chapter xvii

. of this volume.[604]

[Sidenote: MAKING OF CLOTH AND PAPER.]

Paper, in Aztec _amatl_, used chiefly as a material on which to paint the hieroglyphic records to be described in a future chapter, was made for the most part of maguey-fibre, although the other fibres used in the manufacture of cloth were occasionally mixed with those of this plant. The material must have been pressed together when wet, and the product was generally very thick, more like a soft paste-board than our paper. The surface was smooth and well adapted to the painting which it was to bear. Certain gums are said to have been used for the more perfect coherence of the fibre, and the amatl was made in long narrow sheets suitable for rolling or folding. Humboldt describes certain bags of oval form, the work of a species of caterpillars, on the trees in Michoacan. They are white and may be separated into thin layers, which, as the author states, were used by the ancient inhabitants in the manufacture of a superior kind of paper.[605]

The skins of animals killed by the Nahua hunters were tanned both with and without the hair, by a process of which the authorities say nothing, although universally praising its results. The leather was used in some cases as a sort of parchment for hieroglyphic writings, but oftener for articles of dress, ornament, or armor.[606]

[Sidenote: DYEING AND PAINTING.]

In the preparation of dyes and paints, both mineral, animal, and vegetable colors were employed, the latter extracted from woods, barks, leaves, flowers, and fruits. In the art of dyeing they probably excelled the Europeans, and many of their dyes have since the conquest been introduced throughout the world. Chief among these was the cochineal, _nochiztli_, an insect fed by the Nahuas on the leaves of the nopal, from which they obtained beautiful and permanent red and purple colors for their cotton fabrics. The flower of the _matlalxihuitl_ supplied blue shades; indigo was the sediment of water in which branches of the _xiuhquilipitzahuac_ had been soaked; seeds of the _achiotl_ boiled in water yielded a red, the French _roucou_; ochre, or _tecozahuitl_, furnished yellow, as did also the plant _xochipalli_, the latter being changed to orange by the use of nitre; other shades were produced by the use of alum; the stones _chimaltizatl_ and _tizatlalli_ being calcined, produced something like Spanish white; black was obtained from a stinking mineral, _tlaliac_, or from the soot of a pine called _ocotl_. In mixing paints they used chian-oil, or sometimes the glutinous juice of the _tzauhtli_. The numerous dye-woods of the tierra caliente, now the chief exports from that region, were all employed by the native dyers. It is probable that many of the secrets of this branch of Nahua art were never learned by the Spaniards.[607]

The Nahua paintings showed no great artistic merit, being chiefly noticeable for the excellence of the colors. Very few specimens have been preserved for modern examination, except the hieroglyphic paintings in which most of the figures are hideously and, as it is supposed, purposely distorted, and consequently no criterion of the artist's skill. It is not known that the Nahuas ever attempted to paint natural scenery, except that they prepared maps of sections of their territory on which they rudely represented the mountains, rivers, and forests, indicating the lands of different owners or lords by the use of different colors. They sometimes made portraits of the kings and nobles, but the Spanish chroniclers admit that they exhibited much less skill in picturing the human form and face than in drawing animals, birds, trees, and flowers. Some modern critics of lively imagination have, however, detected indications of great artistic genius in the awkward figures of the picture-writings. Native painters, when Cortés arrived on the coast, painted his ships, men, horses, cannon, in fact everything new and strange in the white men's equipment, and hurried with the canvas to Montezuma at the capital. Very little is known of ornamental painting on the walls of private dwellings, but that on the temples naturally partook to a great extent of a hieroglyphic character. The durability of the paintings on cloth and paper, especially when rubbed occasionally with oil, was remarked by many observers, as was also the skill displayed by the natives later under Spanish instruction.[608]

[Sidenote: FEATHER-MOSAIC.]

The mixture of feathers with cotton and other fibres in the manufacture of clothing, tapestry, carpets, and bed-coverings has already been mentioned. For such fabrics plain colors from ducks and other aquatic birds were generally employed, brighter hues being occasionally introduced for ornamental purposes. Feathers also played an important part in the decoration of warriors' armor, the tail-feathers of the bright-hued quetzal being the favorites. These were formed into brilliant plumes, often tipped with gold and set in precious stones. Beautiful fans were made of the same material. But the art which of all those practiced by the Nahuas most delighted and astonished the Europeans, was the use of feathers in the making of what has been called feather-mosaic. The myriads of tropical birds in which the forests of the tierra caliente abounded, chief among which were the quetzal, many varieties of the parrot kind, and the _huitzilin_, or humming-bird, supplied feathers, fine and coarse, of every desired color and shade. It was for this use chiefly that the royal and other collections of birds, already described, were so carefully kept. These captive birds were plucked each year at the proper season, and their plumage sorted according to color and quality. Some shades only to be obtained from the rarest birds, were for ordinary feather-work artificially produced by dyeing the white plumage of more common birds.

To prepare for work the _amanteca_, or artist, arranged his colors in small earthen dishes within easy reach of his hand, stretched a piece of cloth on a board before him, and provided himself with a pot of glue--called by Clavigero tzauhtli,--and a pair of very delicate pincers. The design he wished to execute was first sketched roughly on the cloth, and then with the aid of the pincers feather after feather was taken from its dish and glued to the canvas. The Spanish writers marvel at the care with which this work was done; sometimes, they say, a whole day was consumed in properly choosing and adjusting one delicate feather, the artist patiently experimenting until the hue and position of the feather, viewed from different points and under different lights, became satisfactory to his eye. When a large piece was to be done, many workmen assembled, a part of the work was given to each, and so skillfully was the task performed that the parts rarely failed at the end to blend into an harmonious whole; but if the effect of any part was unsatisfactory it must be commenced anew. By this method a great variety of graceful patterns were wrought, either fanciful, or taken from natural objects, flowers, animals, and even the human face, which latter the native artists are said to have successfully portrayed. Las Casas tells us they made these feather-fabrics so skillfully that they appeared of different colors according to the direction from which they were viewed. The Spaniards declare that the feather-pictures were fully equal to the best works of European painters, and are at a loss for words to express their admiration of this wonderful Nahua invention; specimens of great beauty have also been preserved and are to be seen in the museums. Besides mantles and other garments, tapestry, bed-coverings, and other ornamental fabrics for the use of the noble and wealthy classes, to which this art was applied, the feather-mosaic was a favorite covering for the shields and armor of noted warriors. By the same process masks were made representing in a manner true to nature the faces of fierce animals; and even the whole bodies of such animals were sometimes counterfeited, as Zuazo says, so faithfully as to deceive the ignorant observer. The Tarascos of Michoacan were reputed to be the most skillful in feather-work.[609]

