chapter XIII

p 64.

[545] So Jove _Poenulus_ 944-5.

[546] _Casina_ 97 foll, _Poenulus_ 170-1, _Mostellaria_ 1-83.

[547] _Mercator_ 65 foll.

[548] _Mercator_ _passim_.

[549] _Trinummus_ 508-61.

[550] _Vidularia_ 31-2.

[551] _Vidularia_ 21-55, text is fragmentary.

[552] But not excluding it, since slaves were hired.

[553] _Hautontimorumenos_ 62-74.

[554] _Hautont_ 93-117.

[555] _Hautont_ 142-4.

[556] _Phormio_ 362-5, cf _Adelphoe_ 949.

[557] _Hecyra_ 224-6.

[558] _Adelphoe_ 45-6, cf 95, 401, 517-20, 845-9.

[559] _Adelphoe_ 541-2.

[560] Collitz I No. 345, Dittenberger 238-9. Mommsen’s notes in Hermes XVII.

[561] καὶ τὴν χώραν μᾶλλον ἐξεργασθήσεσθαι.

[562] That this neglect was not a new thing seems shewn by the saying of Alexander that the Thessalians deserved no consideration, ὅτι τὴν ἀρίστην κεκτημένοι οὐ γεωργοῦσι. Plut _apophth Alex_ 22.

[563] Livy XXXIV 51 §§ 4-6.

[564] Plutarch _Aratus_ 5-8.

[565] Plut _Dion_ 27, 37, 48.

[566] Plut _Timoleon_ 23, 36.

[567] Plut _Aratus_ 9, 12, 14.

[568] Plut _Philopoemen_ 3, 4.

[569] In fact became an αὐτουργός.

[570] _Bevölkerung der Griechisch-Römischen Welt_ pp 156-8.

[571] Diodorus XVIII 70 § 1.

[572] Livy XXXIV 50, Plut _Flamininus_ 13.

[573] Polyb XXXIX 8 §§ 1-5.

[574] Only in Appian _civ_ I 8 § 2. The provision is ascribed by Suet _Jul_ 42 to Julius Caesar. The two writers were contemporary. Whence did Appian get his story?

[575] Case of Persia.

[576] Cases of Messana, Syracuse, etc.

[577] Case of Carthage.

[578] Livy II 23 etc.

[579] Referred to in Iwan Müller’s _Handbuch_ IV ii 2, ed 3 pp 533 foll, article by H Blümner.

[580] That the household as a vigorous unit outlived the _gens_ is I think clear. I guess that this was because production for the supply of life-needs was more closely correlated with the former. Labour was more easily divorced from the clan-system than property was.

[581] Cic _Cato mai_ § 56, Liv III 26, Dionys X 8, 17, Plin _NH_ XVIII 20, Valer Max IV 7. The discrepancies in the versions do not concern us here.

[582] Liv III 13 §§ 8-10, Dionys X 8.

[583] Liv III 27 § 1.

[584] Liv X 36 § 17, Dionys VI 3, etc.

[585] Liv II 22 §§ 5-7.

[586] Varro _sat Men_ fr 59 and title of his satire _Marcipor_. Quintilian I 4 § 26, Festus p 306 L = 257 M _Marcipor Oppii_ in title of Plaut _Stichus_. Sallust _hist_ fr III 99 Maurenbrecher. Inscriptions CIL I 1076, 1034, 1386, Dessau 7822-3. For Pliny see below.

[587] Argument as in Luke’s gospel 17 §§ 7-9.

[588] Cic _Cato mai_ §§ 55-6, etc.

[589] Dionys XIX 15.

[590] Preserved in a fragment of Dion Cassius, fr 40 § 27.

[591] Columella I 4 § 2, Pliny _NH_ XVIII §§ 27-8, cf Valer Max IV 4 § 4.

[592] Livy _epit_ XVIII.

[593] Valer Max IV 4 § 6. The version given in Seneca _ad Helv_ 12 § 5 is much the same, but ends characteristically _fuitne tanti servum non habere, ut colonus eius populus Romanus esset?_ Here _colonus_ = tenant farmer.

