Chapter III

.

[79] _Civ. Dei_, xvi. 9.

[80] For the sources of these accounts see Lauchert, _Ges. des Physiologus_ (Strassburg, 1889), p. 4 _sqq._ The wide use of this work is well known. It was soon translated into Ethiopian, Armenian, and Syrian; into Latin not later than the beginning of the fifth century; and subsequently, of course with many accretions, into the various languages of western mediaeval Europe. See Lauchert, _o.c._ p. 79 _sqq._

[81] Cf. Boissier, _Tacite_ (Paris, 1903).

[82] For example, what different truths can one speak afterwards of a social dinner of men and women at which he has sat. In the first place, there is the hostess, to whom he may say something pleasant and yet true. Then there is his congenial friend among the ladies present, to whom he will impart some intimate observations, also true. Thirdly, a club friend was at the dinner, and his ear shall be the receptacle of remarks on feminine traits illustrated by what was said and done there. Finally, there is himself, to whom in the watches of the night the dinner will present itself in its permanent values as an incident in human intercourse, which is so fascinating, so transitory, and so suggestive of topics of reflection. Here are four presentations; and if there was a company of twelve, we may multiply four by that number and imagine forty-eight true, although inexhaustive, accounts of that dinner which has now joined the fading circle of events that are no more.

[83] On Gregory of Nyssa, see Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, p. 125 _sqq._

[84] Chiefly in Books III. and XV.-XVIII.

[85] Like the _Civitas Dei_, the patristic writings devoted exclusively to history were all frankly apologetic, yet following different manners according to the temper and circumstances of the writer. In the East, at the epoch of the formal Christian triumph and the climax of the Arian dispute, lived Eusebius of Caesarea, the most famous of the early Church historians. He was learned, careful, capable of weighing testimony, and possessed the faculty of presenting salient points. He does not dwell overmuch on miracles. His apologetic tendencies appear in his method of seeing and stating facts so as to uphold the truth of Christianity. If just then Christianity seemed no longer to demand an advocate, there was place for a eulogist, and such was Eusebius in his Church History and fulsome _Life of Constantine_. His Church History is translated by A. C. McGiffert, _Library of Nicene Fathers_, second series, vol. i. (New York, 1890). It was translated into Latin by Rufinus, friend and then enemy of St. Jerome.

[86] The best edition is Zangemeister’s in the Vienna _Corpus scriptorum eccles._ (1882). Orosius ignores the classic Greek historians, of whom he knew little or nothing. Cf. Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, pp. 219-221.

[87] _Hist._ ii. 3.

[88] Best edition that of Pauly, in Vienna _Corpus scrip. eccles._ (1883).

[89] An excellent statement of the nature and classes of the mediaeval _Vitae sanctorum_ is “Les Légendes hagiographiques,” by Hipp. Delehaye, S.J., in _Revue des questions historiques_, t. 74 (1903), pp. 56-122. An English translation of this article has appeared as an independent volume.

[90] At Gregory’s statement of the marvellous deeds of Benedict, his interlocutor, the Deacon Peter, answers and exclaims: “Wonderful and astonishing is what you relate. For in the water brought forth from the rock (_i.e._ by Benedict) I see Moses, in the iron which returned from the bottom of the lake I see Elisha (2 Kings vi. 6), in the running upon the water I see Peter, in the obedience of the raven I see Elijah (1 Kings xvii. 6), and in his grief for his dead enemy I see David (2 Sam. i. 11). That man, as I consider him, was full of the spirit of all the just” (Gregorius Magnus, _Dialogi_, ii. 8. Quoted and expanded by Odo of Cluny, Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 133, col. 724). The rest of the second book contains other miracles like those told in the Bible. The Life of a later saint may also follow earlier monastic types. Francis kisses the wounds of lepers, as Martin of Tours had done. See Sulpicius Severus, _Vita S. Martini_. But often the writer of a _vita_ deliberately inserts miracles to make his story edifying, or enhance the fame of his hero, perhaps in order to benefit the church where he is interred.

[91] Ambrose, _Ep._ 22, _ad Marcellinam_.

[92] On Paulinus of Nola, see Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, pp. 272-276.

[93] As this chapter has been devoted to the intellectual interests of the Fathers, it should be supplemented by a consideration of the emotions and passions approved or rejected by them. But this matter may be considered more conveniently in connection with the development of mediaeval emotion, _post_,