CHAPTER VI

.

PLEBEIANS, SLAVES, TENURE OF LANDS, AND TAXATION.

INFLUENCE OF THE COMMONERS--OPPRESSION BY NOBLES--DEPRIVED OF OFFICE BY MONTEZUMA II.--CLASSES OF SLAVES--PENAL SLAVES--VOLUNTARY SLAVERY--SLAVE MARKET AT AZCAPUZALCO--PUNISHMENT AND PRIVILEGES OF SLAVES--DIVISION OF LANDS--CROWN LANDS--LANDS OF THE NOBLES--MUNICIPAL PROPERTY--PROPERTY OF THE TEMPLES--TENURE OF LANDS IN ZAPOTECAPAN, MIZTECAPAN, MICHOACAN, TLASCALA, CHOLULA, AND HUEXOTZINCO--SIMILARITY TO FEUDAL SYSTEM OF EUROPE--SYSTEM OF TAXATION--MUNICIPAL TAXES--LICE TRIBUTE--TRIBUTE FROM CONQUERED PROVINCES--REVENUE OFFICERS--INJUSTICE OF MONTEZUMA II.

[Sidenote: PLEBEIANS AND SLAVES.]

No writer seems to have thought it worth while to define the exact condition of the lower orders of free citizens among the Aztecs. In Mexico, under the earlier kings, they appear to have enjoyed considerable privileges. They were represented in the royal councils, they held high offices at court and about the king's person, their wishes were consulted in all affairs of moment, and they were generally recognized as an important part of the community. Gradually, however, their power lessened as that of the nobles increased, until, in the time of Montezuma II., they were, as we have seen, deprived of all offices that were not absolutely menial, and driven from the palace. Still, there is no doubt that from the earliest times the plebeians were always much oppressed by the nobles, or that, as the Bishop of Santo Domingo, before quoted,[130] remarks, "they were, and still are, so submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or sold into slavery without complaining." Father Acosta, also, writes that "so great is the authority which the caciques have assumed over their vassals that these latter dare not open their lips to complain of any order given them, no matter how difficult or disagreeable it may be to fulfill; indeed, they would rather die and perish than incur the wrath of their lord; for this reason the nobles frequently abuse their power, and are often guilty of extortion, robbery, and violence towards their vassals."[131] Camargo tells us that the plebeians were content to work without pay for the nobles, if they could only insure their protection by so doing.[132]

Of those who stood below the macehuales, as the plebeians were called, and lowest of all in the social scale, the slaves, we have more definite information. Slavery was enforced and recognized by law and usage throughout the entire country inhabited by the Nahua nations. There were in ancient Mexico three classes of slaves; namely, prisoners of war, persons condemned for crime to lose their freedom, and those who sold themselves, or children sold by their parents. The captor of a prisoner of war had an undisputed right to doom his prize to be sacrificed to the gods; this power he almost invariably exerted, and it was held a punishable crime for another to deprive him of it by rescuing the prisoner or setting him free.[133] Sahagun tells us that the captor could, if he chose, either sell or hold his prisoners as slaves; and if among them any man or woman showed unusual ability in music, embroidering, weaving, or other domestic occupation, he or she was frequently purchased by the king or some noble or wealthy man, and employed in his house, and thus saved from the sacrifice.[134] The offences which the Aztecs punished with slavery were the following: firstly, failure on the part of any relation of a person convicted of high treason, to give timely information of the plot to the proper authorities, provided he or she had knowledge of it, the wives and children of the traitor being also enslaved; secondly, the unauthorized sale of a free man or woman or of a free child kidnapped or found astray, the kidnapper fraudulently asserting such person to be a slave, or such child to be his own; thirdly, the sale or disposal, by a tenant or depositary, of another's property, without the permission of the owner or his representative, or of a proper legal authority; fourthly, hindering a collared slave from reaching the asylum of the sovereign's palace, provided it was the act of one who was not the owner or the owner's son; fifthly, stealing things of value, or being an inveterate thief; sixthly, stealing from a field a certain number of ears of corn or of useful plants, exception being made to this law when the act was committed by a child under ten years of age, or when the stolen property was paid for; seventhly, the impregnating, by a free man, of another's female slave, if the woman died during her pregnancy, or in consequence of it. This latter statement is contradicted by Torquemada, upon the strength of information given him, as he alleges, by Aztecs well acquainted with the laws of their country.[135] Gomara asserts, though he allows that others deny it, that when a man died insolvent, his son or his wife became the property of his creditors.[136] Torquemada affirms that it was customary for a creditor to look for payment of his claim to the estate, real or personal, if any there was, but no member of the debtor's family was awarded to him to cancel the debt.[137] It sometimes happened that persons too poor to pay their taxes were put up for sale, but this mostly occurred in conquered provinces. Penal slaves did not become the property of the king or the state, but were publicly sold to private persons, or assigned to the parties whom they had injured; nor were such offenders held to be slaves, or their punishment considered to have commenced until they had been formally delivered to the new owner.

[Sidenote: PENAL AND VOLUNTARY SLAVERY.]

