CHAPTER X

.

FOOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.

ORIGIN OF AGRICULTURE--FLOATING GARDENS--AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS--MANNER OF PREPARING THE SOIL--DESCRIPTION OF AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS--IRRIGATION--GRANARIES--GARDENS--THE HARVEST FEAST--MANNER OF HUNTING--FISHING--METHODS OF PROCURING SALT--NAHUA COOKERY--VARIOUS KINDS OF BREAD--BEANS--PEPPER--FRUIT--TAMALES--MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES OF FOOD--EATING OF HUMAN FLESH--MANUFACTURE OF PULQUE--PREPARATION OF CHOCOLATL--OTHER BEVERAGES--INTOXICATING DRINKS--DRUNKENNESS--TIME AND MANNER OF TAKING MEALS.

[Sidenote: AGRICULTURE AND CIVILIZATION.]

Hunting, fishing, and agriculture furnished the Nahua nations with means of subsistence, besides which they had, in common with their uncivilized brethren of the sierras and forests, the uncultivated edible products of the soil. Among the coast nations, the dwellers on the banks of large streams, and the inhabitants of the lake regions of Anáhuac and Michoacan, fish constituted an important article of food. But agriculture, here as elsewhere, distinguished savagism from civilization, and of the lands of the so-called civilized nations few fertile tracts were found uncultivated at the coming of the Spaniards. Cultivation of the soil was doubtless the first tangible step in the progressive development of these nations, and this is indicated in their traditionary annals, which point, more or less vaguely, to a remote period when the Quinames, or giants, occupied the land as yet untilled; which means that the inhabitants were savages, whose progress had not yet exhibited any change sufficiently marked to leave its imprint on tradition. At a time still more remote, however, the invention of bows and arrows is traditionally referred to.[342]

The gradual discovery and introduction of agricultural arts according to the laws of development, were of course unintelligible to the aboriginal mind; consequently their traditions tell us wondrous tales of divine intervention and instruction. Nevertheless, the introduction of agriculture was doubtless of very ancient date. The Olmecs and Xicalancas, traditionally the oldest civilized peoples in Mexico, were farmers back to the limit of traditional history, as were the lineal ancestors of all the nations which form the subject of this volume. Indeed, as the Nahua nations were living when the Spaniards found them, so had they probably been living for at least ten centuries, and not improbably for a much longer period.

It was, however, according to tradition, during the Toltec period of Nahua culture that husbandry and all the arts pertaining to the production and preparation of food, were brought to the highest degree of perfection. Many traditions even attribute to the Toltecs the invention or first introduction of agriculture.[343]

But even during this Toltec period hunting tribes, both of Nahua and other blood, were pursuing their game in the forests and mountains, especially in the northern region. Despised by their more civilized, corn-eating brethren, they were known as barbarians, dogs, Chichimecs, 'suckers of blood,' from the custom attributed to them of drinking blood and eating raw flesh. Many tribes, indeed, although very far from being savages, were known to the aristocratic Toltecs as Chichimecs, by reason of some real or imaginary inferiority. By the revolutions of the tenth century, some of these Chichimec nations, probably of the Nahua blood and tillers of the soil, although at the same time bold hunters and valiant warriors, gained the ascendancy in Anáhuac. Hence the absurd versions of native traditions which represent the Valley of Mexico as occupied during the Chichimec period by a people who, until taught better by the Acolhuas, lived in caverns and subsisted on wild fruits and raw meat, while at the same time they were ruled by emperors, and possessed a most complicated and advanced system of government and laws. Their barbarism probably consisted for the most part in resisting for a time the enervating influences of Toltec luxury, especially in the pleasures of the table.[344]

[Sidenote: CHINAMPAS, OR FLOATING GARDENS.]

The Aztecs were traditionally corn-eaters from the first, but while shut up for long years on an island in the lake, they had little opportunity for agricultural pursuits. During this period of their history, the fish, birds, insects, plants, and mud of the lake supplied them with food, until floating gardens were invented and subsequent conquests on the main land afforded them broad fields for tillage. As a rule no details are preserved concerning the pre-Aztec peoples; where such details are known they will be introduced in their proper place as illustrative of later Nahua food-customs.

