Chapter XXVII

.). On Rabanus and Walafrid, see Ebert, _Allge. Gesch. der Lit. des Mittelalters_, ii. 120-166.

[259] _De cleric. inst._ iii. 26 (Migne 107, col. 404).

[260] _Ibid._ iii. 18.

[261] _Ibid._ iii. 20 (Migne 107, col. 397).

[262] Migne III, col. 9-614.

[263] Raban’s excruciating _De laudibus sanctae crucis_ shows what he could do as a virtuoso in allegorical mystification (Migne 107, col. 137-294).

[264] _De cleric. inst._ iii. 16 (Migne 107, col. 392).

[265] _De cleric. inst._ iii. 25 (Migne 107, col. 403).

[266] Compare his _De magicis artibus_, Migne 110, col. 1095 _sqq._

[267] Migne 107, col. 419 _sqq._

[268] Migne 120, col. 1267-1350.

[269] Ratramnus, _De corpore, etc._ (Migne 121, col. 125-170).

[270] On the Carolingian controversies upon Predestination and the Eucharist, see Harnack, _Dogmengeschichte_, vol. iii. chap. vi.

[271] Migne 119, col. 102. Florus called his tract “Libellus Flori adversus cuiusdam vanissimi hominis, qui cognominatur Joannes, ineptias et errores de praedestinatione,” etc. Florus was a contemporary of Eriugena.

[272] Migne 106.

[273] Hincmar, _Ep._ 23 (Migne 126, col. 153).

[274] Migne 122, col. 357.

[275] _De div. nat._ i. 69 (Migne 122, col. 513).

[276] One may say that the work of Eriugena in presenting Christianity transformed in substance as well as form, stood to the work of such a one as Thomas Aquinas as the work of the Gnostics in the second century had stood toward the dogmatic formulation of Christianity by the Fathers of the Church. With the Church Fathers as with Thomas, there was earnest endeavour to preserve the substance of Christianity, though presenting it in a changed form. This cannot be said of either the Gnostics or Eriugena.

[277] See Prantl, _Ges. der Logik_, ii. 20-36.

[278] Claudius died about 830. His works are in tome 104 of Migne.

[279] Migne 104, col. 147-158.

[280] Compare Agobard’s Ep. _ad Bartholomaeum_ (Migne 104, col. 179).

[281] _Liber contra judicium Dei_ (Migne 104, col. 250-268). Here the powerful Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, is emphatically on the opposite side, and argues lengthily in support of the _judicium aquae frigidae_, in _Epist._ 26, Migne 126, col. 161. Hincmar (cir. 806-882) was a man of imposing eminence. He was a great ecclesiastical statesman. The compass and character of his writings is what might be expected from such an archiepiscopal man of affairs. They include edifying tracts for the use of the king, an authoritative Life of St Remi, and writings theological, political, and controversial. As the writer was not a profound thinker, his works have mainly that originality which was impressed upon them by the nature of whatever exigency called them forth. They are contained in Migne 125, 126.

[282] _Liber de imaginibus sanctorum_ (Migne 104, col. 199-226).

[283] These writings are also in vol. 104 of Migne.

[284] See Wattenbach, _Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen_, i. 130-142 (5th ed.). Writings known as _Annales_ drew their origin from the notes made by monks upon the margin of their calendars. These notes were put together the following year, and subsequently might be revised, perhaps by some person of larger view and literary skill. Thus the Annals found in the cloister of Lorsch are supposed to have been rewritten in part by Einhart.

[285] There were two great earlier examples of such histories: one was the _Historia Francorum_ of Gregory of Tours, the author of which was of distinguished Roman descent, born in 540 and dying in 594; the other was Bede’s _Church History of the English People_, which was completed shortly before its author’s death in 735. In individuality and picturesqueness of narrative, these two works surpass all the historical writings of the Carolingian time.

[286] In _Mon. Germ. hist. scrip._ ii.; also Migne, vol. 116, col. 45-76; trans, in German in _Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit_ (Leipzig). See also Wattenbach, _Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen_, i., and Ebert, _Ges. der Lit._ ii. 370 _sqq._

[287] In both these respects a contrary condition had made possible the endurance of the Roman Empire. Its territories in the main were civilized, and were traversed by the best of roads, while many of them lay about that ancient common highway of peoples, the Mediterranean. Then the whole Empire was leavened, and one part made capable of understanding another, by the Graeco-Roman culture.

[288] Within his hereditary domain, Hugh had the powers of other feudal lords; but this domain, instead of expanding, tended to shrink under the reigns of the Capetians of the eleventh century.

[289] In Conrad’s reign “Burgundy,” comprising most of the eastern and southern regions of France, and with Lyons and Marseilles, as well as Basle and Geneva within its boundaries, was added to the Empire.

[290] Papal elections were freed from lay control, and a great step made toward the emancipation of the entire Church, by the decree of Nicholas II. in 1059, by which the election of the popes was committed to the conclave of cardinals.

[291] For the matter of clerical celibacy, and the part played by monasticism in these reforms, see _post_, Chapter XV .

[292] Gregory VII., _Ep._ iv. 2 (Migne 148, col. 455).

[293] _Ep._ viii. 21 (Migne 148, col. 594).

[294] Migne 148, col. 407, 408. Cf. _post_,