[594] _colendum locari._

[595] Plin _NH_ XVIII § 39.

[596] Polyb I 31 § 4.

[597] Cato 5 § 4 (of duties of _vilicus_) _operarium mercennarium politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die_.

[598] How far we can infer this from references to slaves such as Livy XXIII 32 § 15 (215 BC), XXV 1 § 4 (213 BC), XXVI 35 § 5 (210 BC), is not quite certain. The Licinian law to check the grabbing of state domain land certainly does not prove it, for that land was probably for the most part pasture.

[599] Liv XXVIII 11 § 9.

[600] Weissenborn’s note on the passage.

[601] Liv XXII 57 § 11, and index to Livy under _volones_.

[602] Liv XXIII 49 §§ 1-4, XXIV 18 § 11, XXV 1 § 4, 3 § 8-4 § 11.

[603] Liv XXI 63 §§ 3, 4, Cic II _in Verr_ V § 45.

[604] Liv XXVI 36.

[605] Liv XXIX 16 §§ 1-3.

[606] Liv XXXI 13.

[607] See Rudorff _gromatische Institutionen_ pp 287-8.

[608] Liv XXXIII 42 § 3.

[609] _lex agraria_, line 31, in Bruns’ _fontes_ or Wordsworth’s _Specimens_.

[610] Appian _civ_ I 7 § 5. But the account given in this passage of the spread of _latifundia_ and slave-gangs is too loose to be of much value. In particular, the assertion that slave-breeding was already common and lucrative is not to be believed. Appian was misled by the experience of his own day. See Sallust _Iug_ 41 § 8 _interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur_.

[611] The urban artisans engaged in the sedentary trades do not concern us here. See Weissenborn on Liv VIII 20 § 4 _opificum vulgus et sellularii_.

[612] Dionys III 31, IV 9, 13, etc.

[613] Dionys VI 79, a passage much coloured by later notions.

[614] Liv VII 4, 5. A slightly different and shorter version in Cic _de off_ III § 112.

[615] Cic _pro Sex Roscio_ § 46 recognizes this familiarity.

[616] Sallust _Catil_ 4 § 1.

[617] Cic _pro Sex Roscio_ §§ 39-51.

[618] Cic _pro Sex Roscio_ §§ 50-1.

[619] Livy VI 12 § 5, cf VII 25 § 8.

[620] Dionys XVII [XVIII] 4. L Postumius Megellus was consul 305, 294, 291 BC. The story relates to his third consulship. His earlier career may be followed in Liv IX 44, X 26 § 15, 32 § 1, 37, 46 § 16.

[621] Liv _epit_ XI.

[622] See the precept of Mago cited by Pliny _NH_ XVIII § 35.

[623] That is, on those possessed of a certain minimum of property, which was lowered in course of time. Originally reckoned on land only, thus reckoning only those settled on farms (_adsidui_). See Mommsen _Staatsrecht_ index. The rise in the census numbers between 131 and 125 BC is explained by Greenidge _History_ p 150 as due to the increase of _adsidui_ through effect of Gracchan legislation.

[624] See Greenidge _History_ pp 60-1, 424-5.

[625] See Cato’s opinion cited by Cic _de off_ II § 89, Columella VI _praef_ §§ 3-5, Plin _NH_ XVIII §§ 29, 30.

[626] Cic _in Catil_ II § 18.

[627] Cic _in Catil_ II § 20, cf _de lege agr_ II § 78 _fundos quorum subsidio familiarum magnitudines sustentare possint_.

[628] _familiis magnis._

[629] Livy VI 12 § 5, cf VII 25 § 8.

[630] Cairnes _The Slave Power_ ch III. [1862, second edn. 1863.]

[631] Cic _de republ_ III § 16.

[632] But see the oratorical picture of the bad steward, Cic II _in Verrem_ III § 119. That remarkable passage still leaves my questions unanswered, for the comparison with Verres is superficial and only serves a temporary purpose.

[633] Varro I 2 § 17, 17 §§ 5, 7.

[634] Cato 2 § 7, cf Martial XI 70.

[635] As Cato 5 § 2 says, _dominus inpune ne Sinat esse_.