The _chinampas_, or floating gardens, cultivated by the Aztecs on the surface of the lakes in Anáhuac, were a most extraordinary source of food. Driven in the days of their national weakness to the lake islands, too small for the tillage which on the main had supported them, these ingenious people devised the chinampa. They observed small portions of the shore, detached by the high water and held together by fibrous roots, floating about on the surface of the water. Acting on the suggestion, they constructed rafts of light wood, covered with smaller sticks, rushes, and reeds, bound together with fibrous aquatic plants, and on this foundation they heaped two or three feet of black mud from the bottom of the lake. Thus the broad surface around their island home was dotted with fertile gardens, self-irrigating and independent of rains, easily moved from place to place according to the fancy of the proprietor. They usually took the form of parallelograms and were often over a hundred feet long. All the agricultural products of the country, particularly maize, chile, and beans were soon produced in abundance on the chinampas, while the larger ones even bore fruit and shade trees of considerable size, and a hut for the convenience of the owner, or gardener. The floating gardens have remained in use down to modern times, but since the waters of the lakes receded so much from their former limits, they have been generally attached to the shore, being separated by narrow canals navigated by the canoes which bear their produce to the markets. In later times, however, only flowers and garden vegetables have been raised in this manner.[345]

On the mainland throughout the Nahua territory few fertile spots were left uncultivated. The land was densely populated, and agriculture was an honorable profession in which all, except the king, the nobility, and soldiers in time of actual war, were more or less engaged.[346]

[Sidenote: ABORIGINAL AGRICULTURE.]

Agricultural products in the shape of food were not a prominent feature among articles of export and import, excepting, of course, luxuries for the tables of the kings and nobles. Each province, as a rule, raised only sufficient supplies for its own ordinary necessities; consequently, when by reason of drought or other cause, a famine desolated one province, it was with the greatest difficulty that food could be obtained from abroad. The Mexicans were an improvident people, and want was no stranger to them.[347]

The chief products of Nahua tillage were maize, beans, magueyes, cacao, chian, chile, and various native fruits.[348] The maize, or Indian corn, the dried ears of which were called by the Aztecs _centli_, and the dried kernels separated from the cob, _tlaolli_,[349] was the standard and universal Nahua food. Indigenous to America, in the development of whose civilization, traditionally at least, it played an important part, it has since been introduced to the world. It is the subject of the New World traditions respecting the introduction of agriculture among men. Tortillas, of maize, accompanied by the inevitable frijoles, or beans, seasoned with chile, or pepper, and washed down with drinks prepared from the maguey and cacao, were then, as now, the all-sustaining diet, and we are told that corn grew so strong and high in the fields that covered the surface of the country in some parts, as to seriously embarrass the conqueror Cortés in his movements against the natives hidden in these natural labyrinths.[350]

[Sidenote: CORNFIELDS AND GRANARIES.]

Respecting the particular methods of cultivation practiced by the Nahuas, except in the raising of corn, early observers have left no definite information.[351] The valleys were of course the favorite localities for cornfields, but the highlands were also cultivated. In the latter case the trees and bushes were cut down, the land burned over, and the seed put in among the ashes. Such lands were allowed to rest several years--Torquemada says five or six--after each crop, until the surface was covered with grass and bushes for a new burning. No other fertilizer than ashes, so far as known, was ever employed. Fields were enclosed by stone walls and hedges of maguey, which were carefully repaired each year in the month of Panquetzaliztli. They had no laboring animals, and their farming implements were exceedingly few and rude. Three of these only are mentioned. The _huictli_ was a kind of oaken shovel or spade, in handling which both hands and feet were used. The _coatl_, or _coa_ (serpent), so called probably from its shape, was a copper implement with a wooden handle, used somewhat as a hoe is used by modern farmers in breaking the surface of the soil. Another copper instrument, shaped like a sickle, with a wooden handle, was used for pruning fruit-trees. A simple sharp stick, the point of which was hardened in the fire, or more rarely tipped with copper, was the implement in most common use. To plant corn, the farmer dropped a few kernels into a hole made with this stick, and covered them with his foot, taking the greatest pains to make the rows perfectly straight and parallel; the intervals between the hills were always uniform, though the space was regulated according to the nature and fertility of the soil. The field was kept carefully weeded, and at a certain age the stalks were supported by heaping up the soil round them. At maturity the stalks were often broken two thirds up, that the husks might protect the hanging ear from rain. During the growth and ripening of the maize, a watchman or boy was kept constantly on guard in a sheltered station commanding the field, whose duty it was to drive away, with stones and shouts, the flocks of feathered robbers which abounded in the country. Women and children aided the men in the lighter farm labors, such as dropping the seeds, weeding the plants, and husking and cleaning the grain. To irrigate the fields the water of rivers and of mountain streams was utilized by means of canals, dams, and ditches. The network of canals by which the cacao plantations of the tierra caliente in Tabasco were watered, offered to Cortés' army even more serious obstructions than the dense growth of the maizales, or cornfields.