Among those who voluntarily surrendered their freedom for a consideration, besides such as were driven by extreme poverty to do so, were the indolent who would not trust to their own exertions for a livelihood, gamesters, to obtain the wherewithal to satisfy their passion for gambling,[138] and harlots, to provide themselves with showy clothing and finery. The two latter classes were not obliged to go into service until after the expiration of a year from the time of receiving the consideration for which they sold themselves.

Slaves were continually offered for sale in the public market-place of every town, but the principal slave-mart in the Mexican empire seems to have been the town of Azcapuzalco, which was situated about two leagues from the city of Mexico; it occupied the site of the ancient capital of the Tepanec kingdom, which was destroyed by King Nezahualcoyotl of Tezcuco. Great numbers of slaves were brought to Azcapuzalco from all the provinces; and it is said that the merchants who traded in them had to adopt great precautions to prevent their property from being stolen or rescued on the journey. With a view to advantageous sales the slaves thus exposed in the public markets were kept well clothed and fed, and were forced to dance and look cheerful.

Parents could pawn, or sell a son as a slave, but were allowed to take him back on surrendering another son to serve in his stead; on such occasions the master was wont to show his generosity by allowing an extra compensation for the new servant. There was yet another kind of slavery, called by the Mexicans _huehuetlatlacolli_, meaning 'ancient servitude.' When one or more families were entirely destitute and famine-stricken, they sold a son to some noble, and bound themselves to always 'keep that slave alive,' that is to say, to supply another to fill his place if he died or became incapacitated. This obligation was binding upon each member of the families making the contract, but was null and void if the man who was actually serving died in his master's house, or if his employer took from him anything that he had lawfully acquired; therefore, to prevent this forfeiture of ownership, the master neither took from his slave anything but personal service, nor allowed him to dwell in his house. It frequently happened that as many as four or five families were bound in this manner to supply a noble and his heirs with a slave. But in 1505 or 1506, a year of famine in the country, Nezahualpilli of Tezcuco, foreseeing the evils that this system of perpetual contract would entail upon his subjects if the scarcity of food continued long, repealed the law, and declared all families exempt from its obligations; it is recorded that Montezuma II. soon after followed his example.[139]

[Sidenote: CONDITION AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES.]

Slavery in Mexico was, according to all accounts, a moderate subjection, consisting merely of an obligation to render personal service, nor could that be exacted without allowing the slave a certain amount of time to labor for his own advantage. Slaves were kindly treated and were allowed far greater privileges than any in the old world; they could marry and bring up families, hold property, including other slaves to serve them, and their children were invariably born free. There is, however, some obscurity on this point, as Sahagun tells us that in the year Ce Tochtli, which came round every fifty-two years, there was generally a great famine in the land, and at that time many persons, driven to it by hunger, sold not only themselves as slaves, but also their children and descendants for countless generations.[140] Very young or poor slaves lived at the home of their master, and were treated almost as members of the family; the other slaves lived independently, either on their owner's land, or upon their own. It frequently happened that a master succumbed to the charms of one of his female slaves and made her his wife, or that a comely bondman found favor in the sight of his mistress, and became her lord; nor was this so strange as it may at first appear, there being no difference of race or color to make such alliances repugnant or shameful. Feelings of affection and respect existed, as a rule, between master and servant. A slave who had served long and faithfully was often entrusted with the stewardship of his owner's household and property, and, on the other hand, if the master through misfortune should become poor, his bondmen would cheerfully labor for his support. No well-behaved slave could be sold without his consent unless his owner could prove that poverty or debt made such sale unavoidable; nor could such faults as laziness, disobedience, or running away, be punished without due warning, which the master for his own justification usually gave in the presence of respectable witnesses. If after this had occurred two or three times the slave continued refractory, a wooden collar was placed on his neck, and then his master was authorized to transfer him against his will. Purchasers of a collared slave always inquired how many times he had been so disposed of before, and if after two or three such sales he continued incorrigible, he could be sold for the sacrifice. But even yet he has one chance left; if he can escape from his master's premises and gain the courtyard of the royal palace, he not only avoids punishment, but he is from that day forth a free man; moreover, no person, save his owner or his owner's sons, is allowed in any manner to prevent him from reaching the asylum, under penalty of being made the slave of him whom he attempts to deprive of his chance for freedom.

The sale of a slave was conducted with much formality, and must be made in the presence of at least four respectable witnesses; in cases of self-sale the witnesses acted as conscientious arbitrators to secure the highest price and most favorable conditions for him who sold himself. The usual price for an average slave was twenty mantles, equivalent to one load of cotton cloth; some were worth less, while others brought as many as forty mantles.

Slavery among the Nahua nations appears, then, to have been only a

## partial deprivation of a freeman's rights. As a slave was permitted to

possess property and even other slaves of his own, and as his children were born free and he had complete control of his own family, we can scarcely say he lost his citizenship, although it is true he was not eligible for public office. It was a common practice for a master during his lifetime, or on his death-bed, to emancipate his slaves, but if no such provision were made they went to the heirs with the rest of the property. Murder of a slave, even by his master, was a capital offence.

