect the factory. In A.D. 1615, Sir Thomas Roe came as ambassador to the emperor Jehángír, and obtained permission to establish factories, not only at Surat but also at Broach, Cambay and Gogha. The factory at Gogha seems to have been established in A.D. 1613. The emperor Jehángír notes in his memoirs (Persian Text, 105) that Mukarrab Khán, viceroy from A.D. 1616-1618, regardless of cost had bought from the English at Gogha a turkey, a lemur and other curiosities. On his return from Jehángír's camp at Áhmedábád in January 1618 Roe obtained valuable concessions from the viceroy. The governor of Surat was to lend ships to the English, the resident English might carry arms, build a house, practise their religion, and settle their disputes. Kerr's Voyages, IX. 253. The Dutch closely followed the English at Surat and were established there in A.D. 1618.

[841] At first Jehángír, who reached Áhmedábád in the hot weather (March A.D. 1618), contented himself with abusing its sandy streets, calling the city the 'abode of dust' gardábád. After an attack of fever his dislike grew stronger, and he was uncertain whether the 'home of the simoom' samumistán, the 'place of sickness' bímáristán, the 'thorn brake' zakumdár, or 'hell' jahánnamábád, was its most fitting name. Even the last title did not satisfy his dislike. In derision he adds the verse, 'Oh essence of all goodnesses by what name shall I call thee.' Elliot's History of India, VI. 358; Jehángír's Memoirs Persian Text, 231. Of the old buildings of Áhmedábád, the emperor (Memoirs, Persian Text, 208-210) speaks of the Kánkariya tank and its island garden and of the royal palaces in the Bhadar as having nearly gone to ruin within the last fifty years. He notes that his Bakhshi had repaired the Kánkariya tank and that the viceroy Mukarrab Khán had partly restored the Bhadar palaces against his arrival. The emperor was disappointed with the capital. After the accounts he had heard it seemed rather poor with its narrow streets, its shops with ignoble fronts, and its dust, though to greet the emperor as he came on elephant-back scattering gold the city and its population had put on their holiday dress. The emperor speaks (Memoirs, Persian Text page 211) of having met some of the great men of Gujarát. Chief among these was Sayad Muhammad Bukhári the representative of Sháhi Álam and the sons of Sháh Wajíh-ud-dín of Áhmedábád. They came as far as Cambay to meet the emperor. After his arrival in the capital Jehángír with great kindness informally visited the house and garden of Sikandar Gujaráti the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari, to pick some of the author's famous figs off the trees. Jehángír speaks of the historian as a man of a refined literary style well versed in all matters of Gujarát history, who six or seven years since had entered his (the imperial) service (Memoirs, 207-211). On the occasion of celebrating Sháh Jehán's twenty-seventh birthday at Áhmedábád Jehángír records having granted the territory from Mándu to Cambay as the estate of his son Sháh Jehán (Prince Khurram). Memoirs, Persian Text, 210-211. Before leaving Gujarát the emperor ordered the expulsion of the Sevadas or Jain priests, because of a prophecy unfavourable to him made by Mán Sing Sewda (Memoirs, Persian Text, 217).

[842] This was probably the gold ashrafi or seraph of which Hawkins (1609-1611) says, 'Serraffins Ekberi, which be ten rupees a-piece.' Thomas Chron. Pat. Kings of Dehli, 425.

[843] The peaked masonry tomb over Aurangzíb's after-birth with its mosque, enclosure, and intact endowment is one of the curiosities of Dohad. In a letter to his eldest son Muhammad Muâzzam then (A.D. 1704) viceroy of Gujarát the aged Aurangzíb writes: My son of exalted rank, the town of Dohad, one of the dependencies of Gujarát, is the birth-place of this sinner. Please to consider a regard for the inhabitants of that town incumbent on you, and continue in office its decrepid old Faujdár. In regard to that old man listen not to the whisperings of those suffering from the disease of self-interest: "Verily they have a sickness in their hearts and Allah addeth to their ailments." (Letters of the Emperor Aurangzíb: Persian Text, Cawnpur Edition, Letter 31.)

[844] Elliot, VII. 24.

[845] The words used in the text is tuyúl. In meaning it does not differ from jágir.

[846] This is one of the first mentions in history of peninsular Gujarát as Káthiáváda, or as anything other than Sorath or Sauráshtra. The district referred to was probably united to the eastern possessions of the Kháchar Káthis and Panchál.

[847] The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi says that in his time, A.D. 1746-1762, these Navánagar koris were current even in Áhmedábád, two koris and two-thirds being equal to one imperial rupee. They were also called jámis. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, 225) calls them mahmúdis. The legend on the reverse was the name of the Gujarát Sultán Muzaffar and on the obverse in Gujaráti the name of the Jám. Usually two mahmúdis and sometimes three went to the imperial rupee. The author says that in Áhmedábád up to his day (A.D. 1756) the account for ghi clarified butter was made in mahmúdis. When the order for melting the mahmúdis was passed a mint was established at Junágadh but was afterwards closed to suit the merchants from Diu and other parts who transmitted their specie to Áhmedábád.

[848] The traveller Mandelslo, who was in Áhmedábád in 1638, says: No prince in Europe has so fine a court as the governor of Gujarát. Of none are the public appearances so magnificent. He never goes out without a great number of gentlemen and guards on foot and horse. Before him march many elephants with housings of brocade and velvet, standards, drums, trumpets, and cymbals. In his palace he is served like a king and suffers no one to appear before him unless he has asked an audience. (Travels, French Edition, 151.) Of the general system of government be says: The viceroy is absolute. It is true he summons leading lords of the country to deliberate on judgments and important matters. But they are called to ascertain their views not to adopt them. On the one hand the king often changes his governors that they may not grow overpowerful. On the other hand the governors knowing they may be recalled at any time take immense sums from the rich merchants especially from the merchants of Áhmedábád against whom false charges are brought with the view of forcing them to pay. As the governor is both civil and criminal judge if the merchants did not temper his greed they would be ruined beyond remedy. (Ditto, 150.) The frequent changes of viceroys in Gujarát is explained by Terry, 1615-17 (Voyage to East Indies, 364): To prevent them from becoming popular the king usually removes his viceroys after one year sending them to a new government remote from the old one. Terry adds a curious note: When the king sends any one to a place of government they never cut their hair till they return into his presence as if they desired not to appear beautiful except in the king's sight. As soon as he sees them the king bids them cut their hair (Ditto, 365). It does not seem to have been cheating to keep up fewer horse than the number named. Terry (Voyage to East Indies, 391) says: He who hath the pay of five or six thousand must always have one thousand or more in readiness according to the king's need of them, and so in proportion all the rest.

[849] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, II. 46-47. Pinjárás are cotton teasers, Mansúris are Pinjárás who worship Mansúr a tenth century (3rd century Hijrah) saint.

[850] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 237.

[851] Jhábua, now under the Bhopáwar Agency.

[852] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 249.

[853] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 274, 279.

[854] Ráygad (north latitude 18° 14'; east longitude 73° 30'), the name given in A.D. 1662 to Rairi, a hill fortress in the Mahád sub-division of the Kolába collectorate. Shiváji took the place and made it his capital in A.D. 1662.

[855] Janjira (north latitude 17° 59' to 18° 32') that is Jazírah the Island, on the western coast, about forty-four miles south of Bombay.

[856] Another post of Islámábád was at Punádra in the parganah of Ázamábád on the Wátrak about twenty-one miles east-south-east of Áhmedábád. Ázamábád was built by Ázam Khán during his viceroyalty (A.D. 1635-1642) and at his request by permission of the emperor Sháh Jehán was erected into a parganah. For the pay of the garrison twelve villages were attached from the neighbouring parganahs of Bahyal and Kapadvanj.

[857] The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, 311) adds that Bahlol's following of Kasbátis was so poorly equipped that he had to mount many of them, for whom he could not find horses, on bullocks. The sense of security in the mind of the Ídar chief bred by contempt at the sight of this motley crowd was the chief cause of Bahlol's success.

[858] The zakát or purification is the tax required by law to be given annually to the poor. It is levied on camels, oxen, buffaloes, sheep, goats, horses, asses, mules, and gold or silver whether in money or ornaments or vessels. The tax is not levied on any one who owns less than a minimum of five camels, thirty oxen, forty-five sheep, five horses, two hundred dirhems or twenty dinárs. The proportion to income is generally one-fortieth; the amount may be paid either in kind or in money. Compare Stanley Lane Poole's Arabian Society in the Middle Ages, 14.

[859] This Sámprah according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, II. 127, was a small police post or thána in Parganah Bahyal, twenty miles north-east of Áhmedábád. It is now in the Gáekwár's territory. Bahyal was under Pátan, so in the text the place is described as under Pátan.

[860] The surkh or little black-dotted red seed of the Abrus precatorius is called ghúngchi in Hindi and cock's-eye, chashmi-i-khurús, in Persian. As a weight the seed is known as a rati 96 going to the tola. It is used in weighing precious stones. Blochmann's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 16 note 1 and Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 366.

[861] Sinor in Baroda territory on the right bank of the Narbada about thirty miles south of Baroda.

[862] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 372.

[863] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 427-434.

[864] Arhar-Mátar is according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, II. 126) the present Kaira sub-division of Mátar. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi places it twenty miles south-west of Áhmedábád. It is four miles south-west of Kaira.

[865] In the beginning of Ajítsingh's administration the Sacrifice Íd of the Musalmáns very nearly ended in a riot. An overzealous police officer belonging to the Kálúpúr section of Áhmedábád, hoping to please the Hindu viceroy, by force deprived some of the Sunni Bohorás of that quarter of a cow which they had purchased for the sacrifice. The Bohorás in a mass appealed to the Kázi who not succeeding in his representation to the viceroy was obliged to allay the popular excitement by publicly sacrificing a cow after the Íd prayers. Mirat-i-Áhmedi Royal Asiatic Society MS., I. 567-568.

[866] This is the first known mention of Gohilváda, the Gohils country, as a separate district.

[867] During the governorship of Haidar Kúli at Surat the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Royal Asiatic Society MS., I. 567-568) notices the death of Mulla Abdul Ghafúr the founder of the wealthy family of the Mullás of Surat. Haidar Kúli confiscated Abdul Ghafúr's property representing to the emperor that the Mulla died issueless. But the Mulla's son Abdúl Hye proceeding to Dehli not only obtained from the emperor an order of restitution of property but the title of chief of merchants, Umda-tut-Tujjár, and an elephant.

[868] The sum is 6,75,000 mahmúdis. Like the changízi (see above page 222 note 2) the mahmúdi seems to have varied in value from one-third to one-half of a rupee.

[869] See note 1 page 312. The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text Royal Asiatic Society's Library Edition, I. 658) says Trimbakráv was slain. This seems an oversight as in another passage (Ditto, 738-739, see below page 312) he states that Trimbakráv was killed in 1731. The latter statement is in agreement with Grant Duff (History of the Maráthás, I. 364).

[870] The amount was 1,25,000 mahmúdis.

[871] Kasbátis are the descendants of the Musalmán garrisons of some towns of north Gujarát. The Kasbátis of Víramgám were originally Tánk Rájputs.

[872] See note on page 306.

[873] Pátdi (north latitude 23° 10'; east longitude 71° 44'), at the south-east angle of the Ran of Cutch, fifty-two miles west of Áhmedábád.

[874] The Máhi-marátib was a banner having the likeness of a fish at its top.

[875] Of the death at the age of nine years of this son of Saint Sháh-i-Álam the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Printed Persian Text, II. 26) gives the following details: Malik Seif-ud-dín, the daughter's son of Sultán Áhmed I., had a son who he believed was born to him by the prayer of Saint Sháh-i-Álam. This boy who was about nine years old died. Malik Seif-ud-dín ran to Sháh-i-Álam, who used then to live at Asáwal, two or three miles east of Áhmedábád, and in a transport of grief and rage said to the Saint: 'Is this the way you deceive people? Surely you obtained me the gift of that boy to live and not to die? This I suppose is how you will keep your promise of mediating for our sinful souls before Alláh also?' The Saint could give no reply and retired to his inner apartments. The stricken father went to the Saint's son Sháh Bhíkan, who, going in to his father, entreated him to restore the Malik's boy to life. The Saint asked his son 'Are you prepared to die for the boy?' Sháh Bhíkan said 'I am ready.' The Saint, going into an inner room, spread his skirts before Alláh crying 'Rájanji,' a pet name by which the Saint used to address Alláh, meaning Dear King or Lord, 'Rájanji, here is a goat for a goat; take thou this one and return the other.' Lamentations in the Saint's harem showed that half of the prayer was granted and the Malik on returning to his house found the other half fulfilled.

[876] See above page 256. The Portuguese details have been obtained through the kindness of Dr. Gerson DaCunha.

[877] The following Persian verses are carved on the Âlamgír gateway:

In the time of Álamgír Aurangzíb (A.D. 1658-1707), the ruler of the World, This gate resembling the skies in altitude was built anew. In the year A.H. 1079 (A.D. 1668) the work of renewal was begun and completed By the endeavour of the exalted Khán Muhammad Beg Khán. From the accession of this Emperor of the World Aurangzíb. This was the eleventh year by way of writing and history.

[878] Mr. Fergusson (Indian Architecture, page 543) says: "The pillars appear to have been taken from a Jain building." But the refinement on the square capital of each pillar of the Hindu Singh-múkh or horned face into a group of leaves of the same outline shows that the pillars were specially carved for use in a Muslim building. The porch on the north side of the tomb enclosure is described (Ditto, page 543) as composed of pillars avowedly re-erected from a Jain building. This note of Mr. Fergusson's must have gone astray, as the north porch of Hoshang's tomb enclosure is in the plain massive pointed arch and square-shafted style of the tomb and of the great mosque. Mr. Fergusson's note apparently belongs to the second and smaller Jámá Masjid, about a hundred yards east of the Sea or Sagár lake, the pillars of whose colonnade and porch are still enlivened by rows of the lucky face of the Hindu old horny.

[879] Hoshang's great mosque has the following much damaged Persian inscription:

The mosque of exalted construction, the temple of heavenly altitude, Whose every thick pillar is a copy of the (pillars of the) Sacred Temple (the Temple of Makkah). On account of the greatness of its dignity, like the pigeons of the Temple of Makkah, Sacred angels of high degree are always engaged in hovering around it, The result of the events born of the merciless revolution of the skies. When the sun of his life came as far as the balcony (i. e. was ready to set). Áazam Humáyún (that is Malik Mughi's) said ... The administration of the country, the construction of buildings, and the driving back of enemies Are things which I leave you (the son of Áazam Humáyún) as parting advice with great earnestness. The personification of the kindness of Providence, the Sultán Alá-ud-dín (Mehmúd I. A.D. 1436-1469), who is The outcome of the refulgence of the Faith, and the satisfier of the wants of the people, In the year A.H. 858. (A.D. 1454), In the words of the above parting advice, finished the construction of this building.