Granaries for storing maize were built of _oyametl_, or _oxametl_, a tree whose long branches were regular, tough, and flexible. The sticks were laid in log-house fashion, one above another, and close together, so as to form a tight square room, which was covered with a water-tight roof, and had only two openings or windows, one at the top and another at the bottom. Many of these granaries had a capacity of several thousand bushels, and in them corn was preserved for several, or, as Brasseur says, for fifteen or twenty, years. Besides the regular and extensive plantations of staple products, gardens were common, tastefully laid out and devoted to the cultivation of fruits, vegetables, medicinal herbs, and particularly flowers, of which the Mexicans were very fond, and which were in demand for temple decorations and bouquets. The gardens connected with the palaces of kings and nobles, particularly those of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, and Huaxtepec, excited great wonder and admiration in the minds of the first European visitors, but these have been already mentioned in a preceding chapter.[352]

We shall find the planting and growth of maize not without influence in the development of the Nahua calendars, and that it was closely connected with the worship of the gods and with religious ideas and ceremonies. Father Burgoa relates that in Oajaca, the cultivation of this grain, the people's chief support, was attended by some peculiar ceremonies. At harvest-time the priests of the maize god in Quegolani, ceremonially visited the cornfields followed by a procession of the people, and sought diligently the fairest and best-filled ear. This they bore to the village, placed it on an altar decked for the occasion with flowers and precious chalchiuites, sang and danced before it, and wrapped it with care in a white cotton cloth, in which it was preserved until the next seed-time. Then with renewed processions and solemn rites the magic ear with its white covering was wrapped in a deer-skin and buried in the midst of the cornfields in a small hole lined with stones. When another harvest came, if it were a fruitful one, the precious offering to the earth was dug up and its decayed remains distributed in small parcels to the happy populace as talismans against all kinds of evil.[353]

[Sidenote: THE CHASE IN ANÁHUAC.]

The game most abundant was deer, hare, rabbits, wild hogs, wolves, foxes, jaguars, or tigers, Mexican lions, coyotes, pigeons, partridges, quails, and many aquatic birds. The usual weapon was the bow and arrow, to the invention of which tradition ascribes the origin of the chase; but spears, snares, and nets were also employed, and the sarbacan, a tube through which pellets or darts were blown, was an effective bird-killer. Game in the royal forests was protected by law, and many hunters were employed in taking animals and birds alive for the king's collections. Among the peculiar devices employed for taking water-birds was that already mentioned in connection with the Wild Tribes; the hunter floating in the water, with only his head, covered with a gourd, above the surface, and thus approaching his prey unsuspected. Young monkeys were caught by putting in a concealed fire a peculiar black stone which exploded when heated. Corn was scattered about as a bait, and when the old monkeys brought their young to feed they were frightened by the explosion and ran away, leaving the young ones an easy prey. The native hunters are represented as particularly skillful in following an indistinct trail. According to Sahagun, a superstition prevailed that only four arrows might be shot at a tiger, but to secure success a leaf was attached to one of the arrows, which, making a peculiar whizzing sound, fell short and attracted the beast's attention while the hunter took deliberate aim. Crocodiles were taken with a noose round the neck and also, by the boldest hunters, by inserting a stick sharpened and barbed at both ends in the animal's open mouth. It is probable that, while a small portion of the common people in certain parts of the country sought game for food alone, the chase among the Nahuas was for the most part a diversion of the nobles and soldiers. There were also certain hunts established by law or custom at certain periods of the year, the products of which were devoted to sacrificial purposes, although most likely eaten eventually.

In the month Quecholli a day's hunt was celebrated by the warriors in honor of Mixcoatl. A large forest--that of Zacatepec, near Mexico, being a favorite resort--was surrounded by a line of hunters many miles in extent. In the centre of the forest various snares and traps were set. When all was ready, the living circle began to contract, and the hunters with shouts pressed forward toward the centre. To aid in the work, the grass was sometimes fired. The various animals were driven from their retreats into the snares prepared for them, or fell victims to the huntsmen's arrows. Immense quantities of game were thus secured and borne to the city and to the neighboring towns, the inhabitants of which had assisted in the hunt, as an offering to the god. Each hunter carried to his own home the heads of such animals as he had killed, and a prize was awarded to the most successful. In the month Tecuilhuitontli also, while the warriors practiced in sham fights for actual war, the common people gave their attention to the chase. Large numbers of birds were taken in nets spread on poles like spear-shafts. In earlier times, when the chase was more depended on for food, the first game taken was offered to the gods; or, by the Chichimecs and Xochimilcas, to the sun, as Ixtlilxochitl informs us.[354]

[Sidenote: FISHERIES AND SALT.]