[636] Foreshadowed in Xenophon _memor_ II 8.

[637] Compare the case of the _mercennarius_ and Regulus referred to above.

[638] Columella I _praef_ §§ 3, 12, 13, 20, XII _praef_ §§ 8-10.

[639] Pliny _NH_ XVIII §§ 41-3 (of earlier times), XIV §§ 48-50 (speculations), XVIII §§ 273-4.

[640] M Weber _Römische Agrargeschichte_ pp 242 foll.

[641] Sueton _Aug_ 32, _Tib_ 8, cf Seneca the elder _contr_ X 4 § 18. Later, Spart _Hadr_ 18. In law, Digest XXXIX 4 § 12².

[642] Even a _valetudinarium_ is provided. See Columella XI 1 § 18, XII 1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.

[643] Columella I 7.

[644] Weber _op cit_ pp 244-5. See the chapter on Columella for this interpretation. It can hardly be considered certain, but it is not vital to the argument.

[645] Varro I 17 § 2, cf Colum I 3 § 12.

[646] Varro I 17 §§ 3-6.

[647] Plato _Laws_ 777 _d_, Arist _Pol_ VII 10 § 13, [Ar] _Oec_ I 5 § 6.

[648] Livy XXXIII 36 § 1.

[649] Livy XXXIX 29 §§ 8, 9, cf 41 § 6.

[650] Diodorus book XXXIV, and other authorities enumerated in my _Roman Republic_ § 683.

[651] Strabo XIV 1 § 38 [p 646], Diodorus XXXIV 2 § 26.

[652] Diodorus XXXVI.

[653] According to Appian _civ_ I 116 § 2 he was at first joined by some free rustics. The same seems to have been the case in Sicily and Asia.

[654] Sallust _Catil_ 44 §§ 5, 6, 56 § 5.

[655] Tacitus _ann_ IV 27.

[656] Tacitus _ann_ III 53-5.

[657] Text edited by Keil 1895.

[658] Plutarch _Cato maior_ 27.

[659] Jordan’s edition of his remains, p 77, Plut _Cat mai_ 23.

[660] Pliny _NH_ XVIII §§ 29, 30, and Cicero _de off_ II § 89, Columella VI _praef_ §§ 3-5.

[661] Jordan _op cit_ p 43. Plutarch _Cat mai_ 4.

[662] Plut _Cat mai_ 3-5, 20-1.

[663] Cato _agr_ 3 § 1, Pliny _NH_ XVIII § 32.

[664] Cato _agr_ 4.

[665] Cato _agr_ 56-7.

[666] Cato _agr_ 16, 136-7, 146.

[667] In 147 the _emptor_ of a season’s lambs seems to be bound to provide a _pastor_, who is held as a pledge to secure the final settlement.

[668] Cato _agr praef_.

[669] Cato _agr_ 10 § 1, 11 § 1.

[670] 2 § 7 _patrem familias vendacem non emacem esse oportet_.

[671] Cato _agr_ 1.

[672] Mommsen in _Hermes_ XV p 408.

[673] _praef_ § 2, 1 § 4. According to a speaker in Seneca _controv_ VII 6 § 17 Cato’s later wife was _coloni sui filiam ... ingenuam_. Plut _Cat mai_ 24 makes her πελάτιν, that is daughter of a client. There seems to be no real contradiction. The _cliens_ might be his patron’s tenant.

[674] 2 § 7 _boves vetulos ... servum senem, servum morbosum ... vendat_. Cf Plut _Cat mai_ 5, Martial XI 70, Juvenal X 268-70. In Terence _Hautont_ 142-4 the Old Man, on taking to farming, sells off all his household slaves save such as are able to pay for their keep _opere rustico faciundo_. His motive for giving up domestic comfort and taking to hard manual labour on the land is to punish himself. So _ibid_ 65-74 he appears as neglecting to keep his farm-hands at work.

[675] Plut _Cat mai_ 21.

[676] Pliny _NH_ XVIII § 35.

[677] Polyb XXXII 13 §§ 10, 11.

[678] Plut _Cat mai_ 21, 25, 4.