Yet in spite of all this testimony in favor of the mildness of slavery among the Nahua nations, there is still room for some reasonable doubt concerning the patriarchal character of the system; inasmuch as we are told that many slaves, not mentioned as being prisoners of war or criminals, as well as servants, dwarfs, or deformed persons, and purchased children, were put to death at religious feasts and royal funerals.[141]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: TENURE OF LANDS.]

The lands were divided between the crown, the nobility, the various tribes or clans of the people, and the temples. The division, however, was by no means equal, by far the greater portion being appropriated by the king and the aristocracy.[142] All landed property was duly surveyed, and each estate was accurately marked out on maps, or paintings, kept on file by a competent officer in the district where they were situated. The crown lands were painted in purple, those of the nobility in scarlet, and those of the _calpullis_, or wards, in light yellow. Certain portions of the crown property called _tecpantlalli_, or 'lands of the palace,' were granted to nobles of the rank of Tecuhtli, who were called _tecpanpouhque_ or _tecpantlaca_, 'people of the palace.' They had the free use and enjoyment of such lands, and in return certain services were expected of them. It was their duty to attend to the repairs and proper arrangement of the royal residences, and to cultivate and keep in order the royal gardens, for all of which they had to provide the necessary number of workmen; besides this they were obliged to wait on the king and accompany him whenever he appeared in public. Although in consideration of these services the 'people of the palace' paid no rent, yet the eminent domain of their lands was vested in the sovereign. When one of them died his eldest son inherited his privileges, subject to the same obligations, but if he changed his residence to another part of the country, or died without male issue, the usufruct was forfeited and the land reverted to the sovereign, who transferred it to another usufructuary, or left the choice of one to the community in whose district the property was situated.[143] The produce of other lands belonging to the crown was set apart for the support of the royal household, and for benevolent purposes.

[Sidenote: LANDED PROPERTY OF THE NOBLES.]

In conquered provinces, the habits and customs and established form of government of the vanquished were usually respected. The sovereigns of Anáhuac retained the native princes in power, and allowed the people to keep their property; but they invariably set apart a certain part of the territory, proportioned to the conquest, which became the property of the conquering monarch. These lands, called _yaotlalli_, which means 'war lands,' were cultivated by the conquered people for the benefit of their conqueror. If they belonged to Mexico their name was _mexica-tlalli_; if to Acolhuacan, _acolhua-tlalli_, and so on.[144]

[Sidenote: INHERITANCE OF ESTATES.]

The lands of the nobility were called _pillalli_, and were either ancient possessions of the nobles transmitted by inheritance from father to son, or were rewards of valor granted by the king. They were held by various tenures; some of them could be alienated at the will of the owner, subject only to the restriction that they should not pass into the hands of a plebeian; others were entailed upon the eldest male issue and could not be otherwise disposed of. Many of the Aztec estates were of very ancient origin. After the Chichimecs obtained undisputed possession of the valley of Mexico, their chief or sovereign Xolotl made grants of land to his own people, and to others who acknowledged him as their supreme lord, under the condition that the grantees should render service to the crown with their persons, vassals, and estates, whenever he should require it of them, and the same policy was adopted by his successors.[145] Sons generally inherited their father's estates by right of primogeniture, but if the eldest son was judged incapable of taking proper care of the property, the father left it to whichever son he pleased, stipulating, however, that the heir should insure a competency to him he had supplanted.[146] In the republic of Tlascala daughters could not inherit an estate, the object being to prevent landed property from going into the hands of strangers. In the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan it is probable that the law was the same in this respect, but the authorities give us no information concerning the matter.[147] These feudatories paid no rent for their lands, but were bound to assist their suzerain, the king, with their persons, vassals, and fortunes in all cases of foreign or civil war. Each king, on his accession, confirmed the investiture of estates derived from the crown.[148] The lands of the people were called _calpulli_, and every city was divided into as many of these as there were wards in it, and the whole number of calpulli being collectively named _altepatlalli_. The calpulli, as well as the _tlaxicalli_, or streets, were all measured out and their boundaries marked, so that the inhabitants of one ward or street could not invade the possessions of another. Each of these divisions belonged to its respective community, and was of greater or less extent and importance according to the partition which had been made by the first settlers in Anáhuac. The owners of a calpulli were all members of the same clan or tribe, and their district bore their name. The right of tenure was perpetual and inalienable, and was the common property of the community and not of individuals. Any member of the community not possessed of any land, had the right to ask for a portion suitable to his position and requirements, which was granted him. This portion he was entitled to hold as long as he cultivated and improved it, and he could transmit it to his heirs; he had no authority to sell his portion, but he could let it to another for a number of years. If he neglected to cultivate it for two years the head man of the calpulli remonstrated with him; if he paid no heed to this warning he was ousted the following year in favor of some other person; a reasonable excuse for such neglect was, however, always accepted. If the land assigned to anyone proved unfruitful and barren, he was at liberty to abandon it and another portion was granted him. Under no pretext whatever could any person settle upon the land lawfully occupied by another, nor could the authorities of the calpulli deprive the latter of his right. If a land-owner died without heirs, his portion was considered vacant and assigned to the first applicant for it. If a calpulli was in great need the authorities were allowed to lease its lands, but under no circumstances were the inhabitants permitted to work on the lands of another district. The elders of the tribe formed the council of the calpulli; this body elected a principal, called _calpullec_, whose duty it was to watch over the interests of the community; he acted only with the advice and consent of the council. Each city set apart a piece of land in the suburbs wherefrom to supply the needs of the army in time of war. These portions were called _milchimalli_, or _cacalomilli_, according to the kind of grain they produced, and were cultivated jointly by all the calpullis. It was not unusual for the kings to make a life-grant of a portion of the people's property to some favorite noble, for though there is no doubt that the calpulli lands of right belonged to the people, yet in this respect as in others, the kings were wont to usurp a power not their own.[149] Every temple, great and insignificant, had its own lands and country estates, the produce of which was applied to the support of the priests and of public worship; the tenants who occupied these lands were looked upon as vassals of the temples. The chief priests, who, on the temple lands, exercised a power similar to that of the royal governors, frequently visited these estates to inspect their condition and to administer justice to their tenants. The temple of Huitzilopochtli was considered the wealthiest in Mexico. Torquemada says that in Tezcuco fifteen large cities furnished the temples of that kingdom with wood, provisions, and other necessaries.[150] Clavigero makes the number of towns twenty-nine.[151]