Fish was much more universally used for food than game. Torquemada tells us that the Aztecs first invented the art of fishing prompted by the mother of invention when forced by their enemies to live on the lake islands; and it was the smell of roasted fish, wafted to the shore, that revealed their presence. This tradition is somewhat absurd, and it is difficult to believe that the art was entirely unknown during the preceding Toltec and Olmec periods of Nahua civilization. Besides the supply in lake and river, artificial ponds in the royal gardens were also stocked with fish, and we have seen that fresh fish from the ocean were brought to Mexico for the king's table. Respecting the particular methods employed by the Nahua fishermen, save that they used both nets and hooks, the authorities say nothing. The Tarascos had such an abundance of food in their lakes that their country was named Michoacan, 'land of fish'; and the rivers of Huastecapan are also mentioned as richly stocked with finny food.[355]

The Nahuas had, as I have said, no herds or flocks, but besides the royal collections of animals, which included nearly every known variety of quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles, the common people kept and bred _techichi_ (a native animal resembling a dog), turkeys, quails, geese, ducks, and many other birds. The nobles also kept deer, hares, and rabbits.[356]

Next to chile, salt, or _iztatl_, was the condiment most used, and most of the supply came from the Valley of Mexico. The best was made by boiling the water from the salt lake in large pots, and was preserved in white cakes or balls. It was oftener, however, led by trenches into shallow pools and evaporated by the sun. The work would seem to have been done by women, since Sahagun speaks of the women and girls employed in this industry as dancing at the feast in honor of the goddess of salt in the month Tecuilhuitontli. A poor quality of salt, _tequizquitl_, brick-colored and strongly impregnated with saltpetre, was scraped up on the flats around the lakes, and largely used in salting meats. Las Casas mentions salt springs in the bed of fresh-water streams, the water of which was pumped out through hollow canes, and yielded on evaporation a fine white salt; but it is not certain what part of the country he refers to. The Aztec kings practically monopolized the salt market and refused to sell it to any except tributary nations. In consequence of this disposition, republican Tlascala, one of the few nations that maintained its independence, was forced for many years to eat its food unsalted; and so habituated did the people become to this diet, that in later times, if we may credit Camargo, very little salt was consumed.[357]

[Sidenote: THE NAHUA CUISINE.]

We now come to the methods adopted by the Nahuas in preparing and cooking food. Maize, when in the milk, was eaten boiled, and called _elotl_; when dry it was often prepared for food by simply parching or roasting, and then named _mumuehitl_. But it usually came to the Aztec table in the shape of _tlaxcalli_, the Spanish tortillas, the standard bread, then as now, in all Spanish America. It would be difficult to name a book in any way treating of Mexico in which tortillas are not fully described. The aborigines boiled the corn in water, to which lime, or sometimes nitre, was added. When sufficiently soft and free from hulls it was crushed on the _metlatl_, or metate, with a stone roller, and the dough, after being kneaded also on the metate, was formed by the hands of the women into very thin round cakes which were quickly baked on earthen pans, or _comalli_, and piled up one on another that they might retain their warmth, for when cold they lost their savor. Peter Martyr speaks of these tortillas as "bread made of Maizium." They were sometimes, but rarely, flavored with different native plants and flowers. There was, however, some variety in their preparation, according to which they bore different names. For example _totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli_ were very white, being folded and covered with napkins; _huietlaxcalli_ were large, thin, and soft; _quauhtlaqualli_ were thick and rough; _tlaxcalpacholli_, grayish; and _tlacepoallitlaxcalli_ presented a blistered surface. There were many other kinds. In addition to the tlaxcalli, thicker corn-bread in the form of long cakes and balls were made. _Atolli_ varied in consistency from porridge, or gruel, to mush, and may consequently be classed either as a drink or as food. To make it, the hulled corn was mashed, mixed with water, and boiled down to the required consistency; it was variously sweetened and seasoned, and eaten both hot and cold. According to its condition and seasoning it received about seventeen names; thus _totonquiatolli_ was eaten hot, _nequatolli_ was sweetened with honey, _chilnequatolli_ was seasoned with chile, and _quauhnexatolli_ with saltpetre.

Beans, the _etl_ of the Aztecs, the frijoles of the Spaniards, were while yet green boiled in the pod, and were then called _exotl_; when dry they were also generally boiled; but Ixtlilxochitl mentions flour made from beans.

_Chilli_, chile, or pepper, was eaten both green and dry, whole and ground. A sauce was also made from it into which hot tortillas were dipped, and which formed a part of the seasoning in nearly every Nahua dish. "It is the principal sauce and the only spice of the Indias," as Acosta tells us.

