chapter XXXVII

.

[1090] The _locus classicus_ on emigrant Romans is Cic _pro Fonteio_ §§ 11-13, which belongs to 69 BC. Cf Sallust _Iug_ 21, 26, 47.

[1091] That is, allottees of land distributed _viritim_.

[1092] Inscription, Dessau 1334, CIL VIII 15454.

[1093] Dessau 6790.

[1094] [Victor] _de viris illustribus_ 73 § 1, cf § 5.

[1095] Cf Appian _civ_ I 29 § 2.

[1096] _Bellum Afr_ 32, 35, 56, Dion Cass XLIII 4 § 2.

[1097] For details of his life see Mayor on Pliny _epp_ III 11. Cf Ritter and Preller _hist Philos_, Champagny _Les Césars_ IV 1 § 1.

[1098] Preserved by Stobaeus _flor_ LVI 18. It is in Greek, the classic language of Philosophy, as the _Meditations_ of Marcus Aurelius, etc.

[1099] πόρος, a means of livelihood.

[1100] ἢ δημοσίαν ἢ ἰδιωτικήν.

[1101] αὐτουργικοὶ καὶ φιλόπονοι ὄντες.

[1102] εἴ γε μὴν ἅμα φιλοσοφεῖ τις καὶ γεωργεῖ.

[1103] τοῦ καθῆσθαι ἐν πόλει τὸ ζῆν ἐν χωρίῳ.

[1104] σύν γε τῷ καλοκαγαθίας μὴ ὀλιγωρεῖν.

[1105] These are stock instances of happiness in rustic life. For references see notes in Frazer’s _Pausanias_ VIII 24 § 13, X 24 § 1.

[1106] σοφιστάς.

[1107] χαλεπώτατον.

[1108] He was in command of the fleet at Misenum in 79 AD when the great eruption of Vesuvius took place. He persisted in approaching it, and met his death. The family belonged to the colony of Novum Comum in Transpadane Gaul, now part of Italy.

[1109] _NH_ XVIII 1-5.

[1110] _NH_ XVIII 7, 18, 20.

[1111] _NH_ XVIII 19, 21, 36.

[1112] _NH_ XVIII 35.

[1113] _NH_ XVIII 27-8.

[1114] _NH_ XVIII 32.

[1115] _NH_ XVIII 35.

[1116] _NH_ VIII 180. In Aelian _var hist_ this is recorded (V 14) as an old rule in Attica.

[1117] _NH_ XVIII 36.

[1118] _NH_ XIX 60 _octo iugerum operis palari iustum est_ is a good instance. This verb _palare_ = to dig should be added to dictionaries.

[1119] _NH_ XVIII 37-8.

[1120] _agros ... coemendo colendoque in gloriam._

[1121] So Tiberius in Tac _ann_ III 54.

[1122] Tac _hist_ III 8 _Aegyptus, claustra annonae_.

[1123] _NH_ XVIII 15 foll.

[1124] _ibid_ 17 _nec e latifundiis singulorum contingebat arcentium vicinos_.

[1125] _NH_ XVIII 24.

[1126] _NH_ XIX 50-1.

[1127] _NH_ XVIII 12.

[1128] _NH_ XVIII 11, 26.

[1129] _NH_ XIV 49, 50.

[1130] _NH_ XIV 48.

[1131] Such as the _agricola strenuus_ depicted in the letter of Marcus to Fronto (p 29 Naber), who has _omnia ad usum magis quam ad voluptatem_.

[1132] _NH_ XVIII 273-4. Aristotle _Politics_ I 11.

[1133] _NH_ XVIII 174.

[1134] _NH_ XVIII 178 ... _transverso monte_.

[1135] _certe sine hoc animali montanae gentes sarculis arant._

[1136] _NH_ XXXIII 26-7.

[1137] _aliter apud antiquos singuli Marcipores Luciporesve dominorum gentiles omnem victum in promiscuo habebant._

[1138] _NH_ XVIII 36 _coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est, et quicquid agitur a desperantibus_.

[1139] _NH_ XXXVII 201-3.

[1140] _principatum naturae optinet ... viris feminis ducibus militibus servitiis_ ... etc.

[1141] _servorum exercitio._

[1142] _NH_ XVIII 11.

[1143] _NH_ VIII 180 _tamquam colono suo interempto_.

[1144] _NH_ XVIII 167 _coloni vice fungens_.