[679] Jordan _op cit_ p 43.

[680] Cf Plin _epist_ III 19 § 5.

[681] Plut _Cat mai_ 21, 4.

[682] Plut _Cat mai_ 20.

[683] Pliny even refers to his precepts as _oracula_.

[684] Cato _agr_ 1 § 3 _operariorum copia siet_.

[685] Cato _agr_ 4 _operas facilius locabis, operarios facilius conduces_.

[686] Cato _agr_ 5, 83, 143.

[687] Cato _agr_ 2 § 1.

[688] Cato _agr_ 13 § 1 _duo custodes liberi ... tertius servus_ ... etc.

[689] Ibid 66 _ubi factores vectibus prement_.

[690] Ibid 64 § 1.

[691] Ibid 144.

[692] Ibid 144-5.

[693] Ibid 146.

[694] Ibid 149 § 2.

[695] Ibid 150.

[696] Ibid 66-7.

[697] Ibid 56.

[698] Ibid 10 § 1, 11 § 1.

[699] It is to be noted that _bubulci_ are to be indulgently treated, in order to encourage them to tend the valued oxen with care. 5 § 6.

[700] Ibid 56 _compeditis ... ubi vineam fodere coeperint_. Cf Columella I 9 § 4.

[701] Ibid 14.

[702] Ibid 16, 38.

[703] Ibid 136. In 5 § 4 the _politor_ appears as a hired wage-earner, apparently paid by the job. In Varro III 2 § 5 we find _fundo ... polito cultura_. See Nonius p 66 M for _politiones = agrorum cultus diligentes_. Greenidge _hist_ p 79 regards the _politores_ as métayer tenants, why, I do not know.

[704] Ibid 7 § 2, 21 § 5.

[705] Ibid 5, especially § 4 _operarium, mercennarium, politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die_. This is taken by Wallon II pp 100, 345, to mean that these hired men are to be paid off at the end of their stipulated term. Keil thinks they are to be dischargeable at a day’s notice. _eundem_ seems to imply that it was convenient to change your hired men often.

[706] Ibid 2 § 2, and § 4 _viam publicam muniri_.

[707] The account given in Greenidge’s _History of Rome_ deserves special reference here. On pp 266-7 he well points out that it was not the Gracchan aim to revive the free labourer but the peasant proprietor.

[708] This is known from the _lex agraria_ of which a large part is preserved. See text in Bruns’ _Fontes_ or Wordsworth’s _Specimens_. Translated and explained in Dr E G Hardy’s _Six Roman Laws_.

[709] Perhaps some inference may be drawn from Sallust _Iug_ 73 § 6 _plebes sic accensa uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium_ ... etc, though this refers directly to political support, not to the recruiting of troops.

[710] See the important paper by Dr E G Hardy _Journ Phil_ 1913.

[711] _Monum Ancyr_ III 22 [cap XVI].

[712] Varro _RR_ I 2 §§ 3, 6. I find since writing this that Heisterbergk _Entstehung des Colonats_ p 57 treats this utterance, rightly, as rhetorical.

[713] See Mr Storr-Best’s translation, Introduction pp xxvii-xxx.

[714] _RR_ I 4 § 5. Surely in 49 Varro was in Spain.

[715] As in _RR_ II _praef_ § 6.

[716] The wild hill-pastures are referred to by Varro _RR_ II 1 § 16 as still leased to _publicani_ to whom the _scriptura_ or registration fees had to be paid. I have given further references in my _Roman Republic_ § 1351. See M Weber _Römische Agrargeschichte_ pp 135 foll.

[717] _RR_ I 18.

[718] _RR_ I 17.

[719] _RR_ I 6-16.

[720] [_genus_] _vocale_, _semivocale_, _mutum_.

[721] These are specimens only. Others would be hired freemen, asses, and (near a river) barges.

[722] _ipsi_ suggests peasant owners.

[723] _pauperculi cum sua progenie._

[724] _mercennariis ... conducticiis liberorum operis._

[725] _obaerarios_ or _obaeratos_, who work off a debt by labour for a creditor.

[726] _de quibus universis._ This seems to refer to all human workers.