Flesh, fowl, and fish, both fresh and salted, were stewed, boiled, and roasted, with the fat of the techichi, and seasoned with chile, _tomatl_ (since called tomatoes), etc. The larger roasted game preserved for eating from the sacrifices in the month of Itzcalli is termed _calpuleque_ by Sahagun. _Pipian_ was a stew of fowl with chile, tomatoes, and ground pumpkin-seeds. Deer and rabbits were barbecued. Peter Martyr speaks of "rost and sodden meates of foule."

Fruits, for the most part, were eaten as with us, raw, but some, as the plantain and banana, were roasted and stewed.

So much for the plain Nahua cookery. Into the labyrinthine mysteries of the mixed dishes I shall not penetrate far. It is easier for the writer, and not less satisfactory to the reader, to dismiss the subject with the remark that all the articles of food that have been mentioned, fish, flesh, and fowl, were mixed and cooked in every conceivable proportion, the product taking a different name with each change in the ingredients. The two principal classes of these mixed dishes were the pot-stews, or cazuelas, of various meats with multitudinous seasonings; and the _tamalli_, or tamales, meat pies, to make which meats were boiled, chopped fine, and seasoned, then mixed with maize-dough, coated with the same, wrapped in a corn-husk, and boiled again. These also took different names according to the ingredients and seasoning. The tamale is still a favorite dish, like tortillas and frijoles.

Miscellaneous articles of food, not already spoken of, were _axayacatl_, flies of the Mexican lakes, dried, ground, boiled, and eaten in the form of cakes; _ahuauhtli_, the eggs of the same fly, a kind of native caviar; many kinds of insects, ants, maguey-worms, and even lice; _tecuitlatl_, 'excrement of stone,' a slime that was gathered on the surface of the lakes, and dried till it resembled cheese; eggs of turkeys, iguanas, and turtles, roasted, boiled, and in omelettes; various reptiles, frogs, and frog-spawn; shrimps, sardines, and crabs; corn-silk, wild-amaranth seeds, cherry-stones, tule-roots, and very many other articles inexpressible; yucca flour, potoyucca, tunas; honey from maize, from bees, and from the maguey; and roasted portions of the maguey stalks and leaves.

The women did all the work in preparing and cooking food; in Tlascala, however, the men felt that an apology was due for allowing this work to be done by women, and claimed, as Sahagun says, that the smoke of cooking would impair their eye-sight and make them less successful in the hunt. All these articles of food, both cooked and uncooked, were offered for sale in the market-places of each large town, of which I shall speak further when I come to treat of commerce. Eating-houses were also generally found near the markets, where all the substantials and delicacies of the Nahua cuisine might be obtained.[358]

[Sidenote: EATING OF HUMAN FLESH.]

One article of Nahua food demands special mention--human flesh. That they ate the arms and legs of the victims sacrificed to their gods, there is no room for doubt. This religious cannibalism--perhaps human sacrifice itself--was probably not practiced before the cruel-minded Aztec devotees of Huitzilopochtli came into power, or at least was of rare occurrence; but during the Aztec dominion, the custom of eating the flesh of sacrificed enemies became almost universal. That cannibalism, as a source of food, unconnected with religious rites, was ever practiced, there is little evidence. The Anonymous Conqueror tells us that they esteemed the flesh of men above all other food, and risked their lives in battle solely to obtain it. Bernal Diaz says that they sold it at retail in the markets; and Veytia also states that this was true of the Otomís. Father Gand assures us that there were many priests that ate and drank nothing but the flesh and blood of children. But these ogreish tales are probably exaggerations, since those who knew most of the natives, Sahagun, Motolinia, and Las Casas, regard the cannibalism of the Nahuas rather as an abhorrent feature of their religion than as the result of an unnatural appetite. That by long usage they became fond of this food, may well be believed; but that their prejudice was strong against eating the flesh of any but their sacrificed foes, is proven, as Gomara says, by the fact that multitudes died of starvation during the siege of Mexico by Cortés. Even the victims of sacrifice seem only to have been eaten in banquets, more or less public, accompanied with ceremonial rites. A number of infants sacrificed to the Tlalocs were eaten each year, and the blood of these and of other victims was employed in mixing certain cakes, some of which were at one time sent as a propitiatory offering to Cortés.[359]

[Sidenote: DRINKS AND DRUNKENNESS.]

