Chapter XXXII

. 1) plainly shows such antecedents.

[195] Story of Gisli the outlaw, trans. by Dasent, chap. ix. (Edinburgh, 1866).

[196] The Story of Burnt Njal, chap. i., trans. by Dasent.

[197] The Story of Grettir the Strong (Grettis Saga), chaps. 32-35, trans. by Magnusson and Morris (London, 1869). See also _ibid._ chaps. 65, 66. These accounts are analogous to the story of Beowulf’s fights with Grendal and his dam; but are more convincing.

[198] The stories of the Kings of Norway, called the _Round World_ (Heimskringla), by Snorri Sturluson, done into English by Magnusson and Morris (London, 1893). Snorri Sturluson (b. 1178, d. 1241) composed or put together the _Heimskringla_ from earlier writings, chiefly those of Ari the Historian (b. 1067, d. 1148), “a man of truthfulness, wisdom, and good memory,” who wrote largely from oral accounts.

[199] The Story of Egil Skallagrimson, trans. by W. C. Green (London, 1893).

[200] These poems are in the Saga, and will be found translated in Mr. Green’s edition. They are also edited with prose translations in _C.P.B._, vol. i. pp. 266-280. With Egil one may compare the still more truculent, but very different Grettir, hero of the Grettis Saga. The Story of Grettir the Strong, trans. by Magnusson and Morris (2nd ed., London, 1869).

[201] Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ i. 13. Moreover, the chief partisan of Pelagius (a Briton) was Coelestinus, an Irishman whose restless activity falls in the thirty years preceding the mission of Palladius.

[202] As for the Irish Church in Ireland, there were many differences in usage between it and the Church of Rome. In the matters of Easter and the tonsure the southern Irish were won over to the Roman customs before the middle of the seventh century, and after that the Roman Easter made its way to acceptance through the island. Yet still the Irish appear to have used their own Liturgy, and to have shown little repugnance to the marriage of priests. The organization of the churches remained monastic rather than diocesan or episcopal, in spite of the fact that “bishops,” apparently with parochial functions, existed in great numbers. Hereditary customs governed the succession of the great abbots, as at Armagh, until the time of St. Malachy, a contemporary of St. Bernard. See St. Bernard’s _Life of Malachy_, chap. x.; Migne 182, col. 1086, cited by Killen, _o.c._ vol. i. p. 173. The exertions of Gregory VII. and Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, did much to bring the Irish Church into obedience to Rome. Various Irish synods in the twelfth century completed a proper diocesan system; and in 1155 a bull of Adrian IV. delivered the island over to Henry II. Plantagenet. Cf. Killen, _Eccl. Hist. of Ireland_, vol. i. pp. 162-222.

[203] The works of St. Columbanus or Columban, usually called of Luxeuil, are printed in Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, 80, col. 209-296. The chief source of knowledge of his life is the _Vita_ by Jonas his disciple: Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 87, col. 1009-1046. It has been translated by D. C. Munro, in vol. ii. No. 7 (series of 1895) of _Translations, etc._, published by University of Pennsylvania (Phila. 1897). See also Montalembert, _Monks of the West_, book vii. (vol. ii. of English translation).

[204] The article of H. Zimmer, “Über die Bedeutung des irischen Elements für die mittelalterliche Cultur,” _Preussische Jahrbücher_, Bd. 59, 1887, presents an interesting summary of the Irish influence. His views, and still more those of Ozanam in _Civilisation chrétienne chez les Francs_, chap, v., should be controlled by the detailed discussion in Roger’s _L’Enseignement des lettres classiques d’Ausone à Alcuin_ (Paris, 1905), chaps. vi. vii. and viii. See also G. T. Stokes, _Ireland and the Celtic Church_, Lect. XI. (London, 1892, 3rd ed.); D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Introduction à l’étude de la littérature celtique_, livre ii. chap. ix.; F. J. H. Jenkinson, _The Hisperica Famina_ (Cambridge and New York, 1909). Obviously it is unjustifiable (though it has been done) to regard the scholarship of gifted Irishmen who lived on the Continent in the ninth century (Sedulius Scotus, Eriugena, etc.) as evidence of scholarship in Ireland in the sixth, seventh, or eighth century. We do not know where these later men obtained their knowledge; there is little reason to suppose that they got it in Ireland.

[205] See the narrative in Green’s _History of the English People_.

[206] There is no positive evidence that Augustine painted the terrors of the Day of Judgment in his first preaching. But it was a chief part of the mediaeval Gospel, and never absent from the soul of Augustine’s master, Gregory. The latter set it forth vividly in his letter to Ethelbert after his baptism (Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ i. 32).

[207] Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ iii. 22, tells how a certain noble gesith slew his king from exasperation with the latter’s practice of forgiving his enemies, instead of requiting them, according to the principles of heathen morality.

[208] Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ i. 30. Well known are the picturesque scenes surrounding the long controversy as to Easter between the Roman clergy and the British and Irish. The matter bulks hugely in Bede’s book, as it did in his mind.

[209] Bede ii. 13.

[210] _E.g._ as in Bede iii. 1.

[211] One may bear in mind that practically all active proselytizing Christianity of the period was of a monastic type.

[212] A.D. 709. _Hist. Ecc._ v. 19, where another instance is also given; and see _ibid._ v. 7.

[213] See the pieces in Thorpe’s _Codex Exoniensis_, _e.g._ the “Supplication,” p. 452.

[214] _Ecc. Hist._ iv. 22.

[215] Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ iii. 19; v. 12, 13, 14. Of these the most famous is the vision of Fursa, an Irishman; but others were had by Northumbrians. Plummer, in his edition of Bede, vol. ii. p. 294, gives a list of such visions in the Middle Ages.

[216] On Aldhelm see Ebert, _Allegemeine Ges. des Lit. des Mittelalters_; and Roger, _L’Enseignement des lettres classiques_, etc., p. 288 _sqq._

[217] This is noticeable in his Commentary on the Gospel of John, Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 92, col. 633 _sqq._

[218] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 91, col. 9. In another prefatory epistle to the same bishop Acca, Bede intimates that he has abridged the language of the Fathers: he says it is inconvenient always to put their names in the text. Instead he has inscribed the proper initials of each Father in the margin opposite to whatever he may have taken from him (_in Lucae Evangelium expositio_, Migne 92, col. 304).

[219] Migne 90, col. 258; _ibid._ col. 422. I have not observed this statement in Isidore.

[220] All of these are in t. 90 of Migne.

[221] His writings fill about five volumes (90-95) in Migne’s _Patrol. Latina_. A list may be found in the article “Bede” in the _Dictionary of National Biography_. _Beda der Ehrwürdige_, by Karl Werner (Vienna, 1881), is a good monograph.

[222] _Ante_,