[727] _gravia loca._ Cf I 12 § 2.

[728] _operarios parandos esse_, not _conducendos_, for these are clearly slaves. Cf I 16 § 4.

[729] The text here is damaged. I give the apparent meaning.

[730] _qui praesint_, a very general expression.

[731] That is, obedience.

[732] _offensiones domesticas._ Varro may have in mind the Syrians in the Sicilian slave-wars and the Thracians and Gauls under Spartacus.

[733] _peculium._

[734] Here also the text is doubtful.

[735] _RR_ II 3 § 7 _in lege locationis fundi excipi solet ne colonus capra natum in fundo pascat_.

[736] _RR_ I 2 § 17 _leges colonicas_ ... etc.

[737] Caesar _BC_ I 34, 56.

[738] _servis libertis colonis suis._

[739] _colonis pastoribusque._

[740] As a creditor on a debtor.

[741] _RR_ I 16 § 4 _itaque in hoc genus coloni potius anniversarios habent vicinos, quibus imperent, medicos fullones fabros, quam in villa suos habeant_.

[742] _RR_ II _praef_ § 5, cf I 2 § 13 foll, and Columella VI _praef_ §§ 1, 2.

[743] They evidently own slaves, though not special craftsmen, and are distinct from the _pauperculi_ of I 17 § 2.

[744] _RR_ II _praef_ §§ 3, 4.

[745] _RR_ III 16 §§ 10, 11.

[746] _RR_ II 10 §§ 4, 5.

[747] _RR_ I 22 § 1. Basket work is often referred to in scenes of country life. Cf Verg _buc_ II 71-2, _georg_ I 266.

[748] _RR_ III 3 § 4, 17 § 6.

[749] Cf Cato 56, Columella I 9 § 4.

[750] _RR_ I 18 §§ 2, 6.

[751] _valetudini tempestati inertiae indiligentiae._

[752] In _RR_ III 2 § 5 _cum villa non sit sine fundo magno et eo polito cultura_ the reference is quite general.

[753] This is well illustrated by the words of Cicero _de republ_ V § 5.

[754] As in his opinion the younger Cato did.

[755] See _pro Murena_ § 62, where _disputandi causa_ is opposed to _ita vivendi_.

[756] See _Brutus_ § 257, _de orat_ I §§ 83, 263, II § 40, _de finibus_ V § 52, _Tusc disp_ I § 34, III § 77, V § 104. The _messores_ whose rustic brogue is referred to in _de orat_ III § 46 surely are free Italians.

[757] From lack of the _ingenuae artes_ and _liberales doctrinae_ etc.

[758] _de offic_ I § 150 _inliberales autem et sordidi quaestus mercennariorum omnium quorum operae non quorum artes emuntur: est enim in illis ipsa merces auctoramentum servitutis_.

[759] The _operae_ often referred to.

[760] The _familiae publicanorum_. The _publicani_ complained loudly when their slave-staff was in danger from the violence of others. Cf _de imperio Pompei_ § 16.

[761] Cf the famous case of Clodius and Milo.

[762] Cf _pro Rosc com_ §§ 32, 49, 54, _pro Tullio_ § 21.

[763] For a discussion of these see Greenidge in the Appendix to _The legal procedure of Cicero’s time_.

[764] _pro Tullio_ §§ 7-12.

[765] _pro Tullio_ §§ 14-22.

[766] § 17 _mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum_.

[767] To conduct of this kind Cicero makes a general reference in _Paradoxa_ VI § 46 _expulsiones vicinorum ... latrocinia in agris_.

[768] _pro Caecina_ §§ 10-19.

[769] _pro Caecina_ § 1 _in agro locisque desertis_.

[770] _pro Vareno_ fragm 5, _pro Cluentio_ § 161, cf _pro Tullio_ § 8.

[771] _in toga candida_ fragm 11 _alter pecore omni vendito et saltibus prope addictis pastores retinet, ex quibus ait se cum velit subito fugitivorum bellum excitaturum_. For the _fugitivi_ in Sicily cf II _in Verrem_ II § 27, III § 66, IV § 112, V _passim_, and the famous inscription of Popilius, Wilmanns 797 and Wordsworth _specimens_ pp 221, 475, CIL I 551, referring to first Sicilian slave-war.