The most popular Nahua beverages were those since known as pulque and chocolate. The former, called by the natives _octli_--pulque, or pulcre, being a South American aboriginal term applied to the liquor in some unaccountable way by the Spaniards--was the fermented juice of the maguey. One plant is said to yield about one hundred pounds in a month. A cavity is cut at the base of the larger leaves, and allowed to fill with juice, which is removed to a vessel of earthen ware or of skin, where it ferments rapidly and is ready for use. In a pure state it is of a light color, wholesome, and somewhat less intoxicating than grape wine; but the aborigines mixed with it various herbs, some to merely change its color or flavor, and others to increase its intoxicating properties. This national drink was honored with a special divinity, Ometochtli, one of the numerous Nahua gods of wine. According to some traditions the Quinames, or giants, knew how to prepare it, but its invention is oftener attributed to the Toltecs, its first recorded use having been to aid in the seduction of a mighty monarch from his royal duties.[360]

_Chocolatl_--the foundation of our chocolate--was made by pounding cacao to a powder, adding an equal quantity of a seed called _pochotl_, also powdered, and stirring or beating the mixture briskly in a dish of water. The oily foam which rose to the surface was then separated, a small quantity of maize flour was added, and the liquid which was set before the fire. The oily portion was finally restored and the beverage was drunk lukewarm, sweetened with honey and often seasoned with vanilla. This drink was nutritious, refreshing, and cooling, and was especially a favorite with those called upon to perform fatiguing labor with scant food.[361]

Miscellaneous drinks were water, plantain-juice, the various kinds of porridge known as _atolli_, already mentioned, the juice of maize-stalks, those prepared from chian and other seeds by boiling, and fermented water in which corn had been boiled--a favorite Tarasco drink. Among the ingredients used to make their drinks more intoxicating the most powerful was the _teonanacatl_, 'flesh of god,' a kind of mushroom which excited the passions and caused the partaker to see snakes and divers other visions.[362]

The Aztec laws against drunkenness were very severe, yet nearly all the authors represent the people as delighting in all manner of intoxication, and as giving way on every opportunity to the vice when the power of their rulers over them was destroyed by the coming of the Spaniards. Drinking to excess seems to have been with them a social vice, confined mostly to public feasts and private banquets. It may have been chiefly against intemperance among the working classes, and officials when on duty, that the stringent laws were directed. Mendieta speaks of the people as very temperate, using pulque only under the direction of the chiefs and judges for medicinal purposes chiefly. The nobles made it a point of honor not to drink to excess, and all feared punishment. But Motolinia and other good authorities take an opposite view of the native character in this respect.[363]

[Sidenote: MEALS OF THE COMMON PEOPLE.]

Concerning the manner of serving the king's meals, as well as the banquets and feasts of nobles and the richer classes, enough has been already said. Of the daily meals among the masses little is known. The Nahuas seem to have confined their indulgence in rich and varied viands to the oft-recurring feasts, while at their homes they were content with plain fare. This is a peculiarity that is still observable in the country, both among the descendants of the Nahuas and of their conquerors. The poorer people had in each house a metate for grinding maize, and a few earthen dishes for cooking tortillas and frijoles. They ate three meals a day, morning, noon, and night, using the ground for table, table-cloth, napkins, and chairs, conveying their tlaxcalli and chile to the mouth with the fingers, and washing down their simple food with water or atole. The richer Nahuas were served with a greater variety on palm-mats often richly decorated, around which low seats were placed for their convenience; napkins were also furnished.[364]

FOOTNOTES:

[342] 'Dicen que en aquellos principios del mundo se mantenian los hombres solamente con frutas y yerbas, hasta que uno á quien llaman Tlaominqui, que quiere decir, _el que mató con flecha_ halló la invencion del arco y la flecha, y que desde entónces comenzaron á ejercitarse en la caza y mantenerse de carnes de los animales que mataban en ella.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 10. The giants lived 'mas como brutos que como racionales: su alimento eran las carnes crudas de las aves y fieras que cazavan sin distincion alguna, las frutas y yerbas silvestres porque nada cultivaban;' yet they knew how to make pulque to get drunk with. _Id._, p. 151.

[343] The Olmecs raised at least maize, chile, and beans before the time of the Toltecs. _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 154. The Toltec 'comida era el mismo mantenimiento que ahora se usa del maíz que sembraban y beneficiaban así el blanco como el de mas colores.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112. To the Toltec agriculture 'debitrici si riconobbero le posteriori Nazioni del frumentone, del cotone, del peverone, e d'altri utilissimi frutti.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 127. The Toltecs 'truxeron mays, algodon, y demas semillas.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 11. 'Tenian el maiz, algodon, chile, frijoles y las demas semillas de la tierra que hay.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 327, 393-4.