The feather-workers were called amantecas from Amantla, the name of the ward of Mexico in which they chiefly lived. This ward adjoined that of Pochtlan, where lived the chief merchants called pochtecas, and the shrine of the amantecas' god Ciotliahuatl, was also joined to that of the merchants' god Iyacatecutli. The feather-workers and merchants were closely united, there was great similarity in all their idolatrous rites, and they often sat together at the same banquet.[610]

Another art, similar in its nature to that of the feather-mosaics, was that of pasting leaves and flowers upon mats so as to form attractive designs for temporary use on the occasion of special festivals. The natives made great use of these flower-pictures after the conquest in the decoration of the churches for Catholic holidays.[611]

The Nahuas kindled a fire like their more savage brethren by friction between two pieces of wood, achiotl being the kind of wood preferred for this purpose. Boturini, followed by later writers, states that the use of the flint was also known. Once kindled, the flames were fanned by the use of a blow-pipe. For lights, torches of resinous wood were employed, especially the _ocotl_, which emitted a pleasing odor. The use of wicks with oil or wax was apparently unknown until after the coming of Europeans. Substitutes for soap were found in the fruit of the _copalxocotl_ and root of the _amolli_.

[Sidenote: THE COUNCIL OF ARTS IN TEZCUCO.]

All the branches of art among the Nahuas were placed under the control of a council or academy which was instituted to favor the development of poetry, oratory, history, painting, and also to some extent of sculpture and work in gold, precious stones, and feathers. Tezcuco was the centre of all high art and refinement during the palmy days of the Chichimec empire, and retained its preëminence to a great extent down to the coming of the Spaniards; consequently its school of arts is better known than others that probably existed in other cities. It was called the Council of Music, although taking cognizance of other arts and sciences, chiefly by controlling the education of the young, since no teacher of arts could exercise his profession without a certificate of his qualifications from the council. Before the same body all pupils must be brought for examination. The greatest care was taken that no defective work of lapidary, goldsmith, or worker in feathers should be exposed for sale in the markets, and that no imperfectly instructed artists should be allowed to vitiate the public taste. But it was above all with literary arts, poetry, oratory, and historical paintings, that this tribunal, composed of the best talent and culture of the kingdom, had to do, and every literary work was subject to its revision. The members, nominated by the emperor of Tezcuco, held daily meetings, and seats of honor were reserved for the kings of the three allied kingdoms, although a presiding officer was elected from the nobility with reference to his literary acquirements. At certain sessions of the council, poems and historical essays were read by their authors, and new inventions were exhibited for inspection, rich prizes being awarded for excellence in any branch of learning.[612]

[Sidenote: ORATORY AND POESY.]

Speech-making is a prominent feature in the life of most aboriginal tribes, and in their fondness for oratory the Nahuas were no exceptions to the rule. Many and long addresses accompanied the installation of kings and all public officers; all diplomatic correspondence between different nations was carried on by orators; prayers to the gods were in aboriginal as in modern times elaborate elocutionary efforts; the departing and returning traveler was dismissed and welcomed with a speech; condolence for misfortune and congratulation for success were expressed in public and private by the friends most skillful in the art of speaking; social intercourse in feasts and banquets was but a succession of speeches; and parents even employed long discourses to impart to their children instruction and advice. Consequently children were instructed at an early age in the art of public speaking; some were even specially educated as orators. They were obliged to commit to memory, and taught to repeat as declamations, the speeches of their most famous ancestors, handed down from father to son for many generations. Specimens of the orations delivered by Nahua speakers on different occasions are so numerous in this and the following volume, that the reader may judge for himself respecting their merit. It is impossible, however, to decide how far these compositions have been modified in passing through Spanish hands, although it is probable, according to the judgment of the best critics, that they retain much of the original spirit of their reputed authors.[613]

Poets, if somewhat less numerous, were no less honored than orators. Their compositions were also recited, or sung, before the Council of Music in Tezcuco, and the most talented bards were honored with prizes. The heroic deeds of warlike ancestors, national annals and traditions, praise of the gods, moral lessons drawn from actual events, allegorical productions with illustrations drawn from the beauties of nature, and even love and the charms of woman were the common themes. The emperor Nezahualcoyotl, the protector and promoter of all the arts and sciences, was himself a poet of great renown. Several of his compositions, or fragments of such, have been preserved; that is, the poems were written from memory in Aztec with Roman letters after the conquest, and translated into Spanish by Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal descendant of the royal poet. They have also been translated into other languages by various authors. The following will serve as specimens.[614]

[Sidenote: NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S ODES.]

SONG OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCUCO; ON THE MUTABILITY OF LIFE.

Now will I sing for a moment, Since time and occasion offer, And I trust to be heard with favor If my effort proveth deserving; Wherefore thus I begin my singing, Or rather my lamentation.

O thou, my friend, and beloved, Enjoy the sweet flowers I bring thee; Let us be joyful together And banish each care and each sorrow; For although life's pleasures are fleeting, Life's bitterness also must leave us.

I will strike, to help me in singing, The instrument deep and sonorous; Dance thou, while enjoying these flowers, Before the great Lord who is mighty; Let us grasp the sweet things of the present, For the life of a man is soon over.

Fair Acolhuacán thou hast chosen As thy dwelling-place and thy palace; Thou hast set up thy royal throne there, With thine own hand hast thou enriched it; Wherefore it seems to be certain That thy kingdom shall prosper and flourish.