Throughout Zapotecapan and Miztecapan landed property was invariably transmitted from male to male, females being excluded from the succession. No one had the right to sell his land in perpetuity; the law forbade its transfer out of a family either by marriage or otherwise; and if a proprietor was compelled by the force of necessity to dispose of his real estate, it returned after the lapse of some years to his son or his nearest relative, who paid to the holder the consideration for which it had been pledged or its equivalent.[152] In Miztecapan the first-born son, before taking possession of his inheritance, had to do penance for a year; he was confined in a religious house, clothed in rags, daubed with India-rubber juice, and his face and body rubbed with fetid herbs; during that time he had to draw blood repeatedly from his body and limbs, and was subjected to hard labor and privation. At the expiration of the year he was washed with odorous water by four girls, and then conducted by friends to his house with great pomp and festivity.[153]

[Sidenote: ESTATES IN MICHOACAN.]

Early writers say nothing about the tenure of lands among the Tarascos of Michoacan, but merely state in general terms that the sovereign's power over the lives and property of his subjects was unlimited.[154]

The tenure of lands in the republic of Tlascala had its origin in the division made at the time when the country was first settled; which was as follows: Any Tecuhtli who established an entail, called _teccalli_, or _pilcalli_, took for his own use the best and largest part of the lands that fell to his lot or were awarded to him in the

## partition, including woods, springs, rivers, and lakes; of the

remainder a fair division was made among his servitors and vassals, or, in other words, his soldiers, friends, and kinsmen. All were bound to keep the manor-house in repair and to supply their lord with game, flowers, and other comforts, and he in his turn, was expected to entertain, protect, and feed them in his house. To these kinsmen, friends, and servitors, was given the name of _teixhuihuan_, meaning the 'grand-children of the manor-house.' In this manner all the nobles divided their land. All were greatly respected by their vassals. They derived their income from the taxes that their tenants paid them out of what they obtained from the chase, from the soil, and by raising domestic animals.[155]

No information has reached us respecting the provisions under which land was held in Cholula and Huexotzinco, or among the Totonacs. In the province of Pánuco, the eldest son was the sole inheritor of land and, therefore, the only one that paid tribute; the other sons had to rent land from those who were in possession of it.[156]

There can be no doubt that in all this there is, as so many writers have observed, a strong resemblance to the feudal systems of Europe. The obligation of military service, and other relations of lord and vassal smack strongly of the institutions of the Middle Ages, but, as Mr Prescott says, the minor points of resemblance "fall far short of that harmonious system of reciprocal service and protection, which embraced, in nice gradation, every order of a feudal monarchy. The kingdoms of Anáhuac were, in their nature, despotic, attended, indeed, with many mitigating circumstances, unknown to the despotisms of the East; but it is chimerical to look for much in common--beyond a few accidental forms and ceremonies--with those aristocratic institutions of the Middle Ages, which made the court of every petty baron the precise image in miniature of that of his sovereign." I have no inclination to draw analogies, believing them, at least in a work of this kind, to be futile; and were I disposed to do so, space would not permit it. Nations in their infancy are almost as much alike as are human beings in their earlier years, and in studying these people I am struck at every turn by the similarity between certain of their customs and institutions and those of other nations; comparisons might be happily drawn between the division of lands in Anáhuac and that made by Lycurgus and Numa in Laconia and Rome, or between the relations of Aztec master and slave and those of Roman patron and client, for the former were nearly as mild as the latter; but the list of such comparisons would never be complete, and I am fain to leave them to the reader.

[Sidenote: SYSTEM OF TAXATION.]