[344] 'Su comida era toda especie de caza, tanto cuadrúpeda como volátil, sin distincion ni otro condimento que asada, y las frutas ... pero nada sembraban, ni cultivaban.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 6. 'No sembraban, ni cocian, ni asaban las Carnes de la caza.' Their kings and nobles kept forests of deer and hare to supply the people with food, until in Nopaltzin's reign they were taught to plant by a descendant of the Toltecs. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 32, 38-9, 67, 279. They were the first inhabitants of the country and 'solo se mantenian de caça.' 'Caçauan venados, liebres, conejos, comadrejas, topos, gatos monteses, paxaros, y aun inmundicias como culebras, lagartos, ratones, langostas, y gusanos, y desto y de yeruas rayzes se sustentauan.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 453-5. And to the same effect _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 132-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 203; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 74; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 140, 151; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 12. They began to till the ground in Hotzin's reign, but before that they roasted their meat and did not, as many claim, eat it raw. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 213-14; _Id._, _Relaciones_, p. 335. Agriculture introduced in Nopaltzin's reign. _Id._, p. 344. But Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 115, says some of the Chichimecs 'hacian tambien alguna sementerilla de maíz.'

[345] 'Sobre juncia y espadaña se echa tierra en tal forma, que no la deshaga el agua, y allí se siembra, y cultiua, y crece, y madura, y se lleua de vna parte á otra.' The products are maize, chile, wild amaranth, tomatoes, beans, chian, pumpkins, etc. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 472. 'La lor figura regolare è quadrilunga: la lunghessa, e la larghezza son varie; ma per lo più hanno, secondo che mi pare, otto pertiche in circa di lunghezza, non più di tre di larghezza, e meno d'un piede d'elevazione sulla superficie dell'acqua.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 152-3. Produce not only plants useful for food, dress, and medicine, but flowers and plants that serve only for decoration and luxury. _Id._, tom. iv., p. 227. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 620, translates Clavigero's description. 'Fairy islands of flowers, overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable size.' 'That archipelago of wandering islands.' 200 or 300 feet long, 3 or 4 feet deep. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 70, 107-8. The black mud of the chinampas is impregnated with muriate of soda, which is gradually washed out as the surface is watered. _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 200-2. Mention by Gayangos in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 79; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, pp. 95-6. 'Camellones, que ellos llaman Chinampas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 483; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 38-9.

[346] 'Es esta provincia (Tlascala) de muchos valles llanos y hermosos, y todos labrados y sembrados.' In Cholula 'ni un palmo de tierra hay que no esté labrado.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 68, 75. 'Tout le monde, plus ou moins, s'adonnait à la culture, et se faisait honneur de travailler à la campagne.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 634; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 481. 'Hasta los montes y sierras fragosas las tenian ocupadas con sembrados y otros aprovechamientos.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 250.

[347] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 75; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 250; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 331.

[348] A full list and description of the many edible Mexican plants which were cultivated by the Nahuas in the sixteenth and earlier centuries, as they have been ever since by their descendants, is given by the botanist, Hernandez, in his _Nova Plantarum_; see also _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 45-68; repeated in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 102-19; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 236, et seq. Maize, maguey, cacao, bananas, and vanilla. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 134-6. The Totonacs raised fruits, but no cacao or _veinacaztli_. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. The people of Michoacan raised 'maíz, frisoles, pepitas y fruta, y las semillas de mantenimientos, llamados _oauhtli, y chian_.' _Id._, p. 137. The Matlaltzincas also raised the _hoauhtli_. _Id._, p. 130. Besides corn, the most important products were cotton, cacao, maguey (metl), frijoles, chia, and chile. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 158; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 624. 'Les Mexicains cultivaient non-seulement toutes les fleurs et toutes les plantes que produit leur pays, mais encore une infinité d'autres qu'ils y avaient transplantées des contrées les plus éloignées.' _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 44. _Id._, _Crónica_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 18. 'Hay frutas de muchas maneras, en que hay cerezas, y ciruelas que son semejables á las de España.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 104. Fruit was more abundant among the Huastecs than elsewhere. _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 147. 'They haue also many kindes of pot herbes, as lettice, raddish, cresses, garlicke, onyons, and many other herbes besides.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. Edible fruits. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 300.

[349] _Molina_, _Diccionario_. 'Centli, o Tlaulli, que otros dizen mayz.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, p. 343.

[350] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 64; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 515. In Tlascala 'no tienen otra riqueza ni granjeria, sino centli que es su pan.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87.

[351] Peter Martyr and the Anonymous Conqueror say, however, that cacao-trees were planted under larger trees, which were cut down when the plant gained sufficient strength. Dec. v., lib. iv.; _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 380.