[772] _Brutus_ § 85.

[773] _pro Roscio Amer_ §§ 39-51.

[774] _pro Caecina_ §§ 58, 63.

[775] Thus in _pro Cluentio_ § 163 a disreputable tool is _mercennarius Oppianici_.

[776] _de officiis_ I § 151 _quorum ordini conveniunt_.

[777] _de officiis_ I § 41.

[778] II _in Verrem_ I § 147, IV § 77.

[779] Thus of orators, _Brutus_ § 297, _de orat_ I §§ 83, 263, cf II § 40. Also _opifex_ in _Tusc disp_ V § 34.

[780] _de orat_ I § 249 _si mandandum aliquid procuratori de agri cultura aut imperandum vilico est_.

[781] _pro Tullio_ § 17 _mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum_.

[782] Cicero’s own estate at Arpinum seems to have been let in _praediola_ to tenants. See _ad Att_ XIII 9 § 2.

[783] _pro Caecina_ §§ 17, 57, 94.

[784] _pro Caecina_ § 57, cf 63. So in § 58 the word _familia_ is shewn not to be limited to slaves personally owned by the litigant referred to.

[785] II _in Verrem_ III §§ 53-5, and _passim_. These _arationes_ paid _decumae_.

[786] _pro Cluentio_ §§ 175, 182.

[787] _de orat_ II § 287.

[788] _de republ_ V § 5, where the perfect ruler is a sort of blend of _dispensator_ and _vilicus_.

[789] _pro Plancio_ § 62.

[790] II _in Verrem_ III § 119.

[791] _pro Rabirio_ §§ 10-17.

[792] _hanc condicionem ... quam servi, si libertatis spem propositam non haberent, ferre nullo modo possent._

[793] _Philippic_ VIII § 32.

[794] Cic _ad fam_ XVI 16 § 1 _eum indignum illa fortuna nobis amicum quam servum esse maluisti_.

[795] _pro Roscio Amer_ § 120 _homines paene operarios_.

[796] II _in Verrem_ III § 27.

[797] _quid, qui singulis iugis arant, qui ab opere ipsi non recedunt_ ... etc.

[798] The infamous henchman of Verres.

[799] Diodorus fragm XXXIV 2 § 48, XXXVI 5 § 6.

[800] _de lege agr_ II §§ 80-3.

[801] See Beloch _Campanien_ pp 304-6.

[802] _de lege agr_ II § 84 _agros desertos a plebe atque a cultura hominum liberorum esse non oportere_.

[803] _genus ... optimorum et aratorum et militum ... illi miseri, nati in illis agris et educati, glaebis subigendis exercitati_ ... etc.

[804] _de lege agr_ II §§ 88-9 _locus comportandis condendisque fructibus, ut aratores cultu agrorum defessi urbis domiciliis uterentur ... receptaculum aratorum, nundinas rusticorum, cellam atque horreum Campani agri_ ... etc.

[805] _de lege agr_ II § 82 _deinde ad paucos opibus et copiis adfluentis totum agrum Campanum perferri videbitis_.

[806] See above, chap XXV p 183.

[807] Sallust _Cat_ 4 § 1.

[808] Sallust _Cat_ 37 § 7 _iuventus, quae in agris manuum mercede inopiam toleraverat_ ... etc.

[809] Sallust _Iug_ 73 § 6 _opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant_ ... etc.

[810] Two notorious instances are Pompey and M Brutus.

[811] Horace _Odes_ II 15, III 6, etc.

[812] Horace _Odes_ IV 5, 15, etc.

[813] A picture forestalled by Lucretius III 1053-75.

[814] Already illustrated in the case of Cato noted above.

[815] See Cic _de legibus_ III § 30. Cf Horace _epodes_ IV.