The people of Anáhuac and of the surrounding countries paid taxes to the crown and to the temples, either with personal service or with the productions or results of their labor; in short, with everything useful. We have seen that in the kingdom of Tezcuco twenty-nine cities were appointed to provide the king's household with everything requisite of food, furniture, and so forth, and were, consequently, exempt from all other taxes. Fourteen of these cities served in this manner during one half of the year, and fifteen during the other half. They likewise furnished the workingmen and laborers, such as water-carriers, sweepers, tillers of the palace lands, and gardeners. Boys who were too young to do men's work were required to provide annually four hundred armfuls of wood for the fires which were kept up day and night in the principal rooms of the palace. The young men of Tollantzinco, either themselves or through their servants supplied fine rushes for mats, stools, or seats, called _icpalli_, pine-wood splinters for lighting fires, other wood for torches, _acayetl_, or pipes with tobacco, various kinds of dyes, liquid amber both in cakes and in vessels, copal incense in their golden cylinders, and a large quantity of other articles, which it is unnecessary to specify.[157] Manufacturers paid their taxes with the objects produced by their industry. Journeymen mechanics, such as carpenters, masons, workers in feathers and precious metals, and musicians, were, according to Oviedo, exempt from such tax, and in lieu thereof rendered personal service to the sovereign without remuneration.[158] Merchants paid their taxes with such articles as they traded in. The last class of tribute-payers were the _tlamaitl_, tenants attached to a nobleman's land, who tilled the same for their own benefit. They were obliged to do a certain amount of work every year for the landlord, and to render military service when it was required of them by the sovereign. Brasseur says that these tenants paid no tribute to the king, but his statement is contradicted by Clavigero.[159] Taxes paid in fruit and grain were collected immediately after harvest; other tributes were collected at different times through the year. In each town there was a magazine for storing the revenues, from which supplies were drawn as required. In the vicinity of Mexico it was customary to convey the agricultural produce into the capital, in order that the inhabitants, who, being surrounded with the waters of the lake, had no land of their own to cultivate, might be regularly supplied with food. There was no uniform system of collecting taxes from the merchants and manufacturers. Payments were made by them in accordance with their circumstances and the nature of the articles they contributed. There were about three hundred and seventy tributary towns in the Mexican empire, some of which paid their taxes every twenty days, and some every four days, while others only did so once in six months, or even only once a year. The people of Tlatelulco, says Purchas,[160] "were charged for tribute, alwayes to repaire the Church called Huiznahuac. Item, fortie great Baskets (of the bignesse of half a Bushell) of cacao ground, with the Meale of Maiz (which they called _Chianpinoli_,) and euery Basket had sixteene hundred Almonds of Cacao. Item, other fortie Baskets of Chianpinoli. Item, eight hundred burthens of great Mantels. Item, eightie pieces of Armour, of slight Feathers, and as many Targets of the same Feathers, of the deuices & colours as they are pictured. All the which tribute, except the said armes and targets they gaue euery 24. dayes,[161] and the said armes and targets they gaue for tribute but once in the whole yeere. The said tribute had his beginning since the time of Quauhtlatoa and Moquihuix, which were Lords of Tlatilulco. The Lords of Mexico, which first enioyned to those of Tlatilulco, to pay tribute, and to acknowledge their subiection, were Yzcoatçi and Axiacaçi." Sometimes merchants' guilds or individuals did not pay their taxes at the regular assessment of the town in which they lived, but did so according to prior arrangement made with the revenue officers.

[Sidenote: TAXES PAID BY CITIES.]

[Sidenote: TAXES PAID IN VERMIN.]