[1145] _NH_ XVIII 38 _praeterquam subole suo colono aut pascendis alioqui colente domino aliquas messis colligere non expedit, si computetur impendium operae_.

[1146] In _NH_ XVIII 120 he cites Vergil as giving a piece of advice based on the usage of the Po country. Pliny as a Transpadane may have been prejudiced in Vergil’s favour and possibly jealous of the Spanish Columella.

[1147] In _NH_ XVIII 170 he cites Verg _G_ I 53, calling it _oraculum illud_, but with a textual slip.

[1148] _NH_ XVIII 70.

[1149] The passing mention in _Annals_ XVI 13 of the great mortality among the _servitia_ and _ingenua plebes_ in the plague of 65 AD is a good specimen. The two classes are often thus spoken of together. Cf Sueton _Claud_ 22, _Nero_ 22.

[1150] _Annals_ III 54.

[1151] This policy bore fruit in the possibility of forming reserves in the next period. See Spart _Severus_ 8 § 5, 23 § 2.

[1152] _Annals_ IV 27.

[1153] _Annals_ IV 6 _infecunditati terrarum_.

[1154] _Annals_ VI 16, 17. Caesar’s law is described as _de modo credendi possidendique intra Italiam_. Nipperdey holds that it cannot be the law of BC 49, but must be an unknown law, not of temporary effect. See his note.

[1155] Nipperdey’s restoration of this sentence with the help of Suet _Tib_ 48 seems to me quite certain.

[1156] _si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset._ The precedent of Augustus is mentioned in Sueton _Aug_ 41.

[1157] See Cicero _in Catil_ II § 18.

[1158] See the case of Sittius in Cic _pro Sulla_ §§ 56-9. Such financial opportunities were evidently few in the later Empire.

[1159] _trepidique patres_ (_neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus_) ... etc.

[1160] _Germ_ 26.

[1161] See Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes, and cf the remarks of Caesar _BG_ IV 1, VI 22.

[1162] See Pliny _NH_ XVIII 259 and Conington’s notes on Verg _G_ I 71-83. Varro I 44 § 3.

[1163] _Germ_ 24.

[1164] _servos condicionis huius per commercia tradunt, ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant._

[1165] _Germ_ 25 _frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit, et servus hactenus paret_. The _colonus_ here is clearly a tenant, his German analogue a serf.

[1166] _Agricola_ 28.

[1167] _per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione ementium adductos._

[1168] CIL VIII 18587, Ephem epigr VII 788, where it is annotated by Mommsen and others.

[1169] Mentioned in two routes of the _Itinerarium Antoninum_.

[1170] Cf Gaius II 7, 21, and below, note on p 351.

[1171] Cf Digest VIII 6 § 7, XLIII 20 §§ 2, 5.

[1172] See Marquardt _Stvw_ 1, index under _Lamasba_.

[1173] Were they perhaps _veterani_? That there were a number of these settled in Africa is attested by Cod Th XI 1 § 28 (400), cf XII 1 § 45 (358).

[1174] Written 97 AD, under Nerva.

[1175] _de aquis_ 75. Formerly this offence was punished by confiscating the land so watered, _ibid_ 97.

[1176] _de aquis_ 6.

[1177] _de aquis_ 9.

[1178] _de aquis_ 107-10. But according to Digest XLIII 20 § 1³⁹⁻⁴³ (Ulpian) the grant was sometimes not _personis_ but _praediis_, and so perpetual.

[1179] _de aquis_ 105, 116-8.

[1180] _de aquis_ 120, 124-8.

[1181] _impotentia possessorum._

[1182] _holitores_ as in Horace _epist_ I 18 36. Later called _hortulani_ as in Apuleius _metam_ IX 31-2, 39-42. Girard, _textes_ part III ch 4 § 1 e, gives an interesting case of a _colonus hortorum olitoriorum_ between Rome and Ostia, belonging to a _collegium_. The man is probably a freedman.

[1183] _de aquis_ 112-5.

[1184] _de aquis_ 11, cf also 92.

[1185] Wilmanns _exempla_ 2844-8.

[1186] _Hermes_ XIX pp 393-416.

[1187] Plin _epist_ VII 18.

[1188] Mommsen _op cit_ p 410. See index under _instrumentum_.

[1189] Whether we have in Columella a direct reference to this method is a question I have discussed in the chapter on that author. However answered, it does not affect the present passage. See the chapter on the African inscriptions.