[816] See Rostowzew, _Röm Colonat_, for detailed inquiry into Eastern phenomena, Egyptian in particular. For the case of China see reference to Macgowan [Appendix D 6]. A very interesting account of the system in Hindustan in the 17th century, with criticism of its grave abuses, may be found in the _Travels in the Mogul empire_ by François Bernier, ed 2 by V A Smith, Oxford 1914, pages 226-38. I believe the legal phrase is ‘Eminent Domain.’

[817] In Greenidge, _History_ pp 292-3, there are some good remarks on the process.

[818] Frontinus grom I p 35, Columella III 3 § 11, and Heisterbergk’s remarks cited below. See Index, _Italian land and taxation_.

[819] Tacitus _ann_ II 59 _seposuit Aegyptum hist_ I 11 _domi retinere_. This need not be taken to mean that he treated it strictly as part of his private estate, as Mommsen thought. See on the controversy a note of E Meyer _Kl Schr_ p 479.

[820] See M Weber _Agrargeschichte_ pp 243 foll.

[821] The estates of Atticus in Epirus are a leading case of this. Horace _epist_ I 12 refers to those of Agrippa in Sicily. Such cases have nothing to do with emigration of working farmers, in which I do not believe. Surely Greenidge _History_ p 270 is right in saying that the Gracchan scheme of colonization was commercial rather than agricultural. Also the municipalities, beside their estates in Italy, held lands in the Provinces. See Tyrrell and Purser on Cic _ad fam_ XIII 7 and 11. In general, Seneca _epist_ 87 § 7, 89 § 20, Florus II 7 § 3.

[822] We may perhaps carry this back into the time of the Republic. See the references to the royal domains of Macedon, Livy XLV 18 § 3, and with others Cic _de lege agr_ II § 50.

[823] See the chapter on the African inscriptions.

[824] For the cases of India and China see references to Sir A Fraser and Macgowan [Appendix D 6].

[825] Tacitus _ann_ XIV 27 records the failure of Nero’s colonization of veterans singly in Italy, who mostly returned to the scenes of their service. He strangely regrets the abandonment of the old plan of settling them in whole legions. It is to be remembered that in the later Empire the army was more and more recruited from the barbarians.

[826] The γῆ κληρουχική, assigned in κλῆροι to soldiers.

[827] See Herodotus II 165-7, cf 141, Strabo XV 1 § 40 (p 704), § 34 (p 701), § 54 (p 710), cf Diodorus II 40-1, Arrian _Indica_ 10 §§ 8, 9. The references to slave-traffic in the _Periplus maris Erythraei_ do not really imply existence of a slave-system in India. See Rapson _Ancient India_ p 97. Much of interest in Sir J D Rees, _The real India_, on the Land-system etc. In _The early history of India_ by V A Smith the existence of slavery in India is maintained.

[828] See Dionysius II 28, cf 8, 9.

[829] The _operae_ referred to in the African inscriptions.

[830] It is possible to see a beginning of this system in the tenancy-on-shares (the _colonia partiaria_) which we find not only in Italy but in Africa as a recognized plan.

[831] This is the view of Rostowzew _Röm Colonat_ p 397.

[832] Hor _Sat_ II 7 23, _Epist_ II 1 139-40.

[833] Hor _Odes_ I 12.

[834] _Odes_ II 15, 18, _Sat_ II 6 6-15.

[835] _Odes_ III 6.

[836] _Odes_ III 5. See above pp 139-40.

[837] _Odes_ III 1 _redemptor cum famulis_.

[838] _Odes_ II 3, _Epist_ II 2 177-8.

[839] _Odes_ I 1, II 16, III 16.

[840] _Odes_ I 1 _patrios ... agros_, Epode II 3 _paterna rura bobus exercet suis_.

[841] _Epode_ IV 13 _arat Falerni mille fundi iugera_, etc.

[842] _Odes_ III 16 _quicquid arat impiger Apulus_.

[843] _Epode_ II 39 foll.

[844] A fact recognized by Horace himself in lines 14-16 of _Odes_ III 4, and _Sat_ I 5 lines 77 foll.

[845] _Odes_ I 35 _pauper ... ruris colonus_, II 14 _inopes coloni_. _Sat_ II 2 115, where the fact of expulsion in favour of a military pensioner is judiciously ignored. See below.

[846] These _coloni_ of course owned their farms; that is, were _domini_. _Odes_ III 4 lines 37-8, _Sat_ II 6 55-6.

[847] _Odes_ I 1 _mercator ... indocilis pauperiem pati_, cf III 2.

[848] So Cicero’s estate at Arpinum is spoken of _ad Att_ XIII 9 § 2 as _praediola_ and was perhaps let in the same way.

[849] Cf Seneca _epist_ 47 § 14, 86 § 14.

[850] The ownership of the slaves is another matter, for in letting farms the _dominus_ often supplied the slaves. See Index, _instrumentum_.

[851] I find that Mr Warde Fowler, _The death of Turnus_ p 105, also takes this view. But he understands _pater_ to imply that the man brought up a family, which I do not. I agree that it gives the idea of headship of a household.

[852] _Italische Landeskunde_ II p 615.

[853] The description of such an _agellus_ in Plin _epist_ I 24 illustrates the wants of a literary landowner excellently.

[854] Tibullus II 1 51 _agricola adsiduo ... satiatus aratro_.

[855] Tibullus II 6 25-6.

[856] Ovid _fasti_ I 207, III 779-82, IV 693-4.

[857] Ovid _metam_ I 135-6, Manilius I 73-4.

[858] Vitruvius II 1.

[859] I cannot accept Prof. Richmond’s view (Inaugural lecture 1919 p 25) of the _Georgics_ as ‘concerned with every side of husbandry.’

[860] Whether Vergil suffered two expulsions, and what is the chronological order of eclogues I and IX, are questions that do not affect my inquiry.

[861] Pliny _epist_ III 10 § 7.

[862] _Aen_ VII 641-817, IX 603-13.

[863] e.g. _Aen_ VI 613.

[864] Ellis on Catullus XXIII 1.

[865] See page 217.

[866] Sueton _Vespas_ I.

[867] Keightley includes Mago, whether rightly or not I am not sure. Conington’s Introduction treats this matter fully.

[868] The futility of addressing rustic readers in polished literary language (_diserte_) is commented on by Palladius [4th cent AD] in his opening sentences. He has been thought to have in view Columella, who by the by is Vergil’s great admirer. I cannot accept the views of Daubeny in his _Lectures_ pp 3-5. It is possible that the use of fire in improving land may be a bit of Vergil’s own advice, but I doubt it. See Daubeny pp 91-4, _georg_ I 84 foll.

[869] E Meyer _Kl Schr_ p 488 describing the hopeless task of Augustus in attempting the moral and physical regeneration of Italy makes the general remark ‘Nur an die höheren Stände, nur an die Elite, konnte Augustus sich wenden.’ This is a true picture of the situation as a whole. To have to begin building at the top was fatal.

[870] Most clearly stated in Columella I 7.

[871] For _coloni_ of Cicero’s time see II _in Verr_ III § 55, _pro Caecina_ § 94, _pro Cluent_ §§ 175, 182. The references in Horace are given below. That letting to tenants was practised about 100 BC or earlier, appears certain from the reference to Saserna’s opinion on this policy in Columella I 7 § 4.

[872] Velleius II 88, and many passages in Seneca and other authors.

[873] Dion Cass LII 27-8.

[874] Compare Suet _Aug_ 41 for the Emperor’s actual policy. It seems that the influx of specie captured at Alexandria sent the rate of interest down and the price of land up.

[875] This is admirably dealt with in Sellar’s _Virgil_, and need not be reproduced here.

[876] Mr T R Glover, _Virgil_ p 14, reminds us that the poet’s father is said to have done some business in timber at one time.

[877] When Cicero _de orat_ III § 46 credits _messores_ with a rustic brogue he can hardly be thinking of foreign slaves.

[878] As in Lucan VII 402 _vincto fossore_.

[879] Varro _RR_ II 10.

[880] See Varro _RR_ II 2 § 20, 5 § 18, 7 § 16, even for treatment of _homines_ 10 § 10. Written books of prescriptions were provided.

[881] _Georg_ III 515-30.

[882] _tristis_ suggests the owner. A slave was not likely to care.

[883] In Sellar’s _Virgil_