[352] On the culture of maize and other points mentioned above see _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 481-2, 564, tom. i., p. 166; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 153-6; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 633-7, tom. iv., p. 61; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 621-4; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 75; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, p. 128; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.; _Gagern_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 815-16.

[353] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., pp. 332-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 40-2.

[354] On hunting see _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 48; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 149-229, including a full list and description of Mexican animals; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 298, tom. ii., pp. 281, 297; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 22; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 335, 346, 458; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 160-2. List of Mexican animals in _Id._, tom. i., pp. 68-99; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 626-7, 120-44, with same list; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 235.

[355] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 99-105, tom. ii., p. 162, with list and description of Mexican fishes, of which over 100 varieties fit for food are mentioned; repeated in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 145-50, 628; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 60, 147; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 93; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 460. List of fishes in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 199-207.

[356] 'Crian muchas gallinas ... que son tan grandes como pavos.' 'Conejos, liebres, venados y perros pequeños, que crian para comer castrados.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 23, 94, 104, 222. 'Young whelpes flesh is vsuall there ... which they geld and fatte for foode.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. The same author, dec. v., lib. iii., gives some queer information respecting the turkeys. 'The femalles sometimes lay 20. or 30. egges, so that it is a multiplying company. The males, are alwayes in loue, and therefore they say, they are very light meate of digestion.' A certain priest reports that 'the male is troubled with certayne impedimentes in the legges, that he can scarse allure the henne to treade her, vnlesse some knowne person take her in his hand, and hold her.... As soone as hee perceiueth the henne which he loueth, is held, hee presently commeth vnto her, and performes his businesse in the hand of the holder,' See _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 158-9, tom. iv., p. 228; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 624-6; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 291-2.

[357] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 450; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 284; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 66; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 130; _Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 507; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 180; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 100; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 390-1.

[358] On the preparation of food, and for mention more or less extensive of miscellaneous articles of food, see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 129-30, 184-6, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 258, tom. viii., pp. 297, 302-5, tom. iii, lib. x., pp. 118-19, 130, 132; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 237-38, 250-1, 254, 257-8; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68-9; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 23, 68, 103-5; _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 378-9; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 43, 175; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 93, 353, 373, tom. ii., p. 297; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 39, 318-19; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 158, 217, etc., tom. iv., p. 228; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 394; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 44, 48-9, 60, 88, 133, 141-3; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 191; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 624, 628-30, 674-9; _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 298-9; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 359-61; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 631, 641-4; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 142, 151-2.

[359] 'Oi dezir, que le (for Montezuma) solian guisar carnes de muchachos de poca edad.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68, 35, 37. A slave 'elaborately dressed' was a prominent feature of the banquet. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 155. They ate the arms and legs of the Spaniards captured. _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 527. 'They draw so much blood, as in stead of luke warme water may suffice to temper the lumpe, which by the hellish butchers of that art, without any perturbation of the stomacke being sufficiently kneaded, while it is moyst, and soft euen as a potter of the clay, or a wax chandler of wax, so doth this image maker, admitted and chosen to be maister of this damned and cursed worke.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv., i. 'Cocian aquella carne con maíz, y daban á cada uno un pedazo de ella en una escudilla ó cajete con su caldo, y su maíz cocida, y llamaban aquella comida _tlacatlaolli_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 89, 14, 84, 93, 97. 'La tenian por cosa, como sagrada, y mas se movian à esto por Religion, que por vicio.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 584-5. See also _Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 488; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 363, 365; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Id._, pp. 40-1, 59; _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Id._, p. 398; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 282-3; _Gand_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 197; _Bologne_, in _Id._, p. 215; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 60; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 47; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 502-3, tom. iv., p. 90; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 175-6.

[360] _Texcalcevia_, _texcalcevilo_, and _mataluhtli_ are some of the names given to pulque according to its hue and condition. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 175, 179, 186. Pulque from Chilian language. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 221-2. See _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 679-80; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 643-4, tom. i., pp. 340-5; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 151. 'Antes que á su vino lo cuezan con unas raices que le echan, es claro y dulce como aguamiel. Despues de cocido, hácese algo espeso y tiene mal olor, y los que con él se embeodan, mucho peor.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 22-3; and _Ritos Antiguos_, pp. 16-17, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. 'No hay perros muertos, ni bomba, que assi hiedan como el haliento del borracho deste vino.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 319.

[361] 'Esta bebida es el mas sano y mas sustancioso alimento de cuantos se conocen en el mundo, pues el que bebe una taza de ella, aunque haga una jornada, puