Chapter VI

, Division VI.)

[79] See the Author's Memoir, "The Natives of Mailu" in Transactions of the R. Society of S. Australia for 1915, p. 598.

[80] These views have been elaborated in the previously quoted article on "Primitive Economics" in the Economic Journal, March, 1921.

[81] The association of magic with any vital interest is demonstrated by the case of pearling. Here, through the advent of white men, a new and very lucrative and absorbing pursuit has opened up for the natives. A form of magic is now in existence, associated with this fishing. This of course apparently contradicts the native dogma that magic cannot be invented. The natives, if faced with this contradiction, explain that it is really an old magic of shell fishing which refers to all the shells found at the bottom of the Lagoon, but which so far had only been used with regard to fishing for the Conus. In fact, this magic is nothing but the adaptation of the mwali (armshell) magic to the pearls. I doubt, none the less, whether even such a transference or adaptation would have taken place before the foundations of native belief and custom had been shaken by the well-intentioned but not always wise and beneficent teachings and rulings of the white man and by the introduction of trade.

[82] See article by the Author on the "Baloma, spirits of the dead in the Trobriand islands." J. A. I., 1917.

[83] An example of this ill-judged attitude of interference is to be found even in a book written by an exceptionally well-informed and enlightened missionary, "In Far New Guinea," by Henry Newton. In describing the feasts and dancing of the natives, he admits these to be a necessity of tribal life: "On the whole the feasting and dancing are good; they give excitement and relaxation to the young men, and tone the drab colours of life." He himself tells us that, "the time comes when the old men stop the dancing. They begin to growl because the gardens are neglected, and they want to know if dancing will give the people food, so the order is given that the drums are to be hung up, and the people settle down to work." But in spite of Mr. Newton's recognition of this natural, tribal authority, in spite of the fact that he really admits the views given in our text, he cannot refrain from saying: "Seriously, however, for the benefit of the people themselves, it would be a good thing if there could be some regulations--if dancing were not allowed after midnight, for while it lasts nothing else is done.--The gardens suffer and it would help the people to learn self-restraint and so strengthen their characters if the dancing could be regulated." He goes on to admit quite candidly that it would be difficult to enforce such a regulation because "to the native mind, it would seem that it was the comfort of the white man, not the benefit of the native which was the reason for the regulation." And to my mind also, I am afraid!

The following quotations from a recent scientific work published by the Oxford Press--"The Northern d'Entrecasteaux," by D. Jenness, and the Rev. A. Ballantyne, 1920--are also examples of the dangerous and heedless tampering with the one authority that now binds the natives, the one discipline they can be relied upon to observe--that of their own tribal tradition. The relations of a church member who died, were "counselled to drop the harsher elements in their mourning," and instead of the people being bidden "to observe each jot and tittle of their old, time-honoured rites," they were advised from that day forth to leave off "those which had no meaning." It is strange to find a trained ethnologist, confessing that old, time-honoured rites have no meaning! And one might feel tempted to ask: for whom it is that these customs have no meaning, for the natives or for the writers of the passage quoted?

The following incident is even more telling. A native headman of an inland village was supposed to keep concealed in his hut a magic pot, the "greatest ruler of winds, rain, and sunshine," a pot which had "come down from times immemorial," which according to some of the natives "in the beginning simply was." According to the Authors, the owner of the pot used to descend on the coastal natives and "levy tribute," threatening them with the magical powers of the pot if they refused. Some of the coastal natives went to the Missionary and asked him to interfere or get the magistrate to do so. It was arranged they should all go with the Missionary and seize the pot. But on the day "only one man turned up." When the Missionary went, however, the natives blocked his path, and only through threats of punishments by the magistrate, were they induced to temporarily leave the village and thus to allow him to seize the pot! A few days later the Missionary accordingly took possession of the pot, which he broke. The Authors go on to say that after this incident "everyone was contented and happy;" except, one might add, the natives and those who would see in such occurrences the speedy destruction of native culture, and the final disintegration of the race.

[84] I have not seen the site of Suloga myself. Interesting details are to be found in "The Melanesians" of Professor Seligman, who visited the spot himself, and who has collected a number of specimens in the locality, as well as many data about the production of the blades. Op. cit., pp. 530-533.

[85] Cf. Op. cit., pp. 670-672.

[86] Op. cit., description of the Walaga feast, pp. 594-603.

[87] See the Author's Memoir in the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia. "The Natives of Mailu," pp. 580-588.

[88] Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit.,