[880] This Jámá Mosque has the following Persian inscription dated H. 835 (A.D. 1431):

With good omens, at a happy time, and in a lucky and well-started year, On the 4th of the month of Alláh (Ramazán) on the great day of Friday, In the year 835 and six months from the Hijrah (A.D. 1431) Counted according to the revolution of the moon in the Arabian manner, This Islamic mosque was founded in this world, The top of whose dome rubs its head against the green canopy of Heaven. The construction of this high mosque was due to Mughís-ud-dín-wad-dunya (Malik Mughís), the father of Mehmúd I. of Málwa (A.D. 1436-1469), the redresser of temporal and spiritual wrongs. Ulugh (brave), Áazam (great), Humáyún (august), the Khán of the seven climes and the nine countries. By the hands of his enterprise this so great mosque was founded, That some call it the House of Peace, others style it the Kaábah. This good building was completed on the last of the month of Shawwál (A.H. 835, A.D. 1431). May the merit of this good act be inserted in the scroll of the Khán's actions! In this centre may the praises of the sermon read (in the name) of Mehmúd Sháh Be everlasting, so long as mountains stand on the earth and stars in the firmament.

[881] The following Persian inscription carved on the entrance arch shows that though it may have been repaired by Báz Bahádur, the building of the palace was fifty years earlier (H. 914, A.D. 1508):

"In the time of the Sultán of Nations, the most just and great, and the most knowing and munificent Khákán Násir Sháh Khilji (A.D. 1500-1512). Written by Yúsuf, the year (H. 914) (A.D. 1508)."

[882] Translations of its two much-admired Persian inscriptions are given below pages 370-371.

[883] On the Tárápúr gateway a Persian inscription of the reign of the emperor Akbar (A.D. 1556-1605) states that the royal road that passed through this gateway was repaired by Táhir Muhammad Hasan Imád-ud-dín.

[884] The Persian references and extracts in this section are contributed by Khán Sáheb Fazl-ul-láh Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat.

[885] Sir John Malcolm in Eastwick's Handbook of the Panjáb, 119. This reference has not been traced. Farishtah (Elliot, VI. 563) says Mándu was built by Anand Dev of the Bais tribe, who was a contemporary of Khusrao Parwíz the Sassanian (A.D. 591-621).

[886] The date is uncertain. Compare Elphinstone's History, 323; Briggs' Farishtah, I. 210-211; Tabakát-i-Násiri in Elliot, II. 328. The conquest of Mándu in A.D. 1227 is not Mándu in Málwa as Elphinstone and Briggs supposed, but Mandúr in the Siwálik Hills. See Elliot, Vol. II. page 325 Note 1. The Persian text of Farishtah (I. 115), though by mistake calling it Mándu (not Mándu), notes that it was the Mandu in the Siwálik hills. The poetical date-script also terms it Biládi-Siwálik or the Siwálik countries. The date of the conquest of the Siwálik Mándu by Altamsh is given by Farishtah (Ditto) as A.H. 624 (A.D. 1226). The conquest of Málwa by Altamsh, the taking by him of Bhilsah and Ujjain, and the destruction of the temple of Maha Káli and of the statue or image of Bikramájit are given as occurring in A.H. 631 (A.D. 1233). The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 13) notices an expedition made in A.D. 1395 by Zafar Khán (Muzaffar I. of Gujarát) against a Hindu chief of Mándu, who, it was reported, was oppressing the Musalmáns. A siege of more than twelve months failed to capture the fort.

[887] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 170.

[888] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 168. According to the Wákiat-i-Mushtáki (Elliot, IV. 553) Diláwar Khán, or as the writer calls him Amín Sháh, through the good offices of a merchant whom he had refrained from plundering obtained the grant of Mándu, which was entirely desolate. The king sent a robe and a horse, and Amín gave up walking and took to riding. He made his friends ride, enlisted horsemen, and promoted the cultivation of the country (Elliot, IV. 552). Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 460-61) states that when Sultán Muhammad, the son of Fírúz Tughlak, made Khwájah Sarwar his chief minister with the title of Khwájah Jehán, and gave Zafar Khán the viceroyalty of Gujarát and Khizr Khán that of Multán, he sent Diláwar Khán to be governor of Málwa. In another passage Farishtah (II. 461) states that one of Diláwar's grandfathers, Sultán Shaháb-ud-dín, came from Ghor and took service in the court of the Dehli Sultáns. His son rose to be an Amír, and his grandson Diláwar Khán, in the time of Sultán Fírúz, became a leading nobleman, and in the reign of Muhammad, son of Fírúz, obtained Málwa in fief. When the power of the Tughlaks went to ruin Diláwar assumed the royal emblems of the umbrella and the red-tent.

[889] Diláwar Khán Ghori, whose original name was Husein, was one of the grandsons of Sultán Shaháb-ud-dín Muhammad bin Sám. He was one of the nobles of Muhammad, the son of Fírúz Tughlak, who after the death of that monarch, settled in and asserted his power over Málwa. (Pers. Text Faristah, II. 460). The emperor Jehángír (who calls him Âmíd Sháh Ghori) attributes to him the construction of the fort of Dhár. He says (Memoirs Pers. Text, 201-202): Dhár is one of the oldest cities of India. Rája Bhoj, one of the famous ancient Hindu kings, lived in this city. From his time up to this a thousand years have passed. Dhár was also the capital of the Muhammadan rulers of Málwa. When Sultán Muhammad Tughlak (A.D. 1325) was on his way to the conquest of the Dakhan he built a cut-stone fort on a raised site. Its outline is very elegant and beautiful, but the space inside is empty of buildings. Âmíd Sháh Ghori, known as Diláwar Khán, who in the days of Sultán Muhammad the son of Sultán Fírúz, king of Dehli, gained the independent rule of Málwa, built outside this fort an assembly mosque, which has in front of it fixed in the ground a four-cornered iron column about four feet round. When Sultán Bahádur of Gujarát took Málwa (A.D. 1530-31) he wished to carry this column to Gujarát. In digging it up the pillar fell and broke in two, one piece measuring twenty-two feet the other thirteen feet. As it was lying here uncared-for, I (Jehángír) ordered the big piece to be carried to Ágra to be put up in the courtyard of the shrine of him whose abode is the heavenly throne (Akbar), to be utilised as a lamp post. The mosque has two gates. In front of the arch of one gate they have fixed a stone tablet engraved with a prose passage to the effect that Âhmíd Sháh Ghori in the year H. 808 (A.D. 1405) laid the foundation of this mosque. On the other arch they have written a poetic inscription of which the following verses are a part:

The liege lord of the world. The star of the sphere of glory. The stay of the people. The sun of the zenith of perfection. The bulwark of the law of the Prophet, Ámíd Sháh Dáúd. The possessor of amiable qualities, the pride of Ghor. Diláwar Khán, the helper and defender of the Prophet's faith. The chosen instrument of the exalted Lord, who in the city of Dhár constructed the assembly mosque In a happy and auspicious moment on a day of lucky omen. Of the date 808 years have passed (A.D. 1405) When this fabric of Hope was completed.

[890] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 169.

[891] When fellow-nobles in the court of the Tughlak Sultán, Zafar Khán (Sultán Muzaffar of Gujarát) and Diláwar Khán bound themselves under an oath to be brothers in arms. Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 462.

[892] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 173; Elphinstone's History, 678.

[893] Though their temples were turned into mosques the Jains continued to prosper under the Ghoris. At Deogarh in Lalitpura in Jhánsi in the North-West Provinces an inscription of Samvat 1481, that is of A.D. 1424, records the dedication of two Jaina images by a Jain priest named Holi during the reign of Sháh Alambhaka of Mandapapura, that is of Sháh Alp Khán of Mándu that is Sultán Hoshang Ghori. Archæological Survey of India, New Series, II. 120.

[894] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 464-65.

[895] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 176, 178, 180, 181, 183.

[896] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 466-67.

[897] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 180. In connection with the Tárápúr Gate Farishtah says (Pers. Text, II. 468): The fort of Mándu is built on the top of a mountain, and the line of its fortification is about twenty-eight miles in length. In place of a moat it is surrounded by a deep chasm, so that it is impossible to use missiles against it. Within the fort water and provisions are abundant and it includes land enough to grow grain for the garrison. The extent of its walls makes it impossible for an army to invest it. Most of the villages near it are too small to furnish supplies to a besieging force. The south or Tárápúr gate is exceedingly difficult of access. A horseman can hardly approach it. From whichever side the fort may be attempted, most difficult heights have to be scaled. The long distances and intervening hills prevent the watchers of the besieging force communicating with each other. The gate on the side of Delhi is of easier access than the other gates.

[898] It follows that Farishtah (Briggs, IV. 196) is mistaken in stating that Hoshang's son Muhammad gave Mándu the name of Shádiábád, the Abode of Joy.

[899] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 472-475. It seems to follow that from the first the monument to Hoshang in Hoshangábád was an empty tomb. Compare Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 180-190.

[900] The following more detailed, but also more confused, story is told in the Wákiat-i-Mushtáki (Elliot, IV. 552-54): A man named Mehmúd, son of Mughís Khilji, came to Hoshang and entered his service. He was a treacherous man, who secretly aspired to the throne. He became minister, and gave his daughter in marriage to the king. [Farishtah, Pers. Text, II. 474, says: "Malik Mughís gave his daughter (Mehmúd's sister) in marriage, not to Hoshang, but to Hoshang's son Muhammad Shah."] His father Malik Mughís, coming to know of his son's ambitious designs, informed the king of them. Hereupon Mehmúd feigned illness, and to deceive the king's physicians shut himself in a dark room and drank the blood of a newly killed goat. When the physicians came Mehmúd rose hastily, threw up the blood into a basin, and tossing back his head rolled on the floor as if in pain. The physicians called for a light. When they saw that what Mehmúd had spat up was blood they were satisfied of his sickness, and told the king that Mehmúd had not long to live. The king refrained from killing a dying man. This strange story seems to be an embellishment of a passage in Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 477). When Khán Jehán, that is Malik Mughís the father of Mehmúd, was ordered by Sultán Muhammad to take the field against the Rájput rebels of Nádoti (Hároti?) many of the old nobles of Málwa went with him. In their absence the party hostile to the Khiljis represented to Sultán Muhammad that Mehmúd Khilji was plotting his death. On hearing that the Sultán was enraged against him Mehmúd secluded himself from the Court on pretence of illness. At the same time he worked secretly and bribed Sultán Muhammad's cup-bearer to poison his master. On the death of Sultán Muhammad the party of nobles opposed to Mehmúd, concealing the fact of Muhammad's death, sent word that Muhammad had ordered him immediately to the palace, as he wanted to send him on an embassy to Gujarát. Mehmúd, who knew that the Sultán was dead, returned word to the nobles that he had vowed a life-long seclusion as the sweeper of the shrine of his patron Sultán Hoshang, but that if the nobles came to him and convinced him that the good of his country depended on his going to Gujarát he was ready to go and see Sultán Muhammad. The nobles were caught in their own trap. They went to Mehmúd and were secured and imprisoned by him.

[901] Farishtah, Pers. Text, II. 480.

[902] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 196. These titles mean: The Chief of Nobles, the Great, the August.

[903] It is related that one of the pious men in the camp of Sultán Ahmed of Gujarát had a warning dream, in which the Prophet (on whom be peace) appeared to him and said: "The calamity of (spirit of) pestilence is coming down from the skies. Tell Sultán Ahmed to leave this country." This warning was told to Sultán Ahmed, but he disregarded it, and within three days pestilence raged in his camp. Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 484.

[904] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 205, gives 230 minarets and 360 arches. This must have been an addition in the Text used by Briggs. These details do not apply to the building. The Persian text of Farishtah, II. 485, mentions 208 columns or pillars (duyast o hasht ustuwánah). No reference is made either to minarets or to arches.

[905] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 487.

[906] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 207. Malcolm's Central India, I. 32. In A.D. 1817 Sir John Malcolm (Central India, I. 32 Note) fitted up one of Mehmúd's palaces as a hot-weather residence.

[907] Of the siege of Kumbhalmer a curious incident is recorded by Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 485). He says that a temple outside the town destroyed by Mehmúd had a marble idol in the form of a goat. The Sultán ordered the idol to be ground into lime and sold to the Rájputs as betel-leaf lime, so that the Hindus might eat their god. The idol was perhaps a ram, not a goat. The temple would then have been a Sun-temple and the ram, the carrier or váhana of the Sun, would have occupied in the porch a position similar to that held by the bull in a Mahádeva temple.

[908] Ruins of Mándu, 13.

[909] In the end of A.H. 846 (A.D. 1442) Mehmúd built a seven-storeyed tower and a college opposite the Jámá Mosque of Hoshang Sháh. Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 210; Persian Text, II. 488.

[910] Compare Briggs' Farishtah, IV 323.

[911] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 41.

[912] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 210; Farishtah, Persian Text II. 488.

[913] Memoirs of the emperor Jehángír (Pers. Text) Sir Sayad Áhmed's Edition, page 188, eleventh year of Jehángír, A.D. 1617.

[914] Herbert's Khán Jehan is doubtless Mehmúd's father the minister Malik Mughís, Khán Jehán Aâzam Humáyún. It cannot be Khán Jehán Pir Muhammad, Akbar's general, who after only a few months' residence was slain in Mándu in A.D. 1561; nor can it be Jehángír's great Afghán general, Khán Jehán Lodi (A.D. 1600-1630), as he was not in Mándu until A.D. 1628, that is more than a year after Herbert left India. Compare Herbert's Travels, 107-118; Elliot, VI. 249-323, VII. 7, 8, and 21; and Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 503-506.

[915] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 214.

[916] Ruins of Mándu, 13. Farishtah has three mentions of colleges. One (Pers. Text, II. 475) as the place where the body of Hoshang was carried, probably that prayers might be said over it. In another passage in the reign of Mehmúd I. (Pers. Text, II. 480) he states that Mehmúd built colleges in his territories which became the envy of Shíráz and Samarkand. In a third passage he mentions a college (page 488) near the Victory Tower.

[917] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 217. A different but almost incredible account of the capture of the royal belt is given in the Mirat-i-Sikandari, Pers. Text, 159: When Sultán Kutb-ud-dín, son of Sultán Muhammad, defeated Sultán Mehmúd Khilji at the battle of Kapadvanj, there was such a slaughter as could not be exceeded. By chance, in the heat of the fray, which resembled the Day of Judgment, the wardrobe-keeper of Sultán Kutb-ud-dín, in whose charge was the jewelled belt, was by the restiveness of his horse carried into the ranks of the enemy. The animal there became so violent that the wardrobe-keeper fell off and was captured by the enemy, and the jewelled belt was taken from him and given to Sultán Mehmúd of Málwa. The author adds: This jewelled waistband was in the Málwa treasury at the time the fortress of Mándu was taken by the strength of the arm of Sultán Muzaffar (A.D. 1531). Sultán Mehmúd sent this belt together with a fitting sword and horse to Sultán Muzaffar by the hands of his son.

[918] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 209.

[919] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 234-235: Pers. Text, II. 503.

[920] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 236.

[921] Ruins of Mándu, 6.

[922] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 504-505.

[923] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 505.