In addition to the taxes levied upon private individuals, each town contributed a large number of cotton garments, with a certain quantity of breadstuffs and feathers and such other productions as were a specialty of the province in which it was situated. Mazatlan, Xoconocho, Huehuetlan, and other towns on the Pacific coast, paid, besides the cotton garments, four thousand bundles of fine feathers of divers colors, two hundred sacks of cocoa, forty tiger-skins, and one hundred and sixty birds of a certain species. Coyolapan, Atlacuechahuaxan, Huaxyacac, and other towns of the Zapotecs, forty pieces of gold of a specified size, and twenty sacks of cochineal. Tlachquiauhco, Ayotlan, and Teotzapotlan, twenty vessels of a fixed size filled with gold dust. Tochtepec, Otlatitlan, Cozamalloapan, Michapan and other places on the gulf of Mexico, besides cotton garments, cocoa, and gold, paid twenty-four thousand bundles of exquisite feathers of various qualities and colors, six necklaces, two of which were of the finest emerald, and four of the commoner description, twenty ear-rings of amber set in gold, and an equal number made of crystal rock, one hundred pots of liquid amber, and sixteen thousand loads of India-rubber. Tepeyacac, Quecholac, Tecamachalco, Acatzinco and other towns of that region of country, each contributed four thousand sacks of lime, four thousand loads of solid reed for building purposes, with as many of smaller reed for making darts, and eight thousand loads of reeds filled with aromatic substances. Malinaltepec, Tlalcozauhtitlan, Olinallan, Ichcatlan, Qualac, and other southern towns situated in the warm region, paid each six hundred measures of honey, forty large jars of yellow ochre for paint, one hundred and sixty copper shields, forty round plates of gold of fixed dimensions, ten small measures of fine turquoises, and one load of smaller turquoises. Quauhnahuac, Panchimalco, Atlacholoayan, Xiuhtepec, Huitzilac, and other towns of the Tlahuicas, paid each sixteen thousand large leaves of paper, and four thousand _xicalli_, or gourds, of different sizes. Quauhtitlan, Tehuilloyocan, and other neighboring towns, each gave eight thousand mats and eight thousand _icpalli_, or stools. Some cities paid their taxes with fire-wood, stone, and beams for building; others with copal-gum; others sent to the royal houses and forests a certain number of birds and animals, such as Xilotepec, Michmaloyan, and other cities of the Otomís, which were each compelled to furnish yearly forty live eagles to the king. After the Matlaltzincas were made subject to the Mexican crown by King Axayacatl, they were required not only to pay a heavy tax in kind, but also to keep under cultivation a field of seven hundred _toesas_[162] by three hundred and fifty, for the benefit of the army. As the Saxon king imposed a tax of wolves' heads upon his subjects for the purpose of ridding his kingdom of those ravenous animals, so did the Mexican monarchs exact from those who were too poor to pay the regular taxes a certain quantity of snakes, scorpions, centipedes and other obnoxious creatures. Lice, especially, were contributed in large numbers in Mexico.[163] It is related that soon after Cortés arrived in the city of Mexico, certain cavaliers of his force, among whom were Alonso de Ojeda and Alonso de Mata, were roaming through the royal palace, admiring its great extent and all its wonders, doubtless with an eye to plunder, when they came across some bags, filled with some soft, fine, and weighty material; never doubting but that it must be valuable, they hastened to untie the mouth of one of the sacks, when to their disgust and disappointment they found its contents to consist of nothing but lice, which, as they afterwards ascertained, had been paid as tribute by the poor.[164] Duties were levied upon property, manufactures, and articles exposed for sale in the market-places, in proportion to the wealth of the person taxed or the value of the merchandise sold. Produce and merchandise of every description, carried into the city of Mexico, was subject to toll duties, which were paid into the royal treasury.

The proportion in which taxes were paid is stated at from thirty to thirty-three per cent., or about one third of everything made and produced. Oviedo affirms that each taxpayer, in addition to one third of his property, delivered one out of every three of his children, or in lieu thereof a slave, for the sacrifice; if he failed to do this he forfeited his own life.[165]

The government had in the head town of each province large warehouses for the storage of breadstuffs and merchandise received by the tax-gatherers; also auditing offices to which the _calpixques_, or stewards of the revenue, were required to render a very strict account of their collections, and such as were convicted of embezzlement, were immediately put to death and their property confiscated.[166] In the royal treasury were paintings by which were recorded the tributary towns, and the quantity and kind of tribute paid by each. In the Codex Mendoza may be seen thirty-six such paintings, each one of which represents the principal towns of one or of several provinces of the empire, together with the quantity and quality of the taxes and the time when they were paid.[167]

The personal and ordinary service consisted in providing every day the water and wood needed at the chiefs' houses; this was distributed from day to day among the towns or wards, and thus each individual was occupied in rendering such service once or twice in the year at the utmost. Residents in the vicinity were the only ones so subjected, and then, in consideration of such service, were exempted from paying a portion of the imposts. Other labor was mostly done by slaves, of whom there were large numbers. Foreign provinces subjected by the empire without having made any resistance, were not required to pay a fixed tribute, but sent several times in the year whatever they thought proper, as a present to the king, who showed himself more or less gracious according to the value of the presents. No calpixques or tax-gatherers were placed in such provinces by the Mexican sovereign, but they continued under the rule of their own chiefs. Such countries as were reduced by war, had to submit to the rigorous conditions imposed by the conqueror, and bore the name of _tequitin tlacotl_, which means 'paying tribute like slaves.' Over them were stationed stewards and calpixques, who had authority even over the lords of the country, and who besides recovering the tributes forced men to cultivate land, and women to spin, weave, and embroider for their private benefit; indeed, so great was their tyranny, that whatever they coveted they were sure to obtain by fair means or foul. The kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and other sovereign lords, allies of the king of Mexico, shared these tributes if they aided in the conquest.[168]

[Sidenote: TAXATION UNDER MONTEZUMA II.]

The sovereigns selected the calpixques from among the Aztec _pilli_, or nobles of inferior rank. They were under the supervision of the chief treasurers or _hueycalpixques_, who resided at the several capitals, and it was their duty to gather the tributes or taxes, and to see that the lands belonging to the municipalities or to private persons were kept under cultivation. The duties of these calpixques were not very arduous at first, as the people generally hastened to pay their taxes before being called upon; but during the reign of Montezuma II. the taxes increased so enormously, owing to the great extravagance of the court, that this commendable zeal cooled down very considerably. The bulk of the immense wealth which the conquerors saw with so much admiration at Montezuma's court was the result of this excessive taxation, and it was one of the main causes of that alienation of the people from their sovereign which rendered the conquest a possible achievement. Notwithstanding the easy disposition of the taxpayers, they could not submit patiently to a yoke so onerous. The merchants, whose trading expeditions had been so useful to the state in former times, were no less overwhelmed by the taxes than the inhabitants of conquered provinces by the tributes. It was among that powerful class that the first symptoms of defection were noticed. To the main grievance was added the tyranny and harshness exhibited by the revenue officers in collecting the taxes. They carried a small rod in one hand and a feather fan in the other, and, accompanied by a large retinue of understrappers, went through cities and fields, unmercifully maltreating the unfortunate beings who could not promptly comply with their demands, and even selling them into slavery; at least it is certain that such sales occurred in conquered provinces.