And thou, O wise Prince Oyoyotzin, Mighty monarch, and King without equal, Rejoice in the beauty of spring-time, Be happy while spring abides with thee, For the day creepeth nearer and nearer When thou shalt seek joy and not find it.

A day when dark Fate, the destroyer, Shall tear from thine hand the proud sceptre, When the moon of thy glory shall lessen, Thy pride and thy strength be diminished, The spoil from thy servants be taken, Thy kingdom and honor go from thee.

Ah, then in this day of great sorrow The lords of thy line will be mournful, The princes of might will be downcast, The pride of high birth will avail not; When thou, their great Head, hast been smitten The pains of grim Want will assail them.

Then with bitterness will they remember The glory and fame of thy greatness, Thy triumphs so worthy of envy, Until, while comparing the present With years that are gone now forever, Their tears shall be more than the ocean.

The vassals that cluster about thee And are as a crown to thy kingdom, When thine arm doth no longer uphold them, Will suffer the fate of the exile; In strange lands their pride will be humbled, Their rank and their name be forgotten.

The fame of the race that is mighty, And worthy a thousand fair kingdoms, Will not in the future be heeded; The nations will only remember The justice with which they were governed In the years when the kingdom was threefold.

In Mexico, proudest of cities, Reigned the mighty and brave Montezuma, Nezahualcoyotl, the just one Of blest Culhuacán was the monarch, To strong Totoquíl fell the portion Of Acatlapán, the third kingdom.

But yet thou shalt not be forgotten, Nor the good thou hast ever accomplished; For, is not the throne that thou fillest The gift of the god without equal, The mighty Creator of all things, The maker of Kings and of Princes!

Nezahualcoyotl, be happy With the pleasant things that thou knowest, Rejoice in the beautiful garden, Wreathe thy front with a garland of flowers, Give heed to my song and my music, For I care but to pleasure thy fancy.

The sweet things of life are but shadows; The triumphs, the honors, what are they But dreams that are idle and last not Though clothed in a semblance of being? And so great is the truth that I utter, I pray thee to answer this question.

Cihuapán, the valiant, where is he, And Quauhtzintecomtzin, the mighty, The great Cohuahuatzin, where are they? They are dead, and have left us no token, Save their names, and the fame of their valor; They are gone from this world to another.

I would that those living in friendship, Whom the thread of strong love doth encircle, Could see the sharp sword of the Death-god. For, verily, pleasure is fleeting, All sweetness must change in the future, The good things of life are inconstant.

ODE ON THE TYRANT TEZOZOMOC BY NEZAHUALCOYOTL THE KING.

Give ear unto the lamentation which I, Nezahualcoyotl the King, make within myself for the fate of the Empire, and set forth for an example unto others.

O King, unstable and restless, when thou art dead then shall thy people be overthrown and confounded; thy place shall be no more; the Creator, the All-powerful shall reign.

Who could have thought, having seen the palaces and the court, the glory and the power of the old King Tezozomoc, that these things could have an end? Yet have they withered and perished. Verily, life giveth naught but disappointment and vexation; all that is, weareth out and passeth away.

Who will not be sorrowful at the remembrance of the ancient splendor of this tyrant, this withered old man; who, like a thirsty willow, nourished by the moisture of his ambition and avarice, lorded it over the lowly meadows and flowery fields while spring-time lasted, but at length, dried up and decayed, the storms of winter tore him up by the roots and scattered him in pieces upon the ground.

But now, with this mournful song, I bring to mind the things that flourish for an hour, and present, in the fate of Tezozomoc, an example of the brevity of human greatness. Who, that listens to me, can refrain from weeping? Verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a bouquet of flowers, that is passed from hand to hand until it fades, withers, and is dead.

Hearken unto me, ye sons of kings and of princes, take good heed and ponder the theme of my mournful song, the things that flourish for an hour, and the end of the King Tezozomoc. Who is he, I say again, that can hear me and not weep? Verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a handful of flowers, blooming for a space, but soon withered and dead.

Let the joyous birds sing on and rejoice in the beauty of spring, and the butterflies enjoy the honey and perfume of the flowers, for life is as a tender plant that is plucked and withereth away.

Granados tells us that Nezahualcoyotl's poems were all in iambic verse, resembling in style the works of Manilius, Seneca, Pomponius, Euripides, and Lilius. In one of his songs he compared the shortness of life and of its pleasures with the fleeting bloom of a flower, so pathetically as to draw tears from the audience, as Clavigero relates. Ixtlilxochitl narrates that a prisoner condemned to death obtained pardon by reciting a poem before the king. There is not much evidence that verses were ever written in rhyme, but the authors say that due attention was paid to cadence and metre, and that some unmeaning syllables were added to certain lines to accommodate the measure. By their system of combination a single word often sufficed for a line in the longest measure. Many of their poetical compositions were intended for the dramatic representations which have been spoken of elsewhere.[615]

[Sidenote: AZTEC ARITHMETICAL SYSTEM.]

The Nahua system of numeration was very simple and comprehensive, there being no limit to the numbers that could be expressed by it. The following table will give a clear idea of the method as employed by the Aztecs:

One, _ce_, or _cen_. Two, _ome_. Three, _yey_, or _ei_. Four, _nahui_. Five, _macuilli_,--signifying the 'clenched hand,' one finger having been originally doubled, as is supposed, for each unit in counting from one to five. Six, _chico a ce_. Seven, _chic ome_. Eight, _chico ey_. Nine, _chico nahui_,--These names from six to nine are simply those from one to four, with a prefix whose meaning is not altogether clear, but which is said to be composed of _chico_, 'at one side,' and _ihuan_ or _huan_, meaning 'near another,' 'with,' or simply 'and.' These names may consequently be interpreted perhaps, 'one side (or hand) with one,' 'one hand with two,' etc., or one two, etc., 'with the other side.' Ten, _matlactli_--that is the upper part of the body, or all the fingers of the hands. Eleven, _matlactli oc ce_, ten and one. Twelve, _matlactli om ome_, ten and two. Thirteen, _matlactli om ey_, ten and three. Fourteen, _matlactli o nahui_, ten and four. In these names _oc_, _om_, _o_, or _on_ as Molina gives it, seems to be used as a connective particle, equivalent to 'and,' but I am not acquainted with its derivation. Fifteen, _caxtolli_, a word to which the authorities give no derivative meaning. Sixteen, _caxtolli oc ce_, fifteen and one, etc. Twenty, _cem pohualli_, once twenty. The word _pohualli_ means 'a count,' the number twenty being in a sense the foundation of the whole numerical system. Twenty-one, _cem pohualli oc ce_, once twenty and one, etc. Thirty, _cem pohualli, ihuan_ (or _om_ as Molina has it) _matlactli_, once twenty and ten. Thirty-five, _cem pohualli ihuan_ (or _on_) _caxtolli_, once twenty and fifteen, etc. Forty, _ome pohualli_, twice twenty, etc. One hundred, _macuil pohualli_, five times twenty. Two hundred, _matlactli pohualli_, ten times twenty. Four hundred, _cen tzontli_, once four hundred, 'the hair of the head.' Eight hundred, _ome tzontli_, twice four hundred. One thousand, _ome tzontli ihuan matlactli pohualli_, twice four hundred and ten times twenty. Eight thousand, _xiquipilli_, a purse or sack, already mentioned as containing eight thousand cacao-nibs. Sixteen thousand, _ome xiquipilli_, twice eight thousand.

It will be seen from the table that the only numbers having simple names are one, two, three, four, five, ten, fifteen, twenty, four hundred, and eight thousand; all the rest are compounds of these constructed on the principle that when the smaller number follows the larger the sum of the two is expressed, but when the smaller precedes the larger, their product is indicated. Molina and Leon y Gama are the chief authorities on the Nahua arithmetical system. All the writers agree perfectly respecting its details, but differ considerably in orthography. Molina writes each compound name together as a single word, while Gama often separates a word into its parts as I have done in every case, following his spelling.

[Sidenote: SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.]

The manner in which the numbers were written was as simple as the system itself. A point or small circle indicated a unit, and these points sufficed for the numbers from one to nineteen. Twenty was indicated by a flag, four hundred by a feather, and eight thousand by a purse. One character placed above another indicated that the product was to be taken; for instance, 160,000 might be expressed either by twenty purses, or by a flag over a purse. To avoid the excessive use of the unit points in writing large and fractional numbers, each flag, feather, and purse was divided into four quarters, and only those quarters which were colored were to be counted. Thus five might be expressed by five points or by a flag with but one quarter colored; three hundred and fifty-six would be indicated by a feather with three quarters colored, two complete flags, three quarters of another flag, and one point.

We have seen that twenties were used, much as dozens are by us, as the foundation of all numeration, but strangely enough these twenties took different names in counting different classes of articles. The regular name, as given in the table, is _pohualli_; in counting sheets of paper, tortillas, small skins, and other thin objects capable of being packed one above another in small parcels, each twenty was called _pilli_; in counting cloths and other articles usually formed into large rolls, _quimilli_ was the name applied to twenty; and in counting persons, lines, walls, and other things ranged in order, the term _tecpantli_ was sometimes employed. In reckoning birds, eggs, fruits, seeds, and round or plump objects, generally _tetl_, 'a stone,' was affixed to each one of the numerals in the table; _pantli_ was in the same way added for objects arranged in regular order, and also for surface measurements; _tlamantli_ likewise was joined to the numerals for articles sold in pairs or sets, as shoes, dishes, etc.; while ears of corn, cacao in bunches, and other bulky articles required the termination _olotl_.

Among all the Nahua nations, so far as known, the arithmetical system was practically the same, and was essentially decimal. Nearly all gave great prominence to the number twenty; the Huastec language had simple names for the numbers from one to ten, twenty, and one thousand; the Otomí approached still nearer our modern system by making one hundred also one of its fundamental numbers with an uncompounded name as well as a compounded one.[616]

Astrology, soothsaying, the interpretation of dreams, and of auguries such as the flight or song of birds, the sudden meeting of wild animals, or the occurrence of other unlooked-for events, were regarded by the Nahuas as of the greatest importance, and the practice of such arts was entrusted to the _tonalpouhqui_, 'those who count by the sun,' a class of men held in high esteem, to whom was attributed a perfect knowledge of future events. We have seen that no undertaking, public or private, of any importance, could be engaged in except under a suitable and propitious sign, and to determine this sign the tonalpouhqui was appealed to. The science of astrology was written down in books kept with great secrecy and mystery, altogether unintelligible to the common crowd, whose good or bad fortune was therein supposed to be painted. The details of the methods employed in the mysterious rites of divination are nowhere recorded, and the continual mention of the seer's services throughout the chapters of this and the following volume render this paragraph on the subject sufficient here.

[Sidenote: AUTHORITIES ON NAHUA ARTS.]

In addition to the miscellaneous arts described in the preceding pages, separate chapters will be devoted to the Nahua calendar, hieroglyphics, architecture, and medicine.[617]

FOOTNOTES:

[584] 'Tambien las minas de plata y oro, cobre, plomo, oropel natural, estaño y otros metales, que todos los sacaron, labraron, y dejaron señales y memoria.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 110-11. To obtain gold 'se metian al fondo del agua y sacaban las manos llenas de arena, para buscar luego en ella los granos, los que se guardaban en la boca.' _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 299. In Michoacan 'trabajaban minas de cobre.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 48. 'The traces of their labors furnished the best indications for the early Spanish miners.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 138-9; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 99-100; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 198 et seq.

[585] 'Whether a man desire the rude mettall, or to haue it molten, or beaten out, and cunningly made into any kinde of Iewell, hee shall find them ready wrought.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. Gomara and Gama state that they mixed gold and silver, as well as tin, with copper, for the manufacture of gimlets, axes, and chisels. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 26. Clavigero states that in Zacatollan two kinds of copper were found, hard and soft, so that there was no need of any hardening process. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., pp. 210-11.

[586] 'Porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332. 'Nous avons eu entre les mains de beaux outils de cuivre rosette.' _Viollet-le-Duc_, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, pp. 86-7. 'Hazen muchas cosas, como los mejores caldereros del mundo.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. Some had plates and other vessels of tin. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 465. 'Contuttociò si sa, che lavoravano bene il rame, e che piacquero assai agli Spagnuoli lo loro scuri, e le loro picche.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 196. Peter Martyr speaks of large copper stands or candlesticks which supported pine torches to light the courts of the better houses. Dec. v., tom. x. 'Il existait de si grands vases d'argent qu'un homme pouvait à peine les entourer de ses bras.' _Baril_, _Mexique_, p. 209; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 94; _Edinburgh Review_, July 1867.

[587] 'Todo variadizo, que en nuestra España los grandes Plateros tienen que mirar en ello.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 69. 'Los Plateros de Madrid, viendo algunas Piezas, Brazaletes de oro, con que se armaban en guerra los Reyes, y Capitanes Indianos, confessaron que eran inimitables en Europa.' _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 78. 'Non sarebbero verisimili le maraviglie di cotal arte, se oltre alla testimonianza di quanti le videro, non fossero state mandate in Europa in gran copia sì fatte rarità.' 'Finalmente erano tali sì fatte opere, che anche que' Soldati spagnuoli, che si sentivano travagliati dalla sacra fame dell'oro, pregiavano in esse più l'arte, che la materia.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 195-6.

[588] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 109, 100-1. In the collection of Nezahualcoyotzin 'no faltava alli ave, pez ni animal de toda esta tierra, que no estuvìese vivo, ó hecho figura y talle, en piedras de oro y pedrería.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 244. 'There is no fourefooted beast, no foule, no fyshe, which their Artificers have once seene, but they are able to drawe, and cutte in mettall the likenesse and proportion thereof, euen to the lyfe.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x., iv. Eight gold shrimps of much perfection. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 285; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 56.

[589] 'Sacan un ave, como un papagayo que se le anda la lengua como si vivo la menease y tambien la cabeza y las alas. Un rostro de aguila lo mismo, una rana, y un pescado, señalada muchas escamas una de plata y otra de oro, todo de vaciado, que espanta à todos nuestros oficiales.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxiii. 'Funden vna mona, que juegue pies y cabeça, y tenga en las manos vn huso, que parezca que hila, o vna mançana, que come. Esto tuuieron a mucho nuestros Españoles, y los plateros de aca no alcançan el primor.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117. 'Y lo que mas es, que sacaban de la fundicion vna pieça, la mitad de Oro, y la mitad de Plata.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 487; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 403-7. 'Sacauan al mercado los oficiales deste arte, platos, ochauados de vn quarto de oro, y otro de plata, no soldados, sino fundidos, y en la fundicion pegado, cosa dificultosa de entender. Sacauan vna caldereta de plata, con excelentes labores, y su assa de vna fundicion, y lo que era de marauillar que la asa estaua suelta.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv.

[590] 'Acaeciales á los principios estar un indio envuelto en una manta que no se le parecian si no los ojos, como ellos se ponen no muy cerca de una tienda de algun platero de los nuestros disimuladamente, como no pretendia mirar nada y el platero estar labrando de oro y de plata alguna joya ó pieza de mucho artificio y muy delicada, y de solo verle hacer alguna parte della irse á su casa y hacello tanto y mas perfecto y traello desde á poco en la mano para lo vender.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxiii. Zuazo, however, pronounces some of the native work inferior to the European. 'Yo vi algunas piezas y no me parecieron tan primamente labradas como las nuestras.' _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 362.

[591] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 211; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 520.

[592] 'Vna rueda de hechura de Sol, tan grande como de vna carreta, con muchas labores, todo de oro muy fino, gran obra de mirar; ... otra mayor rueda de plata, figurada la Luna, con muchos resplandores, y otras figuras en ella.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 26-7. 'Espejos hechos de Margajita, que es vn metal hermosissimo, como plata muy resplandeciente y estos grandes como vn puño redondos como vna bola, engastados en oro.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Doze zebratanas de fusta y plata, con que solia el tirar. Las unas pintadas y matizadas de aves, animales, rosas, flores, yarboles.... Las otras eran variadas, y sinzeladas con mas primor y sotileza que la pintura.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 135-6, 42; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 259; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii.

[593] 'Vnas fundidas, otras labradas de Piedra.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 557; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Y lo que mas las hace admirables, es que las obran y labran con solo fuego y con una piedra ó pedernal.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxiii. Hammered work inferior to that of European artisans. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 196. 'Los oficiales que labran oro son de dos maneras, unos de ellos se llaman martilladores ó amajadores, porque estos labran oro de martillo majándolo con piedras ó con martillos, para hacerlo delgado como papel: otros se llaman _tlatlaliani_, que quiere decir, que asientan el oro ó alguna cosa en él, ó en la plata, estos son verdaderos oficiales ó por otro nombre se llaman _tulteca_; pero están divididos en dos partes, porque labran el oro cada uno de su manera.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 387, et seq. For pictures of furnaces and of some manufactured articles from the hieroglyphic MSS., see _Ewbank_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 448, et seq. 'They cast, also, vessels of gold and silver, carving them with their metallic chisels in a very delicate manner.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 139-40.

[594] 'Siéntanse en el suelo y toman un pedazo de aquella piedra negra.... Aquel pedazo que toman es de un palmo ó poco mas largo, y de grueso como la pierna ó poco menos, y rollizo. Tienen un palo del grueso de una lanza y largo como tres codos ó poco mas, y al principio de este palo ponen pegado y bien atado un trozo de palo de un palmo, grueso como el molledo del brazo, y algo mas, y este tiene su frente llana y tajada, y sirve este trozo para que pese mas aquella parte. Juntan ambos piés descalzos, y con ellos aprietan la piedra con el pecho, y con ambas las manos toman el palo que dije era como vara de lanza (que tambien es llano y tajado) y pónenlo á besar con el canto de la frente de la piedra (que tambien es llana y tajada), y entonces aprietan hácia el pecho, y luego salta de la piedra una navaja con su punta y sus filos de ambas partes.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 406; repeated in nearly the same words in _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 489-90; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii., lxvi; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60.

[595] _Tylor's Researches_, p. 194. 'Tienen lancetas de azabache negro, y vnas nauajas de axeme, hechas como puñal, mas gordas en medio que á los filos, con que se jassan y sangran de la lengua, braços, y piernas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 324-5; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 491.

[596] _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 64-5. 'In the beginning of this so rare inuention, I gotte one of them, which Christophorus Colonus, Admirall of the Sea gaue mee. This stone was of a greene darkishe colour, fastened in most firme and harde woode, which was the handle or helue thereof. I stroke with all my force vpon Iron barres and dented the Iron with my strokes without spoyling or hurting of the stone in any part thereof. With these stones therefore they make their instruments, for hewing of stone, or cutting of timber, or any workemanship in gold or siluer.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv.

[597] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 231.

[598] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. See note 9 of this chapter.

[599] 'Sculptured images were so numerous, that the foundations of the cathedral in the _plaza mayor_, the great square of Mexico, are said to be entirely composed of them.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 140-1. Two statues in likeness of Montezuma and his brother cut in the cliff at Chapultepec. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. iii. The idols destroyed by Cortés 'eran de manera de dragones espantables, tan grandes como becerros, y otras figuras de manera de medio hombre, y de perros grandes, y de malas semejanças.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 35. 'Sapevano esprimere nelle loro statue tutti gli atteggiamenti, e positure, di cui è capace il corpo, osservavano esattamente le proporzioni, e facevano, dove si richiedeva, i più minuti, e dilicati intaglj.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 195. 'Habia entre ellos grandes escultores de cantería, que labraban cuanto querian en piedra, con guijarros ó pedernales, tan prima y curiosamente como en nuestra Castilla los muy buenos oficiales con escodas y picos de acero.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 403; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 486-8. Portrait-statues of the Tezcucan kings. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 264; _Id._, _Relaciones_, p. 440. Statues of Montezuma and brother. _Bustamante_, in _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. iii., p. 49.

[600] 'Gli smeraldi erano tanto comuni, che non v'era Signore, che non ne avesse.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 206-7. 'Esmaltan assi mesmo, engastan y labran esmeraldas, turquesas, y otras piedras, y agujeran perlas pero no tambien como por aca.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117. 'Ambar, cristal, y las piedras llamadas _amatista_ perlas, y todo género de ellas, y demas que traían por joyas que ahora se usan.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 109-11, 117-18. 'Un encalado muy pulido, que era de ver, y piedras de que estaban hechas, tambien labradas y pegadas, que parecia ser cosa de musaico.' _Id._, p. 107. Shields adorned with 'perlas menudas como aljofar, y no se puede dezir su artificio, lindeza, y hermosura.' Sandals having 'por suelas vna piedra blanca y azul, cosa preciosa y muy delgada.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. Guariques of blue stones set in gold; a stone face surrounded with gold; a string of stone beads. 'Dos mascaras de piedras menudas, como turquesas, sentadas sobre madera de otra musáyca.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 526-8, tom. iii., pp. 285, 305. Idol covered with mosaic work of mother of pearl, turquoises, emeralds, and chalcedonies. _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii. 'Excellent glasses may bee made thereof by smoothing and polishing them, so that we all confessed that none of ours did better shewe the naturall and liuely face of a manne.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. 'Ils avaient des masques garnis de pierres précieuses, représentant des lions, des tigres, des ours, etc.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133. Emerald altar to the Miztec god. _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 156. 'Y lo de las piedras, que no basta juicio á comprehender con qué instrumentos se hiciese tan perfecto.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 109.

[601] Huitzilopochtli's idol 'era vna estatua de madera entretallada en semejança de vn hombre sentado en vn escaño azul.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 324. Large chests 'hechas de madera con sus tapaderas que se abren y cierran con unos colgadizos.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 361-2. 'I Falegnami lavoravano bene parecchie spezie di legni co'loro strumenti di rame, d' quali se ne vedono alcuni anche oggidì.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 207, 194-5. 'Los carpinteros y entalladores labraban la madera con instrumentos de cobre, pero no se daban á labrar cosas curiosas como los canteros.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 403. 'Labravan lazos, y animales tan curiosos que causaron admiracion à los primeros Españoles.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59. 'With their Copper Hatchets, and Axes, cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and hewe them smooth, taking away the chyppes, that they may more easily be drawne. They haue also certayne hearbes, with the which, in steed of broome, and hempe, they make ropes, cordes, and cables: and boaring a hole in one of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it, like yoakes of oxen, and lastly insteede of wheels, putting round blocks vnder the timber, whether it be to be drawn steepe vp, or directly downe the hill, the matter is performed by the neckes of the slaues, the carpenters onely directing the carriage.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. 'Hazen caxas, escritorios, mesas, escriuanias, y otras cosas de mucho primor.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. 'They made cups and vases of a lackered or painted wood, impervious to wet and gaudily colored.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 143.

[602] Molina, _Diccionario_, says, however that, the tecomatl was an earthen vase. See also p. 458 of this volume.

[603] 'Siete sartas de quentas menudas de barro, redondas y doradas muy bien.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 526, 533. 'I Pentolai facevano d'argilla non solo gli stoviglj necessarj per l'uso delle case, ma eziandío altri lavori di mera curiosità.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 207, tom. iv., pp. 211-2. 'La loza tan hermosa, y delicada como la de Faenza en Italia.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii. 'Los incensarios con que incensaban eran de barro, à manera de cuchara, cuio remate era hueco, y dentro tenían metidas pelotillas del mismo barro, que sonaban como cascaveles, à los golpes del Incienso, como suenan las cadenas de nuestros incensarios.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 264. The jicara was of gold, silver, gourd-shells, or fish-shells. 'Aunque estèn cien Años en el Agua, nunca la pintura se les borra.' _Id._, p. 488. 'Para coger la sangre tienen escudillas de calabaça.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 324-5. 'Many sorts also of earthen vessels are sold there, as water pots, greate iuggs, chargers, gobblets, dishes, colenders, basens, frying pans, porringers, pitchers.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. 'Vasos que llaman xicalli, y tecomatl, que son de vnos arboles, que se dan en tierras calientes.' 'À estas les dan vn barniz con flores, y animales de diversos colores, hermoseadas, que no se quita, ni se despinta aunque estè en el agua muchos días.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60.

[604] 'Non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino, nè canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' _Icxotl_, o palma montana, col _Quetzalichtli_, col Pati, e con altre spezie di Maguei.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 207-8, 210. 'En todo el mundo no se podia hacer ni tejer otra tal, ni de tantas ni tan diversas y naturales colores ni labores.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 101. 'Una Vestidura del Gran Sacerdote _Achcauhquitlinamacàni_ se embiò à Roma en tiempo de la Conquista, que dexò pasmada aquella Corte.' _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 77. The Olmecs used the hair of dogs and other animals. _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 154, 252-3. 'Incredible matters of Cotton, housholde-stuffe, tapestry or arras hangings, garments, and couerlets.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. Humboldt states that silk made by a species of indigenous worms was an article of commerce among the Miztecs, in the time of Montezuma. _Essai Pol._, tom. ii., p. 454. 'Hilan teniendo el copo en vna mano, y el huso en otra. Tuercen al reues que aca, estando el huso en vna escudilla. No tiene hueca el huso, mas hilan a prissa y no mal.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318.

[605] _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. ii., pp. 454-5. Maguey-paper 'resembling somewhat the Egyptian papyrus.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 99-100. Some paper of palm-leaf, as thin and soft as silk. _Boturini_, _Catálogo_, in _Id._, _Idea_, pp. 95-6. Native paper called _cauhamatl_. _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 65. They made paper of a certain species of aloe, steeped together like hemp, and afterwards washed, stretched, and smoothed; also of the palm _icxotl_, and thin barks united and prepared with a certain gum. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iv., p. 239. Torquemada speaks of a sheet 20 fathoms long, one wide, and as thick as the finger. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 263.

[606] 'Habia oficiales de curtir cueros y muchos de adovarlos maravillosamente.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. 'Cueros de Venado, Tigres, y leones ... con pelo, y sin pelo, de todos colores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 488. 'Tan suaves que de ellos se vestian, y sacaban correas.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 118. Cortés found the skins of some of his horses slain in battle 'tan bien adobados como en todo el mundo lo pudieran hacer.' _Cartas_, p. 183. Red skins resembling parchment. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 526. 'No se puede bien dezir su hermosura, y hechura.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Los tarascos curtian perfectamente las pieles de los animales.' _Payno_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., p. 721. 'Des tapis de cuir maroquinés avec la dernière perfection.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 271.

[607] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 189-90; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 652-3. Method of raising cochineal. _Id._, pp. 625-6. 'En parcourant le palais de Montézuma les Castillans furent très-étonnés d'y voir des sacs de punaises dont on se servait à teindre et même à badigeonner les murs.' _Rosny_, in _Comité d'Arch. Amér._, 1866-7, pp. 15-16. See p. 235 of this volume. They possessed the art of dyeing a fabric without impairing its strength, an art unknown to Europeans of the 18th century. _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt ii., pp. 95-7.

[608] 'Y pintores ha habido entre ellos tan señalados, que sobre muchos de los señalados donde quiera que se hallasen se podian señalar.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. The same author speaks of their skill in reducing or enlarging drawings. 'Havia Pintores buenos, que retrataban al natural, en especial Aves, Animales, Arboles, Flores, y Verduras, y otras semejantes, que vsaban pintar, en los aposentos de los Reies, y Señores; pero formas humanas, asi como rostros, y cuerpos de Hombres, y Mugeres, no los pintaban al natural.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 487, tom. i., p. 388; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 404. 'Dans leur grotesque et leur raccourci, on trouve encore cependant une délicatesse de pinceau, fort remarquable, une pureté et une finesse dans les esquisses, qu'on ne saurait s'empêcher d'admirer; on voit, d'ailleurs, un grand nombre de portraits de rois et de princes, qui sont évidemment faits d'après nature.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 653-4. 'Wee sawe a Mappe of those countreyes 30. foote long, and little lesse in breadth, made of white cotton, wouen: wherein the whole playne was at large described.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x., iii., v.

[609] 'La Natura ad essi somministrava quanti colori fa adoperar l'Arte, e alcuni ancora, que essa non è capace d'imitare.' The specimens made after the conquest were very inferior. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 197-9. 'Hazense las mejores ymagines de pluma en la prouincia de Mechoacan en el pueblo de Pascaro.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 285. 'Vi ciertos follajes, pájaros, mariposas, abejones sobre unas varas temblantes, negras é tan delgadas, que apenas se veian, é de tal manera que realmente se hacian vivas á los que las miraban un poquito de lejos: todo lo demas que estaba cerca de las dichas mariposas, pájaros é abejones correspondia naturalmente á boscajes de yerbas, ramos é flores de diversas colores é formas.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 360. 'Figuras, y imagenes de Principes, y de sus idolos, tan vistosas, y tan acertadas, que hazian ventaja a las pinturas Castellanas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Muchas cosas de Pluma, como Aves, Animales, Hombres, y otras cosas mui delicadas, Capas, y Mantas para cubrirse, y vestiduras para los Sacerdotes de sus Templos, Coronas, Mitras, Rodelas, y Mosqueadores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 488-9; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 405-6; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. 'Acontece les no comer en todo vn dia, poniendo, quitando y assentando la pluma, y mirando à una parte, y à otra, al sol, a la sombra,' etc. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 116-17. Mention of the birds which furnished bright-colored feathers. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68-9. 'Ils en faisaient des rondaches et d'autres insignes, compris sous le nom d' "Apanecayotl," dont rien n'approchait pour la richesse et le fini.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 285; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 109. Mention of some specimens preserved in Europe. _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 30.

[610] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 392-6.

[611] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 489; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 405; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.

[612] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 201-3; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 147; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 244.

[613] 'Avvegnachè i lor più celebri Aringatori non sieno da paragonarsi cogli Oratori delle Nazioni culte dell'Europa, non può peraltro negarsi, che i loro ragionamenti non fossero gravi, sodi, ed eleganti, come si scorge dagli avanzi che ci restano della loro eloquenza.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 174-5. 'Les raisonnements y sont graves, les arguments solides, et pleins d'élégance.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii, p. 672; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 172-3. Montezuma's speech to Cortés, in _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 285-6. 'The Spaniards have given us many fine polished Indian orations, but they were certainly fabricated at Madrid.' _Adair_, _Amer. Ind._, p. 202.

[614] Four poems or fragments are given in Spanish, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 110-15. No. 1 has for its subject the tyrant Tezozomoc; No. 2 is an ode on the mutability of life; No. 3 is an ode recited at a feast, comparing the great kings of Anáhuac to precious stones; No. 4 was composed for the dedication of the author's palace and treats of the unsatisfactory nature of earthly honors. Nos. 2 and 3 are also found in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 286-93. No. 2 is given in _Prescott's Mex._, vol. iii., pp. 425-30, in Spanish and English verse. A French translation of No. 1 is given by Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 672-4, who also gives an additional specimen from Carochi's grammar, in Aztec and Spanish. Nos. 1, 2, and 4 in French, in _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 411-17. No. 4 is to be found in _Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes Amer._, pp. 90-4. Nos. 1 and 4, in German, in _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 138-41, where are also two additional odes. No. 2 is also given in German by Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 146-51.

[615] _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 90-7. The language of their poetry was brilliant, pure, and agreeable, figurative, and embellished with frequent comparisons to the most pleasing objects in nature. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 174-6. Nezahualcoyotl left sixty hymns composed in honor of the Creator of Heaven. _Id._, tom. i., pp. 232, 245-7; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 57-9; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 108, 171-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 639-40. 'Cantauan lamentaciones, y endechas. Tenian pronosticos, especialmente que se auia de acabar el mundo, y los cantauan lastimosamente: y tambien tenian memoria de sus grandezas, en cantares y pinturas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 275.

[616] _Molina_, _Vocabulario_; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., pp. 128-47; _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iv., Sept., 1872; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 49-57; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 45-7; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 109-10.

[617] My authorities for the matter in this chapter are: _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 282-337, 387-96, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-12, 117-18, 122, 131, 137; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l., lxii-lxiii., lxv., cxxi., cxxxii., clxxii., ccxi.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 403-7; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 29-34, 94, 100-1, 109, 183, 192; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 198, 285, 324; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., pp. 59-60; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 48-50; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 77-8, 90-7; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., tom. i.-v., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 39, 42, 60-2, 75, 116-18, 135-6, 318, 324-5, 342-3; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. iii.; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., pp. 26, 128-47; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 232, 245-7, tom. ii., pp. 174-8, 189-99, 205-10, 224-8, tom. iv., pp. 210-11, 232, 239; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 37, 72, 146-7, 168, 228-31, tom. ii., pp. 263, 486-90, 557-8; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243-4, 264; _Id._, _Relaciones_, pp. 327, 332, 440-1, 455; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. iv., v., lib. vi., cap. xi., xvi., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii., ix., xv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 17, 41, 46, 49, 64, 171; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 520-1, 526-8, 533, tom. iii., pp. 259, 272, 285-92, 298-300, 305, 464-5, 499; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 156, 160-1; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 26-7, 68-9; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 154, 238, 252-3, tom. iii., pp. 201-3, 319; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 360-2; _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Id._, p. 299; _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Id._, pp. 378-9; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Id._, pp. 204, 211; _Hernandez_, _Nova Plant._, p. 339; _Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes Amer._, pp. 90-4; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 99-100, 108-10, 138-45, 170-5, vol. iii., pp. 425-30; _Ewbank_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 44-56; _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 125-8, 134; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 62, 99-102, 378, 431-2, 498, 588-9, 638-40, 652-3, 657-60, 666-7, 682-3, tom. ii., pp. 60, 69-70, 74, 103-4, 198, 230-1; _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., p. 721, tom. iv., Sept. 1872; _Rosny_, in _Comité d'Arch. Amér._, 1866-7, pp. 15-16; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 49-57; _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 165, 194, 201, 267; _Id._, _Anahuac_, pp. 95-101, 107-9; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. ii., pp. 454, 485; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt ii., pp. 94-7; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 48, 56, 62, 64-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 130, 271-2, 285-6, 288, tom. iii., pp. 648-54, 672-4; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clix., pp. 77-85; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 44-7, 54-9; _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. iii., p. 49; _Viollet-le-Duc_, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, pp. 86-7; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 94; _Edinburgh Review_, July, 1867; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 13-20, 24, 26-32, 144-51, 162-3, 181; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 209-10; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 168-72, 244, 270, 411-17; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. viii., pp. 110-15; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 218, 220, 225-6, 238-9, 246, 250-1, 343; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 19, 28, 36-7; _Mill's Hist. Mex._, p. 150; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, pp. 73, 83; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 110-11; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., pp. 161-2; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 142, 146; _Fransham's World in Miniature_, vol. ii., p. 9; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 221-2; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 248-50; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., pp. 435, 456; _Dupaix_, _Rel., 2de Expéd._, pp. 25, 28; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 27-9; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 47; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 43, 52, 57; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 268; _Gordon_, _Hist. and Geog. Mem._, p. 76; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., pp. 268-9, 450; _Alzate y Ramirez_, _Mem. sobre Grana._, MS.

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