[924] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 507.

[925] Wákiat-i-Mushtáki in Elliot, IV. 554-556. Probably these are stock tales. The Gujarát historians give Muzaffar and Muhammad the Gold-giver (A.D. 1441-1451) credit for the horse scrupulosity. See Mirat-i-Sikandari Pers. Text, 178.

[926] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 236-239; Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 349-350; Wákiat-i-Mushtáki in Elliot, IV. 554-55; Malcolm's Central India, I. 35-36. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 160) has the following notice of Ghiás-ud-dín: The Sultáns of Mándu had reached such a pitch of luxury and ease that it is impossible to imagine aught exceeding it. Among them Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín was so famous for his luxurious habits, that at present (A.D. 1611) if any one exceeds in luxury and pleasure, they say he is a second Ghiás-ud-dín. The orders of the Sultán were that no event of a painful nature or one in which there was any touch of sadness should be related to him. They say that during his entire reign news of a sad nature was only twice conveyed to him: once when his son-in-law died and once when his daughter was brought before him clothed in white. On this occasion the Sultán is related to have simply said: "Perhaps her husband is dead." This he said because the custom of the people of India is that when the husband of a woman dies she gives up wearing coloured clothes. The second occasion was when the army of Sultán Bahlol Lodi plundered several of the districts of Chanderi. Though it was necessary to report this to the Sultán, his ministers were unable to communicate it to him. They therefore asked a band of actors (bhánds) to assume the dress of Afgháns, and mentioning the districts to represent them as being pillaged and laid waste. Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín exclaimed in surprise: "But is the governor of Chanderi dead that he does not avenge upon the Afgháns the ruin of his country!"

[927] Compare Catalogue of Indian Coins, The Mahomedan States, pages LIV. LV. and 118-121.

[928] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 507.

[929] Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 508) detailing how Násir-ud-dín came to power, says: There was a difference between Násir-ud-dín and his brother Alá-ud-dín. The mother of these princes, Khurshíd Ráni, who was the daughter of the Hindu chief of Báglána, had taken Alá-ud-dín the younger brother's side. After killing his father Násir-ud-dín ordered his mother to be dragged out of the harím and Alá-ud-dín and his children to be slaughtered like lambs.

[930] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 238-239. Farishtah holds that Násir-ud-dín's murder of his father is not proved. He adds (Pers. Text, II. 515) that Násir-ud-dín was at Dhár where he had gone to quell the rebellion of the nobles when the news of Ghiás-ud-dín's death reached him. He argues that as a parricide cannot flourish more than a year after his father's murder, and as Násir-ud-dín ruled for years after that event, he could not have killed his father.

[931] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 516.

[932] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 243. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) says that Násir-ud-dín had a disease which made him feel so hot that he used to sit for hours in water.

[933] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 350. Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 517-18) says that Násir-ud-dín died of a burning-fever he had contracted by hard drinking and other evil habits, that he showed keen penitence before his death, and bequeathed his kingdom to his third son Mehmúd. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) confirms the account of the Wákiat as to the manner of Násir-ud-dín's death.

[934] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 243.

[935] The emperor Jehángír thus describes (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) his visit to Násir-ud-dín's grave. It is related that when during his reign Sher Khán Afghán Súr (A.D. 1540-1555) visited Násir-ud-dín's grave he ordered his attendants to flagellate the parricide's tomb: When I visited the sepulchre I kicked his grave and ordered those with me to do the same. Not satisfied with this I ordered his bones to be dug out and burned and the ashes to be thrown into the Narbada.

[936] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 350. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Pers. Text, 202) refers to the well-known bridge and water-palace about three miles north of Ujjain as the work of Násir-ud-dín. He says: On Sunday I reached Saádulpur near Ujjain. In this village is a river house with a bridge on which are alcoves both built by Násir-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1500-1512). Though the bridge is not specially praiseworthy the water-courses and cisterns connected with it have a certain merit.

[937] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 246.

[938] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 247-249. Malcolm's (Central India, I. 38) writes the Rájput's name Maderay. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 149-155), gives the form Medáni Rai, the Lord of the Battlefield, a title which the author says (page 149) Mehmúd conferred on the Rájput in acknowledgment of his prowess.

[939] The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 154) gives the following details of Mehmúd's flight: Sultán Mehmúd, on pretence of hunting left Mándu and remained hunting for several days. The Hindus, whom Medáni Rái had placed on guard over him, slept after the fatigue of the chase. Only some of the more trusted guards remained. Among them was a Rájput named Krishna, a Málwa zamíndár who was attached to the Sultán. Mehmúd said to Krishna: "Can you find me two horses and show me the way to Gujarát that I may get aid from Sultán Muzaffar to punish these rascals? If you can, do so at once, and, Alláh willing, you shall be handsomely rewarded." Krishna brought two horses from the Sultán's stables. Mehmúd rode on one and seated his dearest of wives, Ráni Kannya Kuar, on the other. Krishna marched in front. In half the night and one day they reached the Gujarát frontier.

[940] Tárikh-i-Sher Sháhi in Elliot, IV. 386. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 160) gives the following details of the banquet: Sultán Mehmúd showed great hospitality and humility. After the banquet as he led the Sultán over the palaces, they came to a mansion in the centre of which was a four-cornered building like the Kaâbah, carved and gilded, and round it were many apartments. When Sultán Muzaffar placed his foot within the threshold of that building the thousand beauties of Sultán Mehmúd's harím, magnificently apparelled and jewelled, all at once opened the doors of their chambers and burst into view like húris and fairies. When Muzaffar's eyes fell on their charms he bowed his head and said: "To see other than one's own harím is sinful." Sultán Mehmúd replied: "These are mine, and therefore yours, seeing that I am the slave purchased by your Majesty's kindness." Muzaffar said: "They are more suitable for you. May you have joy in them. Let them retire." At a signal from Sultán Mehmúd the ladies vanished.

[941] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 250-262.

[942] Farishtah Pers. Text. II. 527. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 161) Mehmúd marched against Gágraun first, and slew Hemkaran, a partisan of Medáni Rái, in a hand-to-hand fight. On this the Rána and Medáni Rái joined their forces against Mehmúd.

[943] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 262-263.

[944] Persian Edition, 239.

[945] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 267-68. Sultán Bahádur apparently surprised the party in charge of the Tárápúr or Southern Gate.

[946] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 269; Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, I. 76.

[947] Briggs' Farishtah, II. 77.

[948] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 14; Briggs' Farishtah, II. 77.

[949] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, V. 192.

[950] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 15; Briggs' Farishtah, II. 80-81.

[951] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 18. According to Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 532) Mallu, the son of Mallu, was a native of Málwa and a Khilji slave noble. Mallu received his title of Kádir Sháh from Sultán Mehmúd III. of Gujarát (A.D. 1536-1544) at the recommendation of his minister Imád-ul-Mulk who was a great friend of Mallu. Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 298.

[952] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 532.

[953] Tárikh-i-Sher Sháh in Elliot, IV. 391; Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 271-72.

[954] Farishtah (Pers. Text, 533-34) refers to the following circumstance as the cause of Kádir Sháh's suspicion. On his way to Sher Sháh's darbár at Ujjain Kádir saw some Mughal prisoners in chains making a road. One of the prisoners seeing him began to sing:

Mará mí bín darín ahwál o fikrí khíshtan mí kun!

In this plight thou seest me to-day, Thine own turn is not far away.

When Kádir Sháh escaped, Sher Sháh on hearing of his flight exclaimed:

Bá má chi kard dídí Mallû Ghulám-i-gídí.

Thus he treats us with scorn, Mallu the slave base born.

To this one of Sher Sháh's men replied:

Kaul-i-Rasúl bar hakk Lá khaira fil abídi.

The words of the Prophet are true, No good can a slave ever do.

[955] Tárikh-i-Sher Sháhi in Elliot, IV. 397.

[956] Tárikh-i-Alfi in Elliott, V. 168; Elphinstone's India, 402-403.

[957] Tárikh-i-Alfi in Elliot, V. 168.

[958] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 276.

[959] When Báz Bahádur attacked the Gonds their chief was dead, and his widow, Ráni Durgávati, was ruling in his place. The Ráni led the Gonds against the invaders, and hemming them in one of the passes, inflicted on them such a defeat that Báz Bahádur fled from the field leaving his baggage and camp in her hands. Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 538.

[960] According to Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 538) Báz Bahádur was already an adept in music.

[961] Malcolm's Central India, I. 39; Ruins of Mándu, 30.

[962] Briggs' Farishtah, II. 210.

[963] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 321.

[964] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 211.

[965] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 216.

[966] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 291.

[967] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 330-31.

[968] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 375.

[969] The emperor Jehángír thus describes (Memoirs Pers. Text, 372) a visit to this building: On the third day of Amardád (July 1617) with the palace ladies I set out to see Nílkanth, which is one of the pleasantest places in Mándu fort. Sháh Budágh Khán, who was one of the trusted nobles of my august father, built this very pleasing and joy-giving lodge during the time he held this province in fief (A.D. 1572-1577). I remained at Nílkanth till about an hour after nightfall and then returned to my state quarters.

[970] An officer who distinguished himself under Humáyún, one of Akbar's commanders of Three Thousand, long governor of Mándu, where he died. Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 372.

[971] When opposed to Ârab the word Âjam signifies all countries except Arabia, and in a narrow sense, Persia. The meaning of the word Âjam is dumbness, the Arabs so glorying in the richness of their own tongue as to hold all other countries and nations dumb.

[972] The stones on which this inscription is carved have been wrongly arranged by some restorer. Those with the latter portion of the inscription come first and those with the beginning come last. Múnshi Abdur Rahím of Dhár.

[973] The maternal uncle of Naushírwán (A.D. 586-635) the Sassanian, Shirwán Sháh was ruler of a district on Mount Caucasus. Al Masúdi, Arabic Text Prairies d'Or, II. 4, and Rauzat-us-Safa, Persian Text, I. 259.

[974] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 353.

[975] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 279.

[976] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 429.

[977] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 41.

[978] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 31.

[979] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 169, 181, 190.

[980] Nineteen kos, taking the kos to be two miles.

[981] The emperor Jehángír's Memoirs, Pers. Text, Sir Sayad Áhmed's Edition, 178-203.

[982] Literally single-men. The Ahadís were a corps of men who stood immediately under the emperor's orders. Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 20 note 1.

[983] This scattering of gold silver or copper coin, called in Arabic and Persian nisár, is a common form of offering. The influence of the evil eye or other baneful influence is believed to be transferred from the person over whom the coin is scattered to the coin and through the coin to him who takes it.

[984] This feat of Núr Jehán's drew from one of the Court poets the couplet:

Núr Jehán gar chih ba súrat zanast Dar safi Mardán zani sher afkanast.

Núr Jehán the tiger-slayer's woman Ranks with men as the tiger-slaying woman.

Sherafkan, that is tiger-slayer, was the title of Núr Jehán's first husband Ali-Kuli Istajlu.

[985] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 187.

[986] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 189.

[987] The miskál which was used in weighing gold was equal in weight to ninety-six barleycorns. Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 36.

[988] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 195.

[989] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 195.

[990] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 192-194.

[991] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 190.

[992] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 192.

[993] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 194-5.

[994] A Voyage to East India, 181. Terry gives April 1616, but Roe seems correct in saying March 1617. Compare Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 351.

[995] Akbarpur lies between Dharampuri and Waisar. Malcolm's Central India, I. 84 note.

[996] Carriages may have the old meaning of things carried, that is baggage. The time taken favours the view that wagons or carts were forced up the hill. For the early seventeenth century use of carriages in its modern sense compare Terry (Voyage, 161). Of our wagons drawn with oxen ... and other carriages we made a ring every night; also Dodsworth (1614), who describes a band of Rájputs near Baroda cutting off two of his carriages (Kerr's Voyages, IX. 203); and Roe (1616), who journeyed from Ajmír to Mándu with twenty camels four carts and two coaches (Kerr, IX. 308). Terry's carriages seem to be Roe's coaches, to which Dela Valle (A.D. 1623) Hakluyt's Edition, (I. 21) refers as much like the Indian chariots described by Strabo (B.C. 50) covered with crimson silk fringed with yellow about the roof and the curtains. Compare Idrísi (A.D. 1100-1150), but probably from Al Istakhiri, A.D. 960: Elliot, I. 87). In all Nahrwala or north Gujarát the only mode of carrying either passengers or goods is in chariots drawn by oxen with harness and traces under the control of a driver. When in 1616 Jehángír left Ajmír for Mándu the English carriage presented to him by the English ambassador Sir Thomas Roe was allotted to the Sultánah Núr Jehán Begam. It was driven by an English coachman. Jehángír followed in the coach his own men had made in imitation of the English coach. Corryat (1615, Crudities III., Letters from India, unpaged) calls the English chariot a gallant coach of 150 pounds price.

[997] Kerr's Voyages, IX. 335; Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 377.

[998] Roe writing from Ajmír in the previous year (29th August 1616) describes Mándu as a castle on a hill, where there is no town and no buildings. Kerr, IX. 267.

[999] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 313.

[1000] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 314.

[1001] Compare Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 377.

[1002] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 314.

[1003] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 321.

[1004] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 335.

[1005] Corryat's Crudities, III. Extracts (unpaged). This Master Herbert was Thomas, brother of Sir Edward Herbert, the first Lord Herbert. It seems probable that this Thomas supplied his cousin Sir Thomas Herbert who was travelling in India and Persia in A.D. 1627 with his account of Mándu. See below pages 381-382.

[1006] Corryat's Crudities, III. Extracts (unpaged).

[1007] Terry's Voyage, 183; Roe in Kerr, IX. 335.

[1008] Roe in Kerr, IX. 335.

[1009] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 349.

[1010] Wákiat-i-Jehángiri in Elliot, VI. 350.

[1011] Terry's Voyage, 228.

[1012] Terry's Voyage, 69.

[1013] Terry's Voyage, 183.

[1014] Terry's Voyage, 186, 198.

[1015] Terry's Voyage, 198, 205.

[1016] Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 337; Pinkerton's Voyages, VIII. 35.

[1017] Terry's Voyage, 403.

[1018] Corryat's Crudities, III. Letter 2. Extracts unpaged.

[1019] Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 343.

[1020] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 340-343.

[1021] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 344.

[1022] Terry's Voyage, 377. Terry's details seem not to agree with Roe's who states (Kerr's Voyages, IX. 344 and Pinkerton's Voyages, VIII. 37): I was invited to the drinking, but desired to be excused because there was no avoiding drinking, and their liquors are so hot that they burn out a man's very bowels. Perhaps the invitation Roe declined was to a private drinking party after the public weighing was over.

[1023] Roe in Kerr's Voyage, IX. 347; Elphinstone's History, 494. Kerr (IX. 347) gives September 2 but October 2 is right. Compare Pinkerton's Voyages, VIII. 39.

[1024] Ruins of Mándu, 57. As the emperor must have passed out by the Dehli Gate, and as Roe's lodge was two miles from Báz Bahádur's palace, the lodge cannot have been far from the Dehli Gate. It is disappointing that, of his many genial gossipy entries Jehángír does not devote one to Roe. The only reference to Roe's visit is the indirect entry (Wa'kiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 347) that Jehángír gave one of his nobles a coach, apparently a copy of the English coach, with which, to Jehángír's delight, Roe had presented him.

[1025] Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 353.

[1026] Terry's Voyage, 180.

[1027] Terry's Voyage, 181.

[1028] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 383.

[1029] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 387.

[1030] Elphinstone's History, 496-97. Compare Dela Valle (Hakluyt Edition, I. 177) writing in A.D. 1622, Sultán Khurram after his defeat by Jehángír retired to Mándu.

[1031] Dela Valle's Travels, Hakluyt Edition, I. 97.

[1032] Elphinstone's History, 507.

[1033] Herbert's Travels, 84. Corryat's Master Herbert was as already noticed named like the traveller Thomas. The two Thomases were distant relations, both being fourth in descent from Sir Richard Herbert of Colebroke, who lived about the middle of the fifteenth century. A further connection between the two families is the copy of complimentary verses "To my cousin Sir Thomas Herbert," signed Ch. Herbert, in the 1634 and 1665 editions of Herbert's Travels, which are naturally, though somewhat doubtfully, ascribed to Charles Herbert, a brother of our Master Thomas. It is therefore probable that after his return to England Sir Thomas Herbert obtained the Mándu details from Master Thomas who was himself a writer, the author of several poems and pamphlets. Corryat's tale how, during the water-famine at Mándu, Master Herbert annexed a spring or cistern, and then bound a servant of the Great King who attempted to share in its use, shows admirable courage and resolution on the part of Master Thomas, then a youth of twenty years. The details of Thomas in his brother Lord Herbert's autobiography give additional interest to the hero of Corryat's tale of a Tank. Master Thomas was born in. A.D. 1597. In 1610, when a page to Sir Edward Cecil and a boy of thirteen, in the German War especially in the siege of Juliers fifteen miles north-east of Aix-la-Chapelle, Master Thomas showed such forwardness as no man in that great army surpassed. On his voyage to India in 1617, in a fight with a great Portuguese carrack, Captain Joseph, in command of Herbert's ship Globe, was killed. Thomas took Joseph's place, forced the carrack aground, and so riddled her with shot that she never floated again. To his brother's visit to India Lord Herbert refers as a year spent with the merchants who went from Surat to the Great Mughal. After his return to England Master Thomas distinguished himself at Algiers, capturing a vessel worth £1800. In 1622, when Master Thomas was in command of one of the ships sent to fetch Prince Charles (afterwards King Charles I.) from Spain, during the return voyage certain Low Countrymen and Dunkirkers, that is Dutch and Spanish vessels, offended the Prince's dignity by fighting in his presence without his leave. The Prince ordered the fighting ships to be separated; whereupon Master Thomas, with some other ships got betwixt the fighters on either side, and shot so long that both Low Countrymen and Dunkirkers were glad to desist. Afterwards at divers times Thomas fought with great courage and success with divers men in single fight, sometimes hurting and disarming his adversary, sometimes driving him away. The end of Master Thomas was sad. Finding his proofs of himself undervalued he retired into a private and melancholy life, and after living in this sullen humour for many years, he died about 1642 and was buried in London in St. Martin's near Charing Cross.

[1034] Khafi Khán in Elliot, VII. 218.

[1035] Malcolm's Central India, I. 64.

[1036] Malcolm's Central India, I. 78.

[1037] Malcolm's Central India, I. 100.

[1038] Malcolm's Central India, I. 106.

[1039] Central India, II. 503.

[1040] Ruins of Mándu, 43: March 1852 page 34.

[1041] Ruins of Mándu, 43: March 1852 page 34.

[1042] Malcolm's Central India, II. 503.

[1043] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 235 note *.

[1044] Indian Architecture, 541.

[1045] Ruins of Mándu, 9.

[1046] Ruins of Mándu, 9.

[1047] Ruins of Mándu, 13, 25, 35. Some of these extracts seem to belong to a Bombay Subaltern, who was at Mándu about A.D. 1842, and some to Captain Claudius Harris, who visited the hill in April 1852. Compare Ruins of Mándu, 34.

[1048] Murray's Handbook of the Panjáb, 118.

[1049] Surat was known as Báb-ul-makkah or the Gate of Makka on account of its being the starting place of the ships annually conveying the Muhammadan pilgrims of India to the shrine of their Prophet.

[1050] Sardeshmukhi or ten per cent on the revenue. The chauth was nominally one-fourth, but both these claims were fluctuating in their proportions to the total revenue.

[1051] Now the capital of the Rája of Rájpipla.

[1052] Chauth and Sardeshmukhi as settled in 1699.

[1053] On the western skirts of the Dáng forests.

[1054] Now in the British districts of the Panch Maháls.

[1055] The Muhammadan account is given in the Musalmán portion of this history. Grant Duff's description differs considerably.

[1056] The Marátha practice was to base their demands on the standard or tankha assessment (which was seldom if ever collected), so that by this means they evaded all possibility of claims against them for over-collections.

[1057] At Gala about twelve miles above Surat in the territory of the Gáikwár.

[1058] Tálegaon in the north-west of Poona, now a station on the railway to Bombay.

[1059] Broach was constituted part of the Nizám's personal estate on his resigning the viceroyalty in 1722.

[1060] At the mouth of the Tápti, now belonging to the little Muhammadan state of Sachin.

[1061] Now in the Ahmednagar district.

[1062] In the Surat district some thirty miles east of the city.

[1063] A celebrated hill fort south of Chámpáner in the Panch Maháls district.

[1064] Oriental Memoirs.

[1065] Known as Daskroi.

[1066] The rite of passing cakes from village to village or of passing a dog from village to village is in such complete accord with magical and religious rites practised all over India that it seems hardly possible to accept either as meaningless or as accidental the passing of cakes and of a dog from one part of the country to another on the brink of the Mutinies. Knowing how suitable such a rite is to the state of feeling as well as to the phase of belief prevalent among the plotters of rebellion in Northern India it seems difficult to suppose that the passing of the cakes and the passing of the dog were not both sacramental; that is designed to spread over the country a spirit which had by religious or magical rites been housed in the dog and in the cakes. The cake-spirit, like the sugar-spirit of the Thags, was doubtless Káli, the fierce longing for unbridled cruelty, which worked on the partaker of the Thag sugar with such power that he entered with zest and without remorse on any scheme however cowardly and cruel. Like the Thags those who ate the Mutiny cakes would by partaking become of one spirit, the spirit of the indwelling Káli, and, in that spirit would be ready to support and to take part in any scheme of blood which the leaders of Mutiny might devise and start. Similarly by religious rites the Central India dog, possibly the dog of Báiza Bái of Gwálior (See Text page 437), had been made the home of some fierce war-spirit, apparently of the dog-formed Khandoba the Marátha Sword God and Dog of War. The inspired dog and the inspired dogs-meat were passed through the land in the confidence that through them the spirit of unrest would pervade every village of Gujarát. Since the Mutinies, by the magic of letters, Káli has passed from the wafer into the leaflet, and the paid political propagandist has taken the place of Khandoba's pariah dog.

The correctness of the view suggested above is supported if not established by certain passages in Kaye's Sepoy War, I. 632-642. Chuni says; 'The circulating of cakes was supposed to foretell disturbance and to imply an invitation to the people to unite for some secret purpose.' According to the king of Delhi's physician (page 636) some charm attached to the cakes. The people thought they were made by some adept in the secret arts to keep unpolluted the religion of the country. Another authority (page 637) says; 'The first circulation of the cakes was on the authority of a pandit who said the people would rise in rebellion if cakes were sent round and that the person in whose name the cakes were sent would rule India.' The secret comes out in Sitárám Báwá's evidence (pages 646-648); 'The cakes in question were a charm or jádu which originated with Dása Báwa the guru or teacher of Nána Sáheb. Dása told Nána Sáheb he would make a charm and as far as the magic cakes should be carried so far should the people be on his side. He then took lotusseed-dough called makána and made an idol of it. He reduced the idol to very small pills and having made an immense number of cakes he put a pillet in each and said that as far as the cakes were carried so far would the people determine to throw off the Company's yoke.' With this making of a cake as a sacramental home of Durga or Káli compare the Buddhist of Tibet offering in a human skull to the Máháráni or Queen, that is to Durga or Káli, a sacramental cake made of black-goat's fat, wine, dough, and butter. (Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, 365.). As to the effect of sharing in Durga's mutiny cakes compare the statement of the Thag Faringia (Sleeman's Ramaseeana, page 216); The sugar sacrament, gur-tapávani, changes our nature. Let a man once taste the sacramental sugar and he will remain a Thag however skilful a craftsman, however well-to-do. The Urdu proverb says Tapauni-ki-dhaunika gur jisne kháyá wuh waisá huá Who eats the sugar of the sacramental Vase as he is so he remains. The Thags are tools in the hand of the god they have eaten. (Compare Ramaseeana, 76.)--J. M. C.

[1067] Rova in the south-east corner of Sirohi: Mandeta in Ídar in the Máhi Kántha. P. FitzGerald Esq. Political Agent Máhi Kántha.

[1068] The translations of the inscriptions and the bulk of the history are the work of Mr. A. M. T. Jackson of the Indian Civil Service.

[1069] Finch in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 301. Thirty years later the traveller Tavernier (Ball's Edition, II. 87) has: Bargant (Wangam in Jodhpur ?) to Bimál 15 kos: Bimál to Modra 15 kos. Of Jhálor Ufflet has left the following description. Jhálor is a castle on the top of a steep mountain three kos in ascent by a fair stone causeway broad enough for two men. At the end of the first kos is a gate and a place of guard where the causeway is enclosed on both sides with walls. At the end of the second kos is a double gate strongly fortified; and at the third kos is the castle which is entered by three successive gates. The first is very strongly plated with iron, the second not so strong with places above for throwing down melted lead or boiling oil, and the third is thickly beset with iron spikes. Between each of these gates are spacious places of arms and at the inner gate is a strong portcullis. A bowshot within the castle is a splendid pagoda, built by the founders of the castle and ancestors of Ghazni (Gidney) Khán who were Gentiles. He turned Muhammadan and deprived his elder brother of this castle by the following stratagem. Having invited him and his women to a banquet which his brother requited by a similar entertainment he substituted chosen soldiers well armed instead of women, sending them two and two in a dhuli or litter who getting in by this device gained possession of the gates and held the place for the Great Mughal to whom it now (A.D. 1611) appertains being one of the strongest situated forts in the world. About half a kos within the gate is a goodly square tank cut out of the solid rock said to be fifty fathoms deep and full of excellent water. Quoted by Finch in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 300-301.

[1070] The names of these gateways are Surajpul about six miles (4 kos) east of Bhinmál near Khánpur at the site of a temple of Mahádev; Sávidár about six miles (4 kos) to the south near a temple of Hanumán; Dharanidhar near Vandar about six miles (4 kos) west of Bhinmál at the site of a large well; Kishánbivao about six miles (4 kos) to the north near Nartan at the site of a large well and stones. Rattan Lal Pandit.

[1071] The Shrimáli Bráhm-Bháts are of the following subdivisions: Dhondaleshvar, Hár, Hera, Loh, Poeshsha, Pitalia, and Varing. They say Shrimál is their original home.

[1072] The local explanation of Reh-bári is liver out of the way. Their subdivisions are; Ál, Barod, Bougaro, Dagalla, Gansor, Gongala, Kalotra, Karamtha, Nangu, Panna, Pramára, Roj. All are strong dark full-bearded men.

[1073] The importance of Bhinmál as a centre of population is shown not only by the Shrimáli Bráhmans and Vánis who are spread all over Gujarát, but by the Porwárs a class of Vánis now unrepresented in their native town who are said to take their name from a suburb of Bhinmál. Oswáls, almost all of whom are Shrávaks or followers of the Jain religion, have practically spread from Bhinmál. The origin of the name Osvál is (Trans. Roy. As. Soc. III. 337) from Osi the Mother or Luck of Osianagar an ancient town and still a place of pilgrimage about eighteen miles north of Jodhpur. The Oswáls were originally Rájputs of several classes including Pawárs but mainly Solankis and so apparently (Tod's Western India, 209) of Gurjjara origin. Equally of Gurjjara origin are the Shrimáli Vánis who hold a specially high place among Western Indian Jains. The care taken by the Jains to secure foreign conquerors within their fold is notable. The Tirthankar is a Rája who by piety and other virtues attained moksha or absorption. The fifty-four worshipfuls uttamapurushas, the twenty-four tirthankars, the twelve chakravartis, the nine báladevas, and the nine vásudevas are Rájás, most of them great conquerors (Trans. Royal Asiatic Society. III. 338-341). The local story is that the Solankis were called to help the people of Shrimál to resist the Songara Rájputs of Jhálor who took Bhinmál about A.D. 1290. Before that the Shrimális and Solankis were enemies. This tradition of hostility is interesting as it may go back to A.D. 740 when Múlarája Solanki transferred the seat of power from Bhinmál to Anahilaváda Pátan. (See Below page 469.) A class who trace to Bhinmál are the Pitals or Kalbis of Márwár (Márwár Castes, 41). They claim descent from Rájput men and Bráhman women. In support of the tradition the women still keep separate neither eating with nor using the same vessels as their husbands.

[1074] These dancing girls hold land. They are said to have been brought by the Songara Rájputs, who according to the local account retreating from Alá-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1290) took Bhinmál from the Shrimáli Bráhmans.

[1075] The Jatiyas all Hindus of the three subdivisions Baletta, Sunkaria, and Talvaria came from Mándu near Dhár in Central India. The name is locally derived from jatukarta a skin.

[1076] According to a local story there was a hermitage of Jangams near the temple of Jagamdeva the Sun-God and a hermitage of Bharatis near Chandeshvar's shrine. In a fight between the rival ascetics many were slain and the knowledge where their treasure was stored passed away. When repairs were made in A.D. 1814 (S. 1870) the Bharati hermitage was cleared. Two large earthen pots were found one of which still stands at the door of Chandeshvar's temple. These pots contained the treasure of the Bharatis. In A.D. 1814 nothing but white dust was found. Most of the dust was thrown away till a Jain ascetic came and examined the white dust. The ascetic called for an iron rod, heated the rod, sprinkled it with the white dust, and the iron became gold.

[1077] According to Alberuni (A.D. 1030) the Brahmasiddhánta was composed by Brahmagupta the son of Jishnu from the town of Bhillamála between Multán and Anhilwára. Sachau's Translation, I. 153. Another light of the college was the Sanskrit poet Magha, the son of Srímálí parents, who is said to have lived in the time of Bhoj Rája of Ujjain (A.D. 1010-1040). Márwár Castes, 68.

[1078] The local account explains the origin of the name Kanak which also means gold by the story of a Bhil who was drowned on the waxing fifth of Bhádarwa. The Bhil's wife who was with him failing to drown herself prepared a funeral pyre. Mahádeva pleased with the woman's devotion restored her husband to life and made his body shine like gold. As a thankoffering the Bhil enlarged the tank and built a shrine to Kirait Mahádeva.

[1079] The local explanation of the name Yaksha's Pool is that Rávana went to Abaka the city of the great Yaksha Kuvera god of wealth and stole Pushpak Kuvera's vimán or carrier. Kuvera in sorrow asked his father what he should do to recover his carrier. The father said Worship in Shrimál. Kuvera came to Shrimál and worshipped Brahma who appeared to him and said: When Rámchandra destroys Ravana he will bring back Pushpak.

[1080] No local tradition throws light on the reason why this figure is called a Yaksha. The holding a head in his hand suggests that he may have been a guardian Bhairav in some Buddhist temple and so remembered as a guardian or Yaksha. Or he may have been supposed to be a statue of the builder of the temple and so have been called a Yaksha since that word was used for a race of skilful architects and craftsmen. Troyer's Rajatarangíní, I. 369. In the Vrijji temples in Tirhut which Buddhist accounts make older than Buddhism the objects of worship were ancestral spirits who were called Yakshas. If the Buddhist legends of Saka settlements in Tirhut during Gautama's lifetime (A.D. 540) have any historical value these Vrijjis were Sakas. As (J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. II. page 310) Yaka is a Mongol form of Saka the ancestral guardians would be Sakas. Compare in Eastern Siberia the Turki tribe called Yakuts by the Russians and Sokhas by themselves, Ency. Brit. XXIV. 725. This would explain why the mythic Yaksha was a guardian, a builder, and a white horseman. It would explain why the name Yaksha was given to the Baktrian Greeks who built stupas and conquered India for Asoka (J. As. Ser. VII. Vol. VI. page 170; Heeley in Indian Antiquary, IV. 101). It further explains how the name came to be applied to the Yuechi or Kusháns who like the Yavanas were guardians white horsemen and builders. In Sindh and Kachh the word Yaksha seems to belong to the white Syrian horsemen who formed the strength of Muhammad Kásim's army, A.D. 712. (Tod's Western India, 197; Reinaud's Fragments, 191; Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 404-409).

[1081] The measurements are: Height 4'; head round the brow to behind the ear the back of the head not being cut free, 2' 6''; height of head-dress, 8''; length of face, 10''; length of ringlets or wig curls from the crown of the head, 2'; breadth of face, 9''; across the shoulders, 2' 3''; throat to waistband, 1'; waistband to loose hip-belt or kandora, 1' 3''; right shoulder to elbow, 1'; elbow to wrist, 9''; head in the right hand 5'' high 7'' across top; hip to broken knee, 1'; knee to ankle, 1' 5''; foot broken off. Left shoulder to broken upper arm, 8''; left leg broken off leaving a fracture which shows it was drawn back like the right leg.

[1082] The Jains call the guardian figures at Sánchi Bhairavas. Massey's Sánchi, pages 7 and 25. Bhairava is revered as a guardian by the Buddhists of Nepál and Tibet. Compare Burgess' Bauddha Rock Temples, page 96. A connection between Bhairav and the Sun is shown by the practice among Ajmir Gujar women of wearing round the neck a medal of Bhairava before marriage and of the Sun after marriage.

[1083] The Egyptians Romans and Parthians are the three chief wig-wearers. Some of the Parthian kings (B.C. 250-A.D. 240) had elaborate hair like peruques and frizzled beards. In Trajan's time (A.D. 133), fashions changed so quickly that Roman statues were hairless and provided with wigs. Gobineau Histoire Des Perses, II. 530. Compare Wagner's Manners, 69. The number of wigs in the Elephanta sculptures, probably of the sixth or early seventh century, is notable. In the panel of Siva and Párvati in Kailas are several figures with curly wigs. Burgess' Elephanta, page 33; in the marriage panel one figure has his hair curled like a barrister's wig, Ditto 31; in the Ardhanarishwara compartment Garuda and two other figures have wigs, Ditto 22; the dwarf demon on which one of the guardians of the Trimurti leans has a wig, Ditto 14-15; finally in the west wing wigged figures uphold the throne, Ditto 47. Gandharvas in the Bráhmanic Rávan cave at Elura probably of the seventh century have curly wigs: Fergusson and Burgess, 435. Wigged images also occur in some of the Elura Buddhist caves of the sixth or seventh centuries: Ditto, 370-371. In Ajanta caves I. II. and XXXIV. of the sixth and seventh centuries are cherubs and grotesques with large wigs. Among the Bágh carvings and paintings of the sixth or seventh century are a king with baggy hair if not a wig and small human heads with full wigs: MS. Notes. Finally at the Chandi Sewa temple in Java of about the seventh century the janitor and other figures have large full-bottomed wigs curled all over. Indian Ant. for Aug. 1876, 240-241. On the other hand except the curly haired or Astrakan-capped music boys in Sánchi no trace of wigs seems to occur in the Bhilsa Sánchi or Bhárut sculptures between the third century after and the third century before the Christian era. Compare Cunningham's Bharut and Bhilsa; Massey's Sánchi; Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship.

[1084] The ten feet of the pillars are thus divided: pedestal 2', square block 2', eightsided belt 18'', sixteensided belt 18'', round band 2', horned face belt 6'', double disc capital 6''.

[1085] This according to another account is Násik town.

[1086] Hariya Bráhman is said to mean a descendant of Hariyaji, a well known Bráhman of Shrimál, so rich that he gave every member of his caste a present of brass vessels.

[1087] This tradition seems correct. In the temple of Lakshmí near the Tripolia or Triple gateway in Pátan are two standing images of chámpa Michelia champaca wood one a man the other a woman black and dressed. The male image which is about three feet high and thirteen inches across the shoulders is of the Sun Jagat Shám that is Jagat Svámi the World Lord: the female image, about 2' 6'' high and 9'' across the shoulders is Ranadevi or Randel the Sun's wife. Neither image has any writing. They are believed to be about 1000 years old and to have been secretly brought from Bhinmál by Shrimál Bráhmans about A.D. 1400. Ráo Bahádur Himatlál Dharajlál. Compare (Rájputána Gazetteer, II. 282) in the temple of Bálárikh at Bálmer about a hundred miles south-west of Jodhpur a wooden image of the sun.

[1088] The details are: From Kausika 500, from the Ganges 10,000, from Gaya 500, from Kálinjar 700, from Mahendra 300, from Kundad 1000, from Veni 500, from Surpárak 808, from Gokarn 1000, from Godávari 108, from Prabhás 122, from the hill Ujjayan or Girnár 115, from the Narbada 110, from Gometi 79, and from Nandivardhan 1000.

[1089] According to one account (Márwár Castes, 61) these Sindh Bráhmans are represented by the present Pushkar Bráhmans. In proof the Pushkars are said to worship Sarika as Untadevi riding on a camel. This must be a mistake. The Pushkars are almost certainly Gujars.

[1090] Details are given above under Objects. The local legends confuse Shripunj and Jagsom. It seems probable that Jagsom was not the name of a king but is a contraction of Jagatsvámi the title of the Sun. This Shripunj, or at least the restorer or founder of Shrimál, is also called Kanak, who according to some accounts came from the east and according to others came from Kashmír. Kanak is said also to have founded a town Kankávati near the site of the present village of Chhakla about eleven miles (7 kos) east of Bhinmál. This recollection of Kanak or Kanaksen is perhaps a trace of the possession of Márwár and north Gujarát by the generals or successors of the great Kushán or Saka emperor Kanak or Kanishka the founder of the Saka era of A.D. 78. According to the local Bháts this Kanak was of the Janghrabal caste and the Pradiya branch. This caste is said still to hold 300 villages in Kashmír. According to local accounts the Shrimáli Bráhmans, and the Dewala and Devra Rájputs all came from Kashmir with Kanak. Tod (Western India, 213) notices that the Annals of Mewar all trace to Kanaksen of the Sun race whose invasion is put at A.D. 100. As the Shrimális and most of the present Rájput chiefs are of the Gujar stock which entered India about A.D. 450 this tracing to Kanishka is a case of the Hindu law that the conqueror assimilates the traditions of the conquered that with the tradition he may bind to his own family the Srí or Luck of his predecessors.

[1091] According to a local tradition the people in despair at the ravages of Sarika turned for help to Devi. The goddess said: Kill buffaloes, eat their flesh, and wear their hides and Sarika will not touch you. The people obeyed and were saved. Since then a dough buffalo has taken the place of the flesh buffalo and unwashed cloth of the bleeding hide. Another version sounds like a reminiscence of the Tartar origin of Krishna. The goddess Khamangiri persuaded the Lord Krishna to celebrate his marriage clad in the raw hide of a cow. In the present era unwashed cloth has taken the place of leather. MS. Note from Mr. Ratan Lall Pandit.

[1092] The tradition recorded by Tod (Western India, 209) that the Gurjjaras are descended from the Solankis of Anahilaváda, taken with the evidence noted in the section on History that the Chávadás or Chápas and the Parihárs are also Gurjjaras makes it probable that the Choháns are of the same origin and therefore that the whole of the Agnikulas were northern conquerors who adopting Hinduism were given a place among Rájputs or Kshatriyás.

[1093] Epigraphia Indica, II. 40-41.

[1094] According to Katta, a Bráhma-Bhát of remarkable intelligence, the Osváls include Rájputs of a large number of tribes, Aadas, Bhátis, Boránas, Buruds, Chováns, Gehlots, Gohils, Jádavs, Makvánás, Mohils, Parmárs, Ráhtors, Shálas, Tilars. They are said to have been converted to the Jain religion in Osianagara in Samvat Bia Varsh 22 that is in A.D. 165.

[1095] Indian Antiquary, VIII. 237.

[1096] Elliot, I. 432.

[1097] Indian Antiquary, XI. 156 and VI. 59.

[1098] Indian Antiquary, XII. 156.

[1099] Jour. R. A. S. XIV. 19ff.

[1100] Indian Antiquary, XII. 190 and XVIII. 91.

[1101] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 270.

[1102] Indian Antiquary, VI. 63. That the name Bhilmál should have come into use while the Gurjjaras were still in the height of their power is strange. The explanation may perhaps be that Bhilmál may mean the Gurjjara's town the name Bhil or bowman being given to the Gurjjaras on account of their skill as archers. So Chápa the original name of the Chávadás is Sanskritised into Chapotkatas the strong bowmen. So also, perhaps, the Chápa or Chaura who gave its name to Chápanir or Chámpaner was according to the local story a Bhil. Several tribes of Mewár Bhils are well enough made to suggest that in their case Bhil may mean Gurjjara. This is specially the case with the Lauriyah Bhils of Nerwer, the finest of the race, whose name further suggests an origin in the Gurjjara division of Lor. Compare Malcolm's Trans. Bombay As. Soc. I. 71.

[1103] The Madhuban Grant: Epigraphia Indica, I. 67.

[1104] Reinaud, Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 337, in quoting this reference through Alberuni (A.D. 1031) writes Pohlmal between Multán and Anhalwara.

[1105] Indian Antiquary, VIII. 237.

[1106] Elliot, I. 440-41.

[1107] Indian Antiquary, XI. 109.

[1108] Arch. Surv. West. India, X. 91.

[1109] Tanka may be the northern half of the Broach District. Traces of the name seem to remain in the two Tankáriás, one Sitpore Tankária in north Broach and the other in Ámod. The name seems also to survive in the better known Tankári the port of Jambusar on the Dhádhar. This Tankári is the second port in the district of Broach and was formerly the emporium for the trade with Málwa. Bombay Gazetteer, II. 413-569.

[1110] Indian Antiquary, VI. 59 and XI. 156.

[1111] Indian Antiquary, XII. 156.

[1112] See the Udaipur prasasti in Ep. Ind. I. and the Harsha Inscription in ditto.

[1113] See the Baroda grant of A.D. 812-13. Indian Antiquary, XII. 156.

[1114] Elliot, I. 4.

[1115] Indian Antiquary, XII. 179.

[1116] Rajatarangíní, 149.

[1117] B. B. R. A. Soc. Jourl. XVIII. 239.

[1118] Elliot, I. 13.

[1119] Indian Antiquary, XIX. 233.

[1120] According to Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 313) the coins called Tâtariya dirhams stretch from the fifth and sixth to the eleventh century. They are frequently found in Kábul probably of the ninth century. In the tenth century Ibn Haukal (A.D. 977) found them current in Gandhára and the Panjáb where the Boar coin has since ousted them. They are rare in Central India east of the Arávali range. They are not uncommon in Rájputána or Gujarát and were once so plentiful in Sindh, that in A.D. 725 the Sindh treasury had eighteen million Tatariya dirhams. (See Dowson in Elliot's History, I. 3.) They are the rude silver pieces generally known as Indo-Sassanian because they combine Indian letters with Sassanian types. A worn fire temple is the supposed Ass-head which has given rise to the name Gadiya Paisa or Ass money.

[1121] Indian Antiquary, XII. 190 and XVIII. 91.

[1122] Jour. R. A. S. XIV. 19.

[1123] B. B. R. A. S. Jourl. XVIII. 239.

[1124] Kielhorn in Epig. Indica, I. 122.

[1125] Hoernle in Ind. Antiq. XIX. 233.

[1126] Details given in Khándesh Gazetteer, XII. 39.

[1127] Râs Mâlâ, 44.

[1128] Râs Mâlâ, 210ff.

[1129] Râs Mâlâ, 211.

[1130] Srí Bháunagar Prá. I. No. 30 of the list of Sanskrit Inscriptions dated Sam. 1218.

[1131] Srí Râs Mâlâ, 161ff.

[1132] Râs Mâlâ, 211.

[1133] Inscriptions 9 and 10 are not dated in any king's reign.

[1134] Compare Tod's Rajasthán, I.

[1135] Read Srî Jagatsvâmi.

[1136] Evidently the name of his office, but the abbreviation is not intelligible.

[1137] i.e. "Errors excepted."

[1138] Sir Stamford Raffles' Java, II. 83. From Java Hindus passed to near Banjar Massin in Borneo probably the most eastern of Hindu settlements (Jour. R. A. Soc. IV. 185). Temples of superior workmanship with Hindu figures also occur at Waahoo 400 miles from the coast. Dalton's Diaks of Borneo Jour. Asiatique (N. S.) VII. 153. An instance may be quoted from the extreme west of Hindu influence. In 1873 an Indian architect was found building a palace at Gondar in Abyssinia. Keith Johnson's Africa, 269.

[1139] Raffles' Java, II. 65-85. Compare Lassen's Indische Alterthumskunde, II. 10, 40; IV. 460.

[1140] Raffles' Java, II. 87.

[1141] Compare Tod's Annals of Rájasthán (Third Reprint), I. 87. The thirty-nine Chohán successions, working back from about A.D. 1200 with an average reign of eighteen years, lead to A.D. 498.

[1142] Compare Note on Bhinmál page 467.

[1143] According to Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 43 and Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 109 note 92) the site of Hastinagara or the eight cities is on the Swát river eighteen miles north of Pesháwar. In Vedic and early Mahábhárata times Hastinapura was the capital of Gandhára (Hewitt Jour. Roy. As. Soc. XXI. 217). In the seventh century it was called Pushkalávatí. (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 109.) Taxila, the capital of the country east of the Indus, was situated about forty miles east of Attok at Sháhderi near Kálaka-sarai (Cunningham's Ancient Geography, 105). According to Cunningham (Ditto 109), Taxila continued a great city from the time of Alexander till the fifth century after Christ. It was then laid waste apparently by the great White Húna conqueror Mihirakula (A.D. 500-550). A hundred years later when Hiuen Tsiang visited it the country was under Kashmir, the royal family were extinct, and the nobles were struggling for power (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 136). Rumadesa. References to Rumadesa occur in the traditions of Siam and Cambodia as well as in those of Java. Fleets of Rúm are also noted in the traditions of Bengal and Orissa as attacking the coast (Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640). Coupling the mention of Rúm with the tradition that the Cambodian temples were the work of Alexander the Great Colonel Yule (Ency. Brit. Article Cambodia) takes Rúm in its Musalmán sense of Greece or Asia Minor. The variety of references suggested to Fergusson (Architecture, III. 640) that these exploits are a vague memory of Roman commerce in the Bay of Bengal. But the Roman rule was that no fleet should pass east of Ceylon (Reinaud Jour. As. Ser. VI. Tom. I. page 322). This rule may occasionally have been departed from as in A.D. 166 when the emperor Marcus Aurelius sent an ambassador by sea to China. Still it seems unlikely that Roman commerce in the Bay of Bengal was ever active enough to gain a place as settler and coloniser in the traditions of Java and Cambodia. It was with the west not with the east of India that the relations of Rome were close and important. From the time of Mark Antony to the time of Justinian, that is from about B.C. 30 to A.D. 550, their political importance as allies against the Parthians and Sassanians and their commercial importance as controllers of one of the main trade routes between the east and the west made the friendship of the Kusháns or Sakas who held the Indus valley and Baktria a matter of the highest importance to Rome. How close was the friendship is shown in A.D. 60 by the Roman General Corbulo escorting the Hyrkanian ambassadors up the Indus and through the territories of the Kusháns or Indo-Skythians on their return from their embassy to Rome. (Compare Rawlinson's Parthia, 271.) The close connection is shown by the accurate details of the Indus valley and Baktria recorded by Ptolemy (A.D. 166) and about a hundred years later (A.D. 247) by the author of the Periplus and by the special value of the gifts which the Periplus notices were set apart for the rulers of Sindh. One result of this long continued alliance was the gaining by the Kushán and other rulers of Pesháwar and the Panjáb of a knowledge of Roman coinage astronomy and architecture. Certain Afghán or Baktrian coins bear the word Roma apparently the name of some Afghán city. In spite of this there seems no reason to suppose that Rome attempted to overlord the north-west of India still less that any local ruler was permitted to make use of the great name of Rome. It seems possible that certain notices of the fleets of Rúm in the Bay of Bengal refer to the fleets of the Arab Al-Rami that is Lambri or north-west Sumatra apparently the Romania of the Chaldean breviary of the Malabár Coast. (Yule's Cathay, I. lxxxix. note and Marco Polo, II. 243.)

[1144] Compare Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640; Yule in Ency. Brit. Cambodia.

[1145] Java, I. 411. Compare Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640.

[1146] See Yule in Jour. Roy. As. Soc. (N. S.), I. 356; Fergusson's Architecture, III. 631.

[1147] Of the Java remains Mr. Fergusson writes (Architecture, III. 644-648): The style and character of the sculptures of the great temple of Boro Buddor are nearly identical with those of the later caves of Ajanta, on the Western Gháts, and in Sálsette. The resemblance in style is almost equally close with the buildings of Takht-i-Bahi in Gandhára (Ditto, 647). Again (page 637) he says: The Hindu immigrants into Java came from the west coast of India. They came from the valley of the Indus not from the valley of the Ganges. Once more, in describing No. XXVI. of the Ajanta caves Messrs. Fergusson and Burgess (Rock-cut Temples, 345 note 1) write: The execution of these figures is so nearly the same as in the Boro Buddor temple in Java that both must have been the work of the same artists during the latter half of the seventh century or somewhat later. The Buddhists were not in Java in the fifth century. They must have begun to go soon after since there is a considerable local element in the Boro Buddor.

[1148] Traditions of expeditions by sea to Java remain in Márwár. In April 1895 a bard at Bhinmál related how Bhojrája of Ujjain in anger with his son Chandrabau drove him away. The son went to a Gujarát or Káthiáváda port obtained ships and sailed to Java. He took with him as his Bráhman the son of a Magh Pandit. A second tale tells how Vikram the redresser of evils in a dream saw a Javanese woman weeping, because by an enemy's curse her son had been turned into stone. Vikram sailed to Java found the woman and removed the curse. According to a third legend Chandrawán the grandson of Vir Pramár saw a beautiful woman in a dream. He travelled everywhere in search of her. At last a Rishi told him the girl lived in Java. He started by sea and after many dangers and wonders found the dream-girl in Java. The people of Bhinmál are familiar with the Gujaráti proverb referred to below; Who goes to Java comes not back. MS. Notes, March 1895.

[1149] Another version is:

Je jáe Jáve te phari na áve Jo phari áve to parya parya kháve Etalu dhan láve.

Who go to Java stay for aye. If they return they feast and play Such stores of wealth their risks repay.

[1150] Compare Crawford (A.D. 1820) in As. Res. XIII. 157 and Lassen Ind. Alt. II. 1046.

[1151] The following details summarise the available evidence of Gujarát Hindu enterprise by sea. According to the Greek writers, though it is difficult to accept their statements as free from exaggeration, when, in B.C. 325, Alexander passed down the Indus the river showed no trace of any trade by sea. If at that time sea trade at the mouth of the Indus was so scanty as to escape notice it seems fair to suppose that Alexander's ship-building and fleet gave a start to deep-sea sailing which the constant succession of strong and vigorous northern tribes which entered and ruled Western India during the centuries before and after the Christian era continued to develope. ((Alexander built his own boats on the Indus. (McCrindle's Alexander, 77.) He carried (pages 93 and 131) these boats to the Hydaspes: on the Jhelum (134 note 1) where he found some country boats he built a flotilla of gallies with thirty oars: he made dockyards (pages 156-157): his crews were Phoenikians, Cyprians, Karians, and Egyptians.)) According to Vincent (Periplus, I. 25, 35, 254) in the time of Agatharcides (B.C. 200) the ports of Arabia and Ceylon were entirely in the hands of the people of Gujarát. During the second century after Christ, when, under the great Rudradáman (A.D. 143-158), the Sinh or Kshatrapa dynasty of Káthiáváda was at the height of its power, Indians of Tientço, that is Sindhu, brought presents by sea to China (Journal Royal Asiatic Society for January 1896 page 9). In A.D. 166 (perhaps the same as the preceding) the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius sent by sea to China ambassadors with ivory rhinoceros' horn and other articles apparently the produce of Western India (DeGuignes' Huns, I. [Part I.] 32). In the third century A.D. 247 the Periplus (McCrindle, 17, 52, 64, 96, 109) notices large Hindu ships in the east African Arab and Persian ports and Hindu settlements on the north coast of Sokotra. About a century later occurs the doubtful reference (Wilford in Asiatic Researches, IX. 224) to the Diveni or pirates of Diu who had to send hostages to Constantine the Great (A.D. 320-340) one of whom was Theophilus afterwards a Christian bishop. Though it seems probable that the Kshatrapas (A.D. 70-400) ruled by sea as well as by land fresh seafaring energy seems to have marked the arrival on the Sindh and Káthiávád coasts of the Juan-Juan or Avars (A.D. 390-450) and of the White Húnas (A.D. 450-550). During the fifth and sixth centuries the ports of Sindh and Gujarát appear among the chief centres of naval enterprise in the east. How the sea ruled the religion of the newcomers is shown by the fame which gathered round the new or revised gods Siva the Poseidon of Somnáth and Krishna the Apollo or St. Nicholas of Dwárka. (Compare Tod's Annals of Rájasthán, I. 525.) In the fifth century (Yule's Cathay, I. lxxviii.) according to Hamza of Ispahán, at Hira near Kufa on the Euphrates the ships of India and China were constantly moored. In the early sixth century (A.D. 518-519) a Persian ambassador went by sea to China (Ditto, I. lxxiv.) About the same time (A.D. 526) Cosmas (Ditto, I. clxxviii.) describes Sindhu or Debal and Orhota that is Soratha or Verával as leading places of trade with Ceylon. In the sixth century, apparently driven out by the White Húnas and the Mihiras, the Jats from the Indus and Kachh occupied the islands in the Bahrein gulf, and perhaps manned the fleet with which about A.D. 570 Naushiraván the great Sassanian (A.D. 531-574) is said to have invaded the lower Indus and perhaps Ceylon. ((Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 125. The statement that Naushiraván received Karáchi from the king of Seringdip (Elliot's History, I. 407: Tabari, II. 221) throws doubt on this expedition to Ceylon. At the close of the sixth century Karáchi or Diul Sindhi cannot have been in the gift of the king of Ceylon. It was in the possession of the Sáharái kings of Aror in Upper Sindh perhaps of Sháhi Tegin Devaja shortened to Shahindev. (Compare Cunningham Oriental Congress, I. 242.) According to Garrez (J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIII. 182 note 2) this Serendip is Surandeb that is Syria and Antioch places which Naushiraván is known to have taken. Several other references that seem to imply a close connection between Gujarát and Ceylon are equally doubtful. In the Mahábhárata (A.D. 100-300?) the Sinhalas bring vaidúryas (rubies?) elephants' housings and heaps of pearls. The meaning of Sainhalaka in Samudragupta's inscription (A.D. 395) Early Gujarát History page 64 and note 5 is uncertain. Neither Mihirakula's (A.D. 530) nor Lalitáditya's (A.D. 700) conquest of Ceylon can be historical. In A.D. 1005 when Abul Fatha the Carmatian ruler of Multán was attacked by Máhmud of Ghazni he retired to Ceylon. (Reinaud's Mémoire, 225). When Somnáth was taken (A.D. 1025) the people embarked for Ceylon (Ditto, 270).)) About the same time (Fergusson Architecture, III. 612) Amrávati at the Krishna mouth was superseded as the port for the Golden Chersonese by the direct voyage from Gujarát and the west coast of India. In A.D. 630 Hiuen Tsiang (Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 269) describes the people of Suráshtra as deriving their livelihood from the sea, engaging in commerce, and exchanging commodities. He further notices that in the chief cities of Persia Hindus were settled enjoying the full practice of their religion (Reinaud's Abulfeda, ccclxxxv.) That the Jat not the Arab was the moving spirit in the early (A.D. 637-770) Muhammadan sea raids against the Gujarát and Konkan coasts is made probable by the fact that these seafaring ventures began not in Arabia but in the Jat-settled shores of the Persian Gulf, that for more than fifty years the Arab heads of the state forbad them, and that in the Mediterranean where they had no Jat element the Arab was powerless at sea. (Compare Elliot, I. 416, 417.) That during the seventh and eighth centuries when the chief migrations by sea from Gujarát to Java and Cambodia seem to have taken place, Chinese fleets visited Diu (Yule's Cathay, lxxix.), and that in A.D. 759 Arabs and Persians besieged Canton and pillaged the storehouses going and returning by sea (DeGuignes' Huns, I. [Pt. II.] 503) suggest that the Jats were pilots as well as pirates. ((Compare at a later period (A.D. 1342) Ibn Batuta's great ship sailing from Kandahár (Gandhár north of Broach) to China with its guard of Abyssinians as a defence against pirates. Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxxv.)) On the Sindh Kachh and Gujarát coasts besides the Jats several of the new-come northern tribes showed notable energy at sea. It is to be remembered that as detailed in the Statistical Account of Thána (Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. Part II. 433) this remarkable outburst of sea enterprise may have been due not only to the vigour of the new-come northerners but to the fact that some of them, perhaps the famous iron-working Turks (A.D. 580-680), brought with them the knowledge of the magnet, and that the local Bráhman, with religious skill and secrecy, shaped the bar into a divine fish-machine or machiyantra, which, floating in a basin of oil, he consulted in some private quarter of the ship and when the stars were hid guided the pilot in what direction to steer. Among new seafaring classes were, on the Makrán and Sindh coasts the Bodhas Kerks and Meds and along the shores of Kachh and Káthiáváda the closely connected Meds and Gurjjaras. In the seventh and eighth centuries the Gurjjaras, chiefly of the Chápa or Chávadá clan, both in Dwárka and Somnáth and also inland, rose to power, a change which, as already noticed, may explain the efforts of the Jats to settle along the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. About A.D. 740 the Chápas or Chávadás, who had for a century and a half been in command in Dwárka and Somnáth, established themselves at Anahilaváda Pattan. According to their tradition king Vanarája (A.D. 720-780) and his successor Yogarája (A.D. 806-841) made great efforts to put down piracy. Yogarája's sons plundered some Bengal or Bot ships which stress of weather forced into Verával. The king said 'My sons with labour we were raising ourselves to be Chávadás of princely rank; your greed throws us back on our old nickname of Choras or thieves.' Yogarája refused to be comforted and mounted the funeral pyre. Dr. Bhagvánlál's History, 154. This tale seems to be a parable. Yogarája's efforts to put down piracy seem to have driven large bodies of Jats from the Gujarát coasts. In A.D. 834-35, according to Ibn Alathyr (A.D. 834), a fleet manned by Djaths or Jats made a descent on the Tigris. The whole strength of the Khiláfat had to be set in motion to stop them. Those who fell into the hands of the Moslems were sent to Anararbe on the borders of the Greek empire (Renaud's Fragments, 201-2). As in the legend, the Chávadá king's sons, that is the Chauras Mers and Gurjjaras, proved not less dangerous pirates than the Jats whom they had driven out. ((As an example of the readiness with which an inland race of northerners conquer seamanship compare the Franks of the Pontus who about A.D. 279 passed in a few years from the Pontus to the Mediterranean ports and leaving behind them Malta the limit of Greek voyages sailed through Gibraltar to the Baltic. Gibbon, I. 404-405.)) About fifty years later, in A.D. 892, Al-Biláduri describes as pirates who scoured the seas the Meds and the people of Sauráshtra that is Devpatan or Somnáth who were Choras or Gurjjaras. ((Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 200. The traders of Chorwár, that is of the old Chaura or Chápa country near Virával and Mangrul, are now known in Bombay as Chápadias. The received explanation of Chápadia is the roofed men it is said in derisive allusion to their large and heavy headdress. But as the Porbandar headdress is neither specially large nor ungraceful the common explanation can be hardly more than a pun. This suggests that the name Chápadia is a trace of the early Chápa tribe of Gurjjaras who also gave their name to Chápanir. Tod's (Western India, 250, 256) description of the Chauras race with traditions of having come from the Red Sea and as a nautical Arabia is the result of taking for Sokotra Sankodwára that is Bet to the north of Dwárka.)) Biláduri (Reinaud Sur L'Inde, 169) further notices that the Jats and other Indians had formed the same type of settlement in Persia which the Persians and Arabs had formed in India. During the ninth and tenth centuries the Gujarát kingdom which had been established in Java was at the height of its power. (Ditto, Abulfeda, ccclxxxviii.) Early in the tenth century (A.D. 915-930) Masudi (Yule's Marco Polo, II. 344; Elliot, I. 65) describes Sokotra as a noted haunt of the Indian corsairs called Bawárij which chase Arab ships bound for India and China. The merchant fleets of the early tenth century were not Arab alone. The Chauras of Anahilaváda sent fleets to Bhot and Chin (Rás Mála, I. 11). Nor were Mers and Chauras the only pirates. Towards the end of the tenth century (A.D. 980) Grahári the Chúdásamá, known in story as Graharipu the Ahir of Sorath and Girnár, so passed and repassed the ocean that no one was safe (Ditto, I. 11). In the eleventh century (A.D. 1021) Alberuni (Sachau, II. 104) notes that the Bawárij, who take their name from their boats called behra or bira, were Meds a seafaring people of Kachh and of Somnáth a great place of call for merchants trading between Sofala in east Africa and China. About the same time (A.D. 1025) when they despaired of withstanding Máhmud of Ghazni the defenders of Somnáth prepared to escape by sea, ((According to Abulfeda A.D. 1334 (Reinaud's Abulfeda, cccxlix.) some of the besieged fled to Ceylon. Farishtah (Briggs' Muhammadan Powers, I. 75) records that after the fall of Somnáth Máhmud intended to fit out a fleet to conquer Ceylon and Pegu. According to Bird (Mirát-i-Ahmedi, 146) Ceylon or Sirandip remained a dependency of Somnáth till A.D. 1290 when the king Vijayabáhu became independent.)) and after his victory Máhmud is said to have planned an expedition by sea to conquer Ceylon (Tod's Rajasthán, I. 108). In the twelfth century Idrísi (A.D. 1135) notices that Tatariya dirhams, that is the Gupta (A.D. 319-500) and White Húna (A.D. 500-580) coinage of Sindh and Gujarát, were in use both in Madagascar and in the Malaya islands (Reinaud's Mémoires, 236), and that the merchants of Java could understand the people of Madagascar (Ditto, Abulfeda, cdxxii). ((The common element in the two languages may have been the result of Gujarát settlements in Madagascar as well as in Java and Cambodia. This is however doubtful as the common element may be either Arabic or Polynesian.)) With the decline of the power of Anahilaváda (A.D. 1250-1300) its fleet ceased to keep order at sea. In A.D. 1290 Marco Polo (Yule's Ed. II. 325, 328, 341) found the people of Gujarát the most desperate pirates in existence. More than a hundred corsair vessels went forth every year taking their wives and children with them and staying out the whole summer. They joined in fleets of twenty to thirty and made a sea cordon five or six miles apart. Sokotra was infested by multitudes of Hindu pirates who encamped there and put up their plunder to sale. Ibn Batuta (in Elliot, I. 344-345) fifty years later makes the same complaint. Musalmán ascendancy had driven Rájput chiefs to the coast and turned them into pirates. The most notable addition was the Gohils who under Mokheráji Gohil, from his castle on Piram island, ruled the sea till his power was broken by Muhammad Tughlak in A.D. 1345 (Rás Mála, I. 318). Before their overthrow by the Muhammadans what large vessels the Rájput sailors of Gujarát managed is shown by Friar Oderic, who about A.D. 1321 (Stevenson in Kerr's Voyages, XVIII. 324) crossed the Indian ocean in a ship that carried 700 people. How far the Rájputs went is shown by the mention in A.D. 1270 (Yule's Cathay, 57 in Howorth's Mongols, I. 247) of ships sailing between Sumena or Somnáth and China. Till the arrival of the Portuguese (A.D. 1500-1508) the Ahmedábád Sultáns maintained their position as lords of the sea. ((When in A.D. 1535 he secured Bahádur's splendid jewelled belt Humáyún said These are the trappings of the lord of the sea. Bayley's Gujarát, 386.)) In the fifteenth century Java appears in the state list of foreign bandars which paid tribute (Bird's Gujarát, 131), the tribute probably being a cess or ship tax paid by Gujarát traders with Java in return for the protection of the royal navy. ((Compare in Bombay Public Diary 10, pages 197-207 of 1736-37, the revenue headings Surat and Cambay with entries of two per cent on all goods imported and exported from either of these places by traders under the Honourable Company's protection.)) In east Africa, in A.D. 1498 (J. As. Soc. of Bengal, V. 784) Vasco da Gama found sailors from Cambay and other parts of India who guided themselves by the help of the stars in the north and south and had nautical instruments of their own. In A.D. 1510 Albuquerque found a strong Hindu element in Java and Malacca. Sumatra was ruled by Parameshwara a Hindu whose son by a Chinese mother was called Rájput (Commentaries, II. 63; III. 73-79). After the rule of the sea had passed to the European, Gujarát Hindus continued to show marked courage and skill as merchants seamen and pirates. In the seventeenth century the French traveller Mandelslo (A.D. 1638, Travels 101, 108) found Achin in north Sumatra a great centre of trade with Gujarát. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Sanganians or Sangar Rájputs of Mándvi in Kachh and of Navánagar in north Káthiáváda were much dreaded. In A.D. 1750 Grose describes the small cruisers of the Sanganians troubling boats going to the Persian Gulf, though they seldom attacked large ships. Between A.D. 1803 and 1808 (Low's Indian Navy, I. 274) pirates from Bet established themselves in the ruined temple at Somnáth. In 1820, when the English took Bet and Dwárka from the Wághels, among the pirates besides Wághels were Badhels a branch of Ráhtors, Bhattis, Khárwás, Lohánás, Makwánás, Ráhtors, and Wagharis. A trace of the Chauras remained in the neighbouring chief of Aramra. ((These Badhels seem to be Hamilton's (A.D. 1720) Warels of Chance (New Account, I. 141). This Chance is Chách near Diu apparently the place from which the Bhátiás get their Bombay name of Cháchiás. Towards the close of the eighteenth century Bhátiás from Chách seem to have formed a pirate settlement near Dáhánu on the Thána coast. Major Price (Memoirs of a Field Officer, 322) notes (A.D. 1792 June) the cautionary speed with which in travelling from Surat to Bombay by land they passed Dáhánu through the Chánsiáh jungle the district of a piratical community of that name.)) Nor had the old love of seafaring deserted the Káthiáváda chiefs. In the beginning of the present century (A.D. 1825) Tod (Western India, 452; compare Rás Mála, I. 245) tells how with Biji Singh of Bhávnagar his port was his grand hobby and shipbuilding his chief interest and pleasure; also how Ráo Ghor of Kachh (A.D. 1760-1778) built equipped and manned a ship at Mándvi which without European or other outside assistance safely made the voyage to England and back to the Malabár Coast where arriving during the south-west monsoon the vessel seems to have been wrecked. ((According to Sir. A. Burnes (Jl. Bombay Geog. Soc. VI. (1835) 27, 28) the special skill of the people of Kachh in navigation and ship-building was due to a young Rájput of Kachh. Rámsingh Málani, who about a century earlier had gone to Holland and learned those arts. See Bombay Gazetteer, V. 116 note 2.))

[1152] Crawford (A.D. 1820) held that all Hindu influence in Java came from Kalinga or north-east Madras. Fergusson (Ind. Arch. 103, Ed. 1876) says: The splendid remains at Amrávati show that from the mouths of the Krishna and Godávari the Buddhist of north and north-west India colonised Pegu, Cambodia, and eventually the Island of Java. Compare Tavernier (A.D. 1666: Ball's Translation, I. 174.) Masulipatam is the only place in the Bay of Bengal from which vessels sail eastwards for Bengal, Arrakan, Pegu, Siam, Sumatra, Cochin China, and the Manillas and west to Hormuz, Makha, and Madagascar. Inscriptions (Indian Antiquary, V. 314; VI. 356) bear out the correctness of the connection between the Kalinga coast and Java which Java legends have preserved. As explained in Dr. Bhandarkar's interesting article on the eastern passage of the Sakas (Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVII.) certain inscriptions also show a Magadhi element which may have reached Java from Sumatra and Sumatra from the coast either of Bengal or of Orissa. Later information tends to increase the east and south Indian share. Compare Notices et Extraits des Manuscripts de la Bibliotheque Nationale Vol. XXVII. (Partie II) 2 Fasicule page 350.

[1153] Compare Hiuen Tsiang in Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 222 note 102. Táhia may be Tochara that is Baktria, but the Panjáb seems more likely. Compare Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, 136 note 2.

[1154] Idrísi A.D. 1135 (Elliot, I. 92) has a Romala a middling town on the borders of the desert between Multán and Seistán. Cunningham (Ancient Geog. 252) has a Romaka Bazaar near where the Nára the old Indus enters the Ran of Kachh.

[1155] Cunningham's Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. VIII. 241. The Mahábhárata Romakas (Wilson's Works, VII. 176: Cunningham's Anc. Geog. 187) may have taken their name from one of these salt stretches. Ibn Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) mentions Rumála (Elliot, I. 14, 87, 92, 93) as one of the countries of Sindh. In connection with the town Romala Al Idrísi A.D. 1153 (Elliot, I. 74, 93) has a district three days' journey from Kalbata.

[1156] Cunningham's Numismatic Chronicle 3rd Ser. VIII. 236. The date of Kárur is uncertain. Fergusson (Arch. III. 746) puts it at A.D. 544. It was apparently earlier as in an inscription of A.D. 532 Yasodharmman king of Málwa claims to hold lands which were never held by either Guptas or Húnas. Cunningham Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. VIII. 236. Compare History Text, 76, 77.

[1157] Jour. As. Soc. Bl. VII. (Plate I.) 298; Burnes' Bokhára, III. 76; Elliot's History, I. 405. Diu which is specially mentioned as a Sáharái port was during the seventh and eighth centuries a place of call for China ships. Yule's Cathay, I. lxxix.

[1158] Phra like the Panjáb Porus of the embassy to Augustus in B.C. 30 (though this Porus may be so called merely because he ruled the lands of Alexander's Porus) may seem to be the favourite Parthian name Phraates. But no instance of the name Phraates is noted among White Húna chiefs and the use of Phra as in Phra Bot or Lord Buddha seems ground for holding that the Phra Thong of the Cambodia legend means Great Lord.

[1159] Epigraphia Indica, I. 67.

[1160] In A.D. 637 raiders attacked Thána from Oman and Broach and Sindh from Bahrein. Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 170, 176.

[1161] The passage of a Chinese army from Magadha to the Gandhára river about A.D. 650 seems beyond question. The emperor sent an ambassador Ouang-h-wuentse to Srí Harsha. Before Ouang-h-wuentse arrived Srí Harsha was dead (died A.D. 642), and his place taken by an usurping minister (Se-na-fu-ti) Alana-chun. The usurper drove off the envoy, who retired to Tibet then under the great Songbtsan. With help from Tibet and from the Rája of Nepál Ouang returned, defeated Alana, and pursued him to the Gandhára river (Khien-to-wei). The passage was forced, the army captured, the king queen and king's sons were led prisoners to China, and 580 cities surrendered, the magistrates proclaimed the victory in the temple of the ancients and the emperor raised Ouang to the rank of Tch'ao-sau-ta-fore. Journal Asiatique Ser. IV. Tom. X. pages 81-121. The translator thinks the whole war was in the east of India and that the mention of the Gandhára river is a mistake. The correctness of this view is doubtful. It is to be remembered that this was a time of the widest spread of Chinese power. They held Balk and probably Bamian. Yule's Cathay, I. lxviii. Compare Julien in Jour. As. Soc. Ser. IV. Tom. X. 289-291.

[1162] Regarding these disturbances see Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, 155; Max Müller's India, 286. The Arab writers (A.D. 713) notice to what a degraded state Chach had reduced the Jats. In comparing the relative importance of the western and eastern Indian strains in Java it is to be remembered that the western element has been overlaid by a late Bengal and Kalinga layer of fugitives from the Tibetan conquest of Bengal in the eighth century, the Babu with the Gurkha at his heels, and during the ninth and later centuries by bands of Buddhists withdrawing from a land where their religion was no longer honoured.

[1163] In A.D. 116 after the capture of Babylon and Ctesiphon Hadrian sailed down the Tigris and the Persian Gulf, embarked on the waters of the South Sea, made inquiries about India and regretted he was too old to get there. Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, VI. 313.

[1164] Reinaud's Abulfeda, cccxc.

[1165] The origin of the name Kámboja seems to be Kámbojápura an old name of Kábul preserved almost in its present form in Ptolemy's (A.D. 160) Kaboura. The word is doubtfully connected with the Achæmenian Kambyses (B.C. 529-521) the Kambujiya of the Behistun inscription. In the fifth of the Asoka edicts (B.C. 240) Kámboja holds the middle distance between Gandhára or Pesháwar and Yona or Baktria. According to Yáska, whose uncertain date varies from B.C. 500 to B.C. 200, the Kambojas spoke Sanskrit (Muir's Sanskrit Texts, II. 355 note 145). In the last battle of the Mahábhárata, A.D. 100 to 300 (Jl. Roy. As. Soc. [1842] VII. 139-140), apparently from near Bamian the Kambojas ranked as Mlechchhas with Sakas Daradas and Húnas. One account (Fergusson, III. 665) places the original site of the Kambojas in the country round Taxila east of the Indus. This is probably incorrect. A trace of the Kambojas in their original seat seems to remain in the Kaumojas of the Hindu Kush.

[1166] See Hunter's Orissa, I. 310.

[1167] Yavana to the south-west of Siam. Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, xxxii.

[1168] Quoted in Bunbury's Ancient Geography, II. 659. Bunbury suggests that Pausanias may have gained his information from Marcus Aurelius' (A.D. 166) ambassador to China.

[1169] Jour. Bengal Soc. VII. (I.) 317.

[1170] Remusat Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques, I. 77 in Jour. Asiatique Series, VI. Tom. XIX. page 199 note 1; Fergusson's Architecture, III. 678.

[1171] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 150.

[1172] Barth in Journal Asiatique, X. 57.

[1173] Barth in Jour. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 190; Journal Royal Asiatic Society, XIV. (1882) cii.

[1174] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. pages 181, 186.

[1175] Mr. Fergusson (Architecture page 666) and Colonel Yule (Ency. Brit. Cambodia) accept the local Buddhist rendering of Nakhonwat as the City Settlement. Against this it is to be noted (Ditto ditto) that nagara city corrupts locally into Angkor. Nagara therefore can hardly also be the origin of the local Nakhon. Farther as the local Buddhists claim the temple for Buddha they were bound to find in Nakhon some source other than its original meaning of Snake. The change finds a close parallel in the Nága that is snake or Skythian now Nágara or city Bráhman of Gujarát.

[1176] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 190.

[1177] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 108; Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxvi.

[1178] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 174.

[1179] Mr. Fergusson at first suggested the fourth century as the period of migration to Cambodia. He afterwards came to the conclusion that the settlers must have been much the same as the Gujarát conquerors of Java. Architecture, III. 665-678.

[1180] Fergusson, Architecture, 665. Compare Tree and Serpent Worship, 49, 50. The people of Cambodia seem Indian serpent worshippers: they seem to have come from Taxila.

[1181] The name Khmer has been adopted as the technical term for the early literature and arts of the peninsula. Compare Barth J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 193; Renan in ditto page 75 note 3 and Ser. VII. Tom. VIII. page 68; Yule in Encyclopædia Britannica Art. Cambodia. The resemblance of Cambodian and Kábul valley work recalls the praise by Chinese writers of the Han (B.C. 206-A.D. 24) and Wei (A.D. 386-556) dynasties of the craftsmen of Kipin, that is Kophene or Kamboja the Kábul valley, whose skill was not less remarkable in sculpturing and chiselling stone than in working gold silver copper and tin into vases and other articles. Specht in Journal Asiatique, II. (1883), 333 and note 3. A ninth century inscription mentions the architect Achyuta son of Ráma of Kámboja. Epigraphia Indica, I. 243.

[1182] Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxxi.; Sachau's Alberuni, I. 210.

[1183] Fergusson's Architecture, III. 666.

[1184] For the joint Kedarite-Ephthalite rule in Kashmir see Cunningham's Ninth Oriental Congress, I. 231-2. The sameness of names, if not an identity of rulers, shows how close was the union between the Ephthalites and the Kedarites. The coins preserve one difference depicting the Yuechi or Kedarite ruler with bushy and the White Húna or Ephthalite ruler with cropped hair.

[1185] About A.D. 700 Urumtsi Kashgar Khoten and Kuche in the Tarim valley became Tibetan for a few years. Parker's Thousand Years of the Tartars, 243. In A.D. 691 the western Turks who for some years had been declining and divided were broken by the great eastern Turk conqueror Mercho. The following passage from Masúdi (Prairies D'Or, I. 289) supports the establishment of White Húna or Mihira power in Tibet. The sons of Amúr (a general phrase for Turks) mixed with the people of India. They founded a kingdom in Tibet the capital of which they called Med.

[1186] Encyclopædia Britannica Articles Tibet and Turkestan.

[1187] Both Ibn Haukal and Al Istakhri (A.D. 950) call the Bay of Bengal the sea of Tibet. Compare Reinaud's Abulfeda, ccclviii.; Encyclopædia Britannica Article Tibet page 345.

[1188] Yule's Cathay, I. lxxxi.

[1189] Ency. Brit. China, 646.

[1190] Thisrong besides spreading the power of Tibet (he was important enough to join with Mámún the son of the great Harun-ar-Rashid (A.D. 788-809) in a league against the Hindus) brought many learned Hindus into Tibet, had Sanskrit books translated, settled Lamaism, and built many temples. It is remarkable that (so far as inscriptions are read) the series of Nakhonwat temples was begun during Thisrong's reign (A.D. 803-845).

[1191] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 39-42; J. R. A. Soc. I. 355.

[1192] Yule Jour. R. A. Soc. (N. S.) I. 356.

[1193] Compare Yule in Jour. R. A. S. (N. S.) I. 355. Kandahár in south-west Afghanistán is another example of the Kedarite or Little Yuechi fondness for giving to their colonies the name of their parent country.

[1194] Compare Yule's Marco Polo, II. 82-84.

[1195] Yule in Ency. Brit. Art. Cambodia, 724, 725, 726.

[1196] Fa Hian (A.D. 400) about fifty miles north-west of Kanauj found a dragon chapel (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 40) of which a white-eared dragon was the patron. The dragon, he notes, gives seasonable showers and keeps off all plagues and calamities. At the end of the rains the dragon turns into a little white-eared serpent and the priests feed him. At the deserted Kapilavastu in Tirhut Fa Hian was shown a tank and in it a dragon who, he says, constantly guards and protects a tower to Buddha and worships there night and morning (Ditto, I. 50).

Sung-Yun (A.D. 519) notices (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 69) in Swát (Udyána) a tank and a temple with fifty priests called the temple of the Nága Rája because the Nága supplies it with funds. In another passage (Ditto, 92) he notices that in a narrow land on the border of Posse (Fars) a dragon had taken his residence and was stopping the rain and piling the snow. Hiuen Tsiang (Ditto, I. 20) notes that in Kucha, north of the Tarim river east of the Bolor mountains, the Shen horses are half dragon horses and the Shen men half dragon men. In Aksu, 150 miles west of Kucha, fierce dragons molest travellers with storms of flying sand and gravel (Ditto, 25); the hot lake or Johai, 100 miles north-east of Aksu, is jointly inhabited by dragons and fish; scaly monsters rise to the surface and travellers pray to them (Ditto, 26). An Arhat (page 63) prays that he may become a Nágarája. He becomes a Nágarája, kills the real Nágarája, takes his palace, attaches the Nágas to him, and raises winds and tempests; Kanishka comes against him and the Arhat takes the form of a Bráhman and knocks down Kanishka's towers. A great merit-flame bursts from Kanishka's shoulders and the Bráhman Nágarája apologises. His evil and passionate spirit, the fruit of evil deeds in a former birth, had made the Arhat pray to be a Nágarája. If clouds gathered the monks knew that the Nágarája meant mischief. The convent gong was beaten and the Nágarája pacified (or scared) Ditto, 64-66. Nágas were powerful brutes, cloud-riding wind-driving water-walking brutes, still only brutes. The account of the Nága or dragon of Jelalábád (in Kambojia) is excellent. In Buddha's time the dragon had been Buddha's milkman. He lost his temper, laid flowers at the Dragon's cave, prayed he might become a dragon, and leaped over the cliff. He laid the country waste and did so much harm that Tathágata (or Buddha) converted him. The Nága asked Buddha to take his cave. Buddha said No. I will leave my shadow. If you get angry look at my shadow and it will quiet you (Ditto, 94). Another typical dragon is Apalála of the Swát river (Ditto, 68). In the time of Kasyapa Buddha Apalála was a weaver of spells named Gangi. Gangi's spells kept the dragons quiet and saved the crops. But the people were thankless and paid no tithes. May I be born a dragon, cursed Gangi, poisonous and ruinous. He was born the dragon of the Swát valley, Apalála, who belched forth a salt stream and burned the crops. The ruin of the fair and pious valley of Swát reached Sakya's (Buddha's) ears. He passed to Mangala and beat the mountain side with Indra's mace. Apalála came forth was lectured and converted. He agreed to do no more mischief on condition that once in twelve years he might ruin the crops. (Ditto, 122.) In a lake about seven miles west of Takshasilá, a spot dear to the exiled Kambojan, lived Elápatra the Nágarája, a Bhikshu or ascetic who in a former life had destroyed a tree. When the crops wanted rain or fair weather, the Shamans or medicine-men led the people to pray at Elápatra's tank (page 137). In Kashmir, perhaps the place of halt of the Kambojan in his conquests eastwards, in old times the country was a dragon lake. ((Kashmir has still a trace of Gandhára. Compare (Ency. Brit. Art. Kashmir page 13: The races of Kashmir are Gandháras, Khasás, and Daradas.))) Madhyantika drove out the waters but left one small part as a house for the Nága king (I. 150). What sense have these tales? In a hilly land where the people live in valleys the river is at once the most whimsical and the most dangerous force. Few seasons pass in which the river does not either damage with its floods or with its failure and at times glaciers and landslips stop the entire flow and the valley is ruined. So great and so strange an evil as the complete drying of a river must be the result of some one's will, of some one's temper. The Dragon is angry he wants a sacrifice. Again the river ponds into a lake, the lake tops the earth bank and rushes in a flood wasting as only a dragon can waste. For generations after so awful a proof of power all doubts regarding dragons are dead. (Compare Drew's Cashmere and Jummoo, 414-421.) In India the Chinese dragon turns into a cobra. In China the cobra is unknown: in India than the cobra no power is more dreaded. How can the mighty unwieldy dragon be the little silent cobra. How not? Can the dragon be worshipful if he is unable to change his shape. To the spirit not to the form is worship due. Again the worshipped dragon becomes the guardian. The great earth Bodhisattva transforms himself into a Nágarája and dwells in lake Anavatapta whose flow of cool water enriches the world (Buddhist Records, II. 11). In a fane in Swát Buddha takes the form of a dragon and the people live on him (125). A pestilence wasted Swát. Buddha becomes the serpent Suma, all who taste his flesh are healed of the plague (126). A Nága maiden, who for her sins has been born in serpent shape and lives in a pool, loves Buddha who was then a Sakya chief. Buddha's merit regains for the girl her lost human form. He goes into the pool slays the girl's snake-kin and marries her. Not even by marriage with the Sakya is her serpent spirit driven out of the maiden. At night from her head issues a nine-crested Nága. Sakya strikes off the nine crests and ever since that blow the royal family has suffered from headaches (132). This last tale shows how Buddhism works on the coarser and fiercer tribes who accept its teaching. The converts rise to be men though a snake-head may peep out to show that not all of the old leaven is dead. In other stories Buddha as the sacramental snake shows the moral advance in Buddhism from fiend to guardian worship. The rest of the tales illustrate the corresponding intellectual progress from force worship to man, that is mind, worship. The water force sometimes kindly and enriching sometimes fierce and wasting becomes a Bodhisattva always kindly though his goodwill may have to give way to the rage of evil powers. So Bráhmanism turns Náráyana the sea into Siva or Somnáth the sea ruler. In this as in other phases religion passes from the worship of the forces of Nature to which in his beginnings man has to bow to the worship of Man or conscious Mind whose growth in skill and in knowledge has made him the Lord of the forces. These higher ideals are to a great extent a veneer. The Buddhist evangelist may dry the lake; he is careful to leave a pool for the Nágarája. In times of trouble among the fierce struggles of pioneers and settlers the spirit of Buddha withdraws and leaves the empty shrine to the earlier and the more immortal spirit of Force, the Nágarája who has lived on in the pool which for the sake of peace Buddha refrained from drying.

[1197] Mr. Fergusson (Architecture, 219) places the Káshmir temples between A.D. 600 and 1200 and allots Mártand the greatest to about A.D. 750. The classical element, he says, cannot be mistaken. The shafts are fluted Grecian Doric probably taken from the Gandhára monasteries of the fourth and fifth centuries. Fergusson was satisfied (Ditto, 289) that the religion of the builders of the Káshmir temples was Nága worship. In Cambodia the Bráhman remains were like those of Java (Ditto, 667). But the connection between the Nakhonwat series and the Káshmir temples was unmistakeable (Ditto, 297, 665). Nága worship was the object of both (Ditto, 677-679). Imperfect information forced Fergusson to date the Nakhonwat not earlier than the thirteenth century (Ditto, 660, 679). The evidence of the inscriptions which (J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 190) brings back the date of this the latest of a long series of temples to the ninth and tenth centuries adds greatly to the probability of some direct connection between the builders of the Mártand shrine in Káshmir and of the great Nakhonwat temple at Angkor.

[1198] Ency. Brit. Art. Tibet, 344.

[1199] Ency. Brit. Art. Cambodia.

[1200] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 45, 47.

[1201] Contributed by Khán Sáheb Fazlulláh Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat.

[1202] This account which is in two parts is named Silsilát-ut-Tawáríkh, that is the Chain of History. The first part was written in A.D. 851-52 by Sulaimán and has the advantage of being the work of a traveller who himself knew the countries he describes. The second part was written by Abu Zeid-al-Hasan of Siráf on the Persian Gulf about sixty years after Sulaimán's account. Though Abu Zeid never visited India, he made it his business to read and question travellers who had been in India. Abul Hasan-el-Masúdi (A.D. 915-943) who met him at Basrah is said to have imparted to and derived much information from Abu Zeid. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 2.

[1203] Ahmed bin Yahyâ, surnamed Abu Jaâfar and called Biláduri or Bilázuri from his addiction to the electuary of the Malacca bean (bilázur) or anacardium, lived about the middle of the ninth century of the Christian era at the court of Al-Mutawakkil the Abbási, as an instructor to one of the royal princes. He died A.H. 279 (A.D. 892-93). His work is styled the Futúh-ul-Buldán The Conquest of Countries. He did not visit Sindh, but was in personal communication with men who had travelled far and wide.

[1204] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 115-116.

[1205] The reason of Umar's dislike for India is described by Al Masúdi (Murúj Arabic Text, Cairo Edition, III. 166-171), to have originated from the description of the country by a philosopher to whom Umar had referred on the first spread of Islám in his reign. The philosopher said: India is a distant and remote land peopled by rebellious infidels. Immediately after the battle of Kadesiah (A.D. 636) when sending out Utbah, his first governor to the newly-founded camp-town of Basrah Umar is reported to have said: I am sending thee to the land of Al-Hind (India) as governor. Remember it is a field of the fields of the enemy. The third Khalífah Usmán (A.D. 643-655) ordered his governor of Irák to depute a special officer to visit India and wait upon the Khalífah to report his opinion of that country. His report of India was not encouraging. He said: Its water is scarce, its fruits are poor, and its robbers bold. If the troops sent there are few they will be slain; if many they will starve. (Al-Biláduri in Elliot, I. 116.)

[1206] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 116.

[1207] Sir H. Elliot (Hist. of India) transliterates this as Básia. But neither Básea nor his other supposition (Note 4 Ditto) Budha seem to have any sense. The original is probably Bátiah, a form in which other Arab historians and geographers also allude to Baet, the residence of the notorious Bawárij who are referred to a little farther on as seafarers and pirates. Ditto, I. 123.

[1208] This important expedition extended to Ujjain. Details Above page 109 and also under Bhínmál. Raids by sea from Sindh were repeated in A.D. 758, 760, 755, and perhaps A.D. 830. Reinaud's Fragments, 212. See Above Bhagvánlál's Early History page 96 note 3.

[1209] Details Above pages 94-96.

[1210] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 129.

[1211] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 129) calls it Kállari though (Ditto note 3) he says the text has Máli.

[1212] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 129.

[1213] Ibni Khurdádbah a Musalmán of Magian descent as his name signifies, died H. 300 (A.D. 912). He held high office under the Abbási Khalífahs at Baghdád (Elliot's History of India, I. 13).

[1214] Abul Hasan Al Masudi, a native of Baghdád, who visited India about A.D. 915 and wrote his "Meadows of Gold" (Murúj-uz-zahab) about A.D. 950-51 and died A.D. 956 in Egypt. (Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 23-25.)

[1215] Abu Is-hák Al Istakhri, a native (as his cognomen signifies) of Persepolis who flourished about the middle of the tenth century and wrote his Book of Climes (Kitábul Akálím) about A.H. 340 (A.D. 951). Elliot's History of India, I. 26.

[1216] See Appendix A. Volume I. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India.

[1217] Elliot's History of India, 394, where Sir Henry Elliot calculates a parsang or farsang (Arabic farsakh) to be 3 1/2 miles. Al Bírúni, however, counts four kroh or miles to a farsakh. Sachau's Al Bírúni Arabic Text,