[Sidenote: SELFISHNESS OF MONTEZUMA II.]

From the first years of his reign Montezuma II. began to oppress the merchants with heavy taxation, even upon the most trifling things. The greatest sufferers were the retail dealers, who had to pay excessive duties upon the merchandise they introduced into the principal _tianguez_, or market-place, from which such merchandise was taken to the lesser market-places. But the king and his creatures finding that this did not directly injure the wholesale traders, among whom were the judges of the mercantile court,--that is to say, the consuls and syndics, so to name them, of the company of Tlatelulco,--witnesses were soon found to trump up charges of high treason against them, which ended in their being put to death, and their goods and chattels confiscated and distributed among the people of the royal household. A very large portion of the taxes and tributes was expended in supporting the army, the public employees, the poor and destitute, such as widows, orphans, and the aged, and also in providing food for the people in times of great scarcity, but almost as large a portion was appropriated by the king to his own uses.[169] It was by such acts as these that Montezuma II. undid the work of his fathers, and spoiled the harmony of his realm by caring only for his own glory and that of his court.

FOOTNOTES:

[130] See page 191 of this volume.

[131] _Acosta_, _De procuranda, indorum salute_; quoted in _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 81.

[132] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 130.

[133] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 134-6; _Cortés_, _Carta Inéd._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 474.

[134] _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 32-3; see also, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 258-9, lib. ix., pp. 353, 370. The Anonymous Conqueror agrees with Sahagun: 'Tutti quei che si pigliauano nella guerra, ò erano màgiati da loro, ò erano tenuti per schiaui.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 304. Motolinia, however, asserts that _all_ prisoners of war were sacrificed: 'por que ningun esclavo se hacian en ellas, ni rescataban ninguno de los que en las guerras prendian, mas todos los guardavan para sacrificar.' _Carta al Emperador Cárlos V._, Jan. 2, 1555, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 272. Gomara also confirms this with a grim joke: 'Los catiuos en guerra no siruian de esclauos, sino de sacrificados: y no hazian mas de comer para ser comidos.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 320-1; see also fol. 309.

[135] 'Algunos quisieron decir, que si vn libre tenia acceso à alguna Esclava, y quedaba preñada de la copula, era Esclavo el Varon que cometiò acto con Esclava, y servia al Señor de la Esclava; pero esto no fue asi, segun confesion de los mismos Indios Sabios, que sabian sus Leies, y las practicaban.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 566.

[136] _Conq. Mex._, fol. 320.

[137] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 566.

[138] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii., xxiii.

[139] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 564-5; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 303. Brasseur de Bourbourg asserts that these contracts remained in force down to the time of the Spanish conquest. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 611.

[140] 'Y cuando acontecia la dicha hambre, entónces se vendian por esclavos muchos pobres hombres y mugeres, y comprábanlos los ricos que tenian muchas provisiones allegadas, y no solamente los dichos pobres se vendian a sí mismos, sino que tambien vendian á sus hijos, y á sus descendientes, y á todo su linaje, y así eran esclavos perpetuamente, porque decian que esta servidumbre que se cobraba en tal tiempo, no tenia remedio para acabarse en algun tiempo, porque sus padres se habian vendido por escapar de la muerte, ó por librar su vida de la última necesidad.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 258-9.

[141] 'Vendian niños recien nacidos, y de dos años, para cumplir sus promesas, y ofrecer en los templos, como nosotros las candelas, y sacrificarlos para alcançar sus pretensiones.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi. 'Porque como andaban todos los Reinos, con sus mercancias, traìan de todos ellos muchos esclavos, los quales, si no eran todos, à lo menos, los mas, sacrificaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 272. 'Porque casi todos los que sacrificaban á los idolos eran los que prendian en las guerras ... mui poquitos eran los otros que sacrificavan.' _Motolinia_, _Carta al Emperador Cárlos V._, Jan. 2, 1555, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 264, 272. 'Luego proponian un parlamento á los esclavos, enanos y corcobados, diciendo: hijos mios, id á la buena ventura con vuestro señor Axayaca á la otra vida.... Luego le abrieron el pecho, teniendolo seis ó siete sacerdotes, y el mayoral le sacaba el corazon, y todo el dia y toda la noche ardía el cuerpo del rey, con los corazones de los miserables esclabos que morian sin culpa.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 90, 142. 'Sacrificando en sus honras doscientos esclavos, y cien esclavas.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Id._, pp. 282, 250. 'Quando moria algun principal, matavan juntamente con él un esclavo, y enterravan con él para que le fuese á servir.' _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Id._, vol. v., p. 130. 'Avec lui, de jeunes filles, des esclaves et des bossus.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. 'Se quemaba junto con sus cuerpos y con los corazones de los cautivos y esclavos que mataban.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, p. 35; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 453, 573-4; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 6, 8; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 65; Among those who in later times have treated of slavery among the Nahua nations are the following: _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 261; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 294; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 62; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 155-6; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 541; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, pp. 69-70; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 14-15; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, p. 273.

[142] _Toribio and Olarte_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 405.

[143] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 545-6; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 122.

[144] _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 67; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 603; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 61; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 40.

[145] _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 165; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 208, 216, 224-5, 241; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, pp. 339-43, 346, 353, 386-7, 395, 451, 453; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, MS., pp. 51-2; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 189; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro, Mex._, pt ii., pp. 13-14.

[146] Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii., says that brothers inherited estates and not sons; but this assertion is not borne out by any other authority.

[147] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 348; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 123.

[148] _Fuenleal_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 252-4; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 68; _Witt_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 287; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 63; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 535; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 231; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 48-9, 65; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 122-4; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 304; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro, Mex._, pt ii., pp. 53-4.

[149] 'Ce n'est pas qu'ils eussent ces terres en propre; car, comme les seigneurs exerçaient un pouvoir tyrannique, ils disposaient des terrains et des vassaux suivant leur bon plaisir. Les Indiens n'étaient donc, proprement dit, ni propriétaires ni maîtres de ces villages; ils n'étaient que les laboureurs ou les amodiateurs des seigneurs terriers, de telle façon que l'on pourrait dire que tout le territoire, soit des plaines, soit des montagnes, dépendait du caprice des seigneurs et qu'il leur appartenait, puisqu'ils y exerçaient un pouvoir tyrannique, et que les Indiens vivaient au jour le jour; les seigneurs partageant entre eux tous leurs produits.' _Simancas_, _De l'Ordre de Succession_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 224-5; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Id._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 51-7; _Fuenleal_, _Lettre_, in _Id._, tom. v., p. 221; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 603-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 590; _Variedades Civ._, tom. i., pp. 158-9; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 35-6; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 153-5.

[150] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 164.

[151] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 36. See further: _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 141; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 558-9; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 36; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 13; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 43; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 117-18.

[152] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 188; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 39-40.

[153] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 54; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 95-6.

[154] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 52.

[155] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 176; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 276-7.

[156] _Witt_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 289.

[157] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 241-2.

[158] _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 535, 305-6.

[159] 'Nè i Vasalli de' Feudatari erano esenti da' tributi, che pagavano al Re gli altri Vassalli della Corona.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 122-7.

[160] _His Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1080.

[161] In the _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 54, we read that it was paid every eighty days.

[162] The toesa is the same thing as the French toise, which is 6.3945 English feet, or seven Castilian feet.

[163] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 17-18; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 206; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 275; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 366; _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, p. 173.

[164] Torquemada adds: 'Ai quien diga, que no eran Piojos, sino Gusanillos; pero Alonso de Ojeda en sus Memoriales, lo certifica de vista, y lo mismo Alonso de Mata.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 461.

[165] 'Dábanle sus vassallos en tributo ordinario de tres hijos uno, y el que no tenia hijos avia de dar un indio ó india para sacrificar á sus dioses, é si no lo daban, avian de sacrificarle á él.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 502. Nowhere else do I find mention of such a custom, although in Michoacan the despotic power of the king, and his tyrannous abuse of it, led to almost the same results. In Michoacan: 'Tributauan al Rey quanto tenian y el queria, hasta las mugeres y hijos, si los queria; de manera que eran mas que esclauos, y viuian en terrible seruidumbre.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. 'Si bien todas las atenciones dedicadas á los decorosos mugeriles privilegios destruian la sujecion del tributo á sus Monarcas, sirviendolos en la ceguedad de ofrecerles no solo la hacienda, y la vida, sino á sus proprias mugeres, en caso de discurrir aceptable el vergonzoso obsequio.' _Salazar y Olarte_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 69-70.

[166] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 307.

[167] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1080-1101; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 54-89, vol. i., plates xix-lvii; _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, p. 176; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 110.

[168] _Tápia_, _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., p. 592.

[169] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 147, 206, 231, 461, tom. ii., pp. 545-7, 560; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 111-13; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli.; _Toribio and Olarte_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 401-8; _Fuenleal_, in _Id._, pp. 244-54; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Id._, série ii., tom. v., p. 301; _Simancas_, in _Id._, série i., tom. x., pp. 229-31; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 180, 198-9; _Witt_, _Lettre_ in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 284-93; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 491-2; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 189-90, 193-8; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 38-40; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 417-19; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 36-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 99, 101, 437, 495, 589-93, 631, tom. ii., p. 203; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 240; _Dicc. Univ._, tom. x., p. 637; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 606-9; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 36, 45-6, 58; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, pp. 42-5; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, pp. 55, 59, 68-72, 211; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 206-8; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 153-8; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 13; _Lang's Polynesian Nat._, p. 99; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 83; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 25-9, 38; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 23, 65.

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