[1190] See the case cited in the chapter on Pliny the younger.

[1191] By H Blümner in Müller’s _Handbuch_ ed 3, IV ii 2 p 544.

[1192] Mommsen _op cit_ p 416. See the chapter on evidence from the Digest.

[1193] Mommsen _op cit_ p 412.

[1194] Digest XXXIII 7 § 20¹ _non fide dominica sed mercede_. _ibid_ § 12³ _qui quasi colonus in agro erat_.

[1195] Dig XXXIII 7 § 20³ _praedia ut instructa sunt cum dotibus et reliquis colonorum et vilicorum et mancipiis et pecore omni legavit et peculiis et cum actore_. Cf also XL 7 § 40⁵.

[1196] Dig XXXIII 7 § 20⁴.

[1197] But that _uxor_ was sometimes loosely used of a slave’s _contubernalis_ is true. Wallon II 207, cf Paulus _Sent_ III 6 §§ 38, 40, Dig XXXIII 7 § 12⁷,³³.

[1198] Mommsen _op cit_ p 409.

[1199] Columella I 9 § 4.

[1200] Plut _de defectu oraculorum_ 8.

[1201] oratio VII, _Euboicus seu venator_.

[1202] A contemporary of the younger Pliny, flourished about 100 AD.

[1203] I think Nero is meant here.

[1204] Mahaffy, _Silver Age_ p 329, thinks Carystos is meant, though it might be Chalcis.

[1205] ἀφορμῆς. This passage seems openly to recognize the ruinous competition of slave labour under capitalists, which the single artisan was unable to face. The admission is so far as I know very rare in ancient writers. That Dion’s mind was greatly exercised on the subject of slavery in general, is shewn by Orations X, XIV, XV, and many scattered references elsewhere.

[1206] See the chapter on Musonius.

[1207] As in Archbishop Trench’s charming _Lectures on Plutarch_ pp 10, 77 foll.

[1208] Matt 21 §§ 28-30. I cannot feel sure of this general inference.

[1209] Matt 21 §§ 33-41, Mar 12 §§ 1-9, Luk 20 §§ 9-16.

[1210] I Cor 9 §§ 7-10, I Tim 5 § 18, II Tim 2 § 6.

[1211] Luk 12 §§ 16-9, etc.

[1212] οἰκονόμος, Luk 12 §§ 42-8, 16 §§ 1-12, I Cor 4 § 2.

[1213] [Aristotle] _Econ_ 1 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή.

[1214] James 5 § 4.

[1215] Rom 4 § 4.

[1216] Matt 20 §§ 1-16. Abp Trench, _Notes on the Parables_, has cleared away a mass of perverse interpretations.

[1217] Matt 6 § 12, Luk 7 § 41, 16 § 5.

[1218] Matt 25 §§ 14-30, Luk 19 §§ 12-26.

[1219] Acts 1 § 18, 4 §§ 34-7.

[1220] Often referred to. See Friedländer’s index under _Nomentanus_, and cf VIII 61, IX 18, 97.

[1221] I 55, X 48.

[1222] III 47 etc. Cf VII 31, XII 72.

[1223] II 11 _nihil colonus vilicusque decoxit_. This may imply that the _vilicus_ was a _servus quasi colonus_ liable to a rent and in arrears. See notes pp 299, 311. But I do not venture to draw this inference.

[1224] VII 31.

[1225] X 87. Cf Juv IV 25-6, Digest XXXII § 99, XXXIII 7 § 12¹²,¹³, etc.

[1226] XII 59.

[1227] IV 66.

[1228] VI 73, X 92.

[1229] IX 2 _haud sua desertus rura sodalis arat_.

[1230] XII 57.

[1231] V 35, X 14, etc.

[1232] Plin _NH_ XVIII § 35.

[1233] IX 35.

[1234] See Juv XIV 267-302 on the risks faced by speculators in sea-borne commerce.

[1235] III 58.

[1236] III 47.

[1237] _dona matrum_ ‘presents from their mothers.’ Eggs, I think. Cf VII 31 and Juv XI 70-1. The conjecture _ova matrum_ (Paley) is good.

[1238] The story of the Usipian deserters who found their way back into Roman hands by way of the slave-market is a curious episode of 83 AD. Tac _Agr_ 28. See the chapter on Tacitus.

[1239] VII 80.

[1240] X 30, of a charming seaside _villa_ at Formiae. _o ianitores vilicique felices, dominis parantur ista, serviunt vobis._ In Dig XXXIII 7 § 15² we hear of _mulier villae custos perpetua_.

[1241] The note of Mommsen, _Hermes_ XIX 412, deals with the case of _servi quasi coloni_ farming parcels of land, recognized in the writings of jurists. It seems that they farmed either at their own risk or for owner’s account [_fide dominica_]. In the former case they could have a tenant’s agreement like the free _coloni_. In the latter they were only _vilici_ and therefore part of the _instrumentum_. Here I think we may see beginnings of the unfree colonate. But Mommsen does not touch the point of manumission. It seems to me that an agreement with a slave must at first have been revocable at the pleasure of the _dominus_, and its growth into a binding lease was probably connected in many instances with manumission.

[1242] I 55 _hoc petit, esse sui nec magni ruris arator, sordidaque in parvis otia rebus amat_. And often.

[1243] VII 36, XI 34.

[1244] I 85, X 85. Cf Pliny _epist_ VIII 17.

[1245] X 61, XI 48. The title _de sepulchro violato_, Dig XLVII 12, will illustrate this.

[1246] The form HNS (_heredem non sequitur_) is common in sepulchral inscriptions.

[1247] X 92.

[1248] Juv XIV 161-71.

[1249] XI 86-9.

[1250] XIV 179-81.

[1251] XIV 159-63.

[1252] II 73-4.

[1253] XIV 70-2.

[1254] VIII 245 foll. For the error in this tradition see Madvig, _kleine philologische Schriften_ No 10.

[1255] III 223-9.

[1256] VI 287-95, cf XI 77-131.

[1257] XVI 32-4. See Hardy on Plin _epist_ X 86 B, Shuckburgh on Sueton _Aug_ 27, Tac _hist_ III 24 _vos, nisi vincitis, pagani_. This use is common in the Digest.

[1258] VI 1-18, XV 147-58.

[1259] X 356-66.

[1260] VII 188-9, IX 54-5, etc.

[1261] IX 59-62.

[1262] VII 188-9, case of Quintilian.

[1263] XIV 86-95, 140 foll, 274-5. Cf X 225-6 etc.

[1264] XIV 140-55, XVI 36-9. Cf Seneca _epist_ 90 § 39.

[1265] XI 151 foll.

[1266] VI 149-52, IX 59-62.

[1267] I 107-8.

[1268] X 356.

[1269] III 223-9, _bidentis amans_.

[1270] Mart XIV 49 _exercet melius vinea fossa viros_.

[1271] See his use of _ingenuus_ = not fit for hard work, III 46, X 47, following Ovid, and cf the lines to a slave IX 92.

[1272] Juv XI 77-81.

[1273] See _epist_ IV 10, VII 16, 32, VIII 16.

[1274] Cf Martial I 101, VI 29.

[1275] An important limitation, on which see Wallon III 55.

[1276] VII 11, 14.

[1277] VI 3.

[1278] VI 19.

[1279] _si paenitet te Italicorum praediorum._

[1280] III 19.

[1281] _sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem actoribus habere._ The _actores_ seem to be = _vilici_, under the newer name. _procurator_ a much more important person. See _paneg_ 36 for the two as grades in the imperial private service. Cf chapter on Columella p 264.

[1282] _atriensium, topiariorum, fabrorum, atque etiam venatorii instrumenti._

[1283] _sed haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur._ No doubt lack of sufficient capital is meant.

[1284] See Digest XX 2 §§ 4, 7, for _pignora_ on farms.

[1285] _reliqua colonorum._

[1286] _sunt ergo instruendi eo pluris quod frugi mancipiis: nam nec ipse usquam vinctos habeo nec ibi quisquam._ I take _instruendi_ as referring to _agri_ just above. The slaves are a normal part of _instrumentum fundi_.

[1287] _hac paenuria colonorum._ Not the tenants’ poverty. Cf VII 30 § 3.

[1288] _sum quidem prope totus in praediis._

[1289] Daubeny, _Lectures_ p 147, regards this great variation as normal in modern experience, and vineyards as the least lucrative kind of husbandry.

[1290] VIII 15, IX 28, IV 6, X 8 § 5.

[1291] II 4 § 3.

[1292] _querellae rusticorum_, V 14 § 8, VII 30 § 3, IX 36 § 6.

[1293] _remissiones_, IX 37 § 2, X 8 § 5.

[1294] As de Coulanges remarks pp 17-8, Pliny does not propose to get rid of them, but to keep them as partiary tenants. They would be in his debt. He uses the expression _aeris alieni_ IX 37 § 2. He would have to find _instrumentum_ for them.

[1295] IX 20 § 2.

[1296] IX 16.

[1297] IX 20 § 2 _obrepere urbanis qui nunc rusticis praesunt_.

[1298] IX 37.

[1299] _necessitas locandorum praediorum plures annos ordinatura._

[1300] _priore lustro._ The _lustrum_ or _quinquennium_ was the common term of leases, and recognized in law books. Cf Digest XII 1 § 4¹, XIX 2 § 24, etc.

[1301] _ut qui iam putent se non sibi parcere._

[1302] _si non nummo sed partibus locem, ac deinde ex meis aliquos operis exactores custodes fructibus ponam._ His new tenants would be _coloni partiarii_.

[1303] VIII 2.

[1304] V 6 § 12.

[1305] VIII 17.

[1306] VI 25.

[1307] _interceptusne sit a suis an cum suis dubium._

[1308] Cf Juvenal X 19-22.

[1309] Fronto, when appointed to govern Asia, one of the most peaceful Provinces, at once looked out for a military officer to deal with _latrones_. Fronto p 169 Naber.

[1310] Paul _Ephes_ 6 §§ 5 foll, _Coloss_ 3 §§ 22 foll, I Pet 2 §§ 18 foll.

[1311] X 29, 30, with Hardy’s notes.

[1312] The first reference to a practice that was common later.

[1313] _cum haberent condicionis suae conscientiam._

[1314] On the other hand we hear of free citizens trying to shirk army service earlier than this. Cf Sueton _Aug_ 24, _Tib_ 8.

[1315] Capitolinus _Marcus_ 21 §§ 6, 7.

[1316] VII 18.

[1317] _actori publico mancipavi._ See chapter on the _alimenta_ of Trajan’s time. References to municipal benefactions are very numerous in the Digest.

[1318] As we have seen above, the tenant _coloni_ employed slave labour. Whether they worked with their own hands, or confined themselves to direction, probably varied in various cases.

[1319] Sueton _Julius_ 26, 28.

[1320] _Aug_ 21 _sub lege ... ne in vicina regione servirent neve intra tricesimum annum liberarentur_. See Shuckburgh’s note.

[1321] _Aug_ 32, _Tiber_ 8.

[1322] _Aug_ 16.

[1323] _Aug_ 24.

[1324] _Aug_ 42 _quod earum [frumentationum] fiducia cultura agrorum cessaret_.

[1325] _Aug_ 41 _usum eius (pecuniae) gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent_.

[1326] _Claud_ 25.

[1327] _Nero_ 31.

[1328] _Vesp_ 1.

[1329] _mancipem operarum quae ex Umbria in Sabinos ad culturam agrorum quotannis commeare soleant._

[1330] _Vesp_ 4 _ad mangonicos quaestus_. Hence his nickname _mulio_, for which as a sign of indigence cf Gellius XV 4.

[1331] _Domit_ 7, 9. See p 272.

[1332] Fronto p 144 Naber, cf Seneca _epist_ 44 § 3.

[1333] Sueton _fragm_ p 24 Reifferscheid, Gellius III 3.

[1334] Gellius V 3.

[1335] Gellius II 18.

[1336] Madaura was in the Numidian part of the Province, near the Gaetulian border. See the _Apologia_ 24. Oea, referred to below, was in the eastern strip, on the coast.

[1337] Juvenal VII 148-9 _nutricula causidicorum Africa_.

[1338] F Norden _Apuleius von Madaura und das Römische Privatrecht_ (Teubner 1912).

[1339] _Metamorphoses_ VIII 24. See Norden’s remarks pp 83-4.

[1340] See for instance _Metam_ IV 9, VI 31, VII 4, 9.

[1341] _Metam_ IX 39-42.

[1342] It seems certain that the convenience of humble rustics was little regarded by the upper classes. Even Marcus Aurelius (in Fronto p 35 Naber) confesses to the reckless scattering of a flock of sheep and to having been taken for a mounted brigand.

[1343] _Metam_ IX 35-8. This is a case of _periculum mortis ab hominis potentis crudelitate aut odio_, referred to Digest XXXIX 6 § 3 [Paulus] as a risk like that of war or brigandage.

[1344] _cuncta facile faciens in civitate._

[1345] Norden pp 161-3.

[1346] _cum alioquin pauperes etiam liberali legum praesidio de insolentia locupletium consueverint vindicari._

[1347] Fierce dogs seem to have been a marked feature of country life. See VIII 17, IX 2.

[1348] _hortulanus_, see IV 3, IX 31-2, 39-42.

[1349] See V 17, VII 15, VIII 17, 29, 31. Cf Norden pp 88-9.

[1350] IX 32. Cf the case of small farmers in Africa, _Apol_ 17, 23.

[1351] See IV 30, VIII 26. Cf Norden p 89, and pp 84-5 on metaphorical use of the legal term _postliminium_, which occurs also in Rutilius _de reditu_ I 214.

[1352] Norden pp 26-7.

[1353] _Apologia_ 17.

[1354] _an ipse mutuarias operas cum vicinis tuis cambies._

[1355] Because of the strict rules of the laws passed to check manumission. Gaius I §§ 42-7. Norden p 86.

[1356] _Apol_ 23.

[1357] _triduo exarabas_, to mark the smallness of the _agellus_.

[1358] _Apol_ 93.

[1359] _Apol_ 47 XV _liberi homines populus est, totidem servi familia, totidem vincti ergastulum_. See Norden p 87. _ergastulum_ = the inmates of a lock-up, regarded as a body. See quotations from Columella p 263 and Pliny p 285, Mayor on Juvenal XIV 24, and cf Lucan II 95. So _operae_ is used = ‘hands.’

[1360] _viliconum_, _Apol_ 87. Cf _Metam_ VIII 22.

[1361] Norden p 81.

[1362] _Metam_ IX 12.

[1363] Herodian II 4 § 6.

[1364] δεσπότης.

[1365] Vopisc _Aurel_ 48 § 2.

[1366] Vopisc _Probus_ 16 § 6.

[1367] Trebell _Claud_ 9 §§ 4, 5. _Scythicis_ is an emendation. _senibus_ MSS.

[1368] _familias captivas._

[1369] Vopisc _Aurel_ 39 § 7.

[1370] Lamprid _Alex_ 55 §§ 2, 3, cf Trebell _Gallien_ 9 § 5.

[1371] Vopisc _Probus_ 18 §§ 1, 2. See Zosimus I 71 and No V of the _Panegyrici_ cap 18 for other versions, in which the raiders are called Franks.

[1372] Even the extreme license of the soldiery, in deposing and murdering their own nominee, occurs repeatedly, and was no doubt one of the chief evils that prompted the reforms of Diocletian.

[1373] O Seeck, _Untergang der antiken Welt_ book II ch 6.

[1374] See index under the word.

[1375] See chapter on evidence of the Digest.

[1376] See chapter on the African inscriptions.

[1377] This matter is ably treated at length by Seeck _op cit_ vol I pp 578-83. That they were distinct from _coloni_ and _servi_ is clear from the later constitutions in Cod Theod V 17, 18 (9, 10), XII 19, and Cod Just XI 48 § 13.

[1378] We shall find some reference to them later in the Codes.

[1379] Herodian VII 4 §§ 3-6.

[1380] τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν οἰκέτας.

[1381] πεισθέντες κελεύουσι τοῖς δεσπόταις.

[1382] φύσει γὰρ πολυάνθρωπος οὖσα ἡ Λιβύη πολλοὺς εἶχε τοὺς τὴν γῆν γεωργοῦντας.

[1383] ὑπερμαχόμενοι τῶν δεσποτῶν.

[1384] Capitolinus _Maximin_ 13 § 4, 14 § 1.

[1385] _per rusticanam plebem deinde et quosdam milites interemptus est._

[1386] Frontin gromat p 53.

[1387] _non exiguum populum plebeium._

[1388] _legere tironem ex vico._

[1389] This evidence has come to hand since Heisterbergk wrote (1876) _Die Entstehung des Colonats_.

[1390] _op cit_ pp 116-8.

[1391] Dion Cass _epit_ LXXVI 10. For this story Dion is a contemporary witness.

[1392] The special treatises on these documents are fully mentioned in Girard’s _Textes de droit Romain_, ed 4, 1913. An essay on the _Colons du saltus Burunitanus_ in Esmein’s _Mélanges_ (1886) is still of great value.

[1393] Text in Girard’s _Textes de droit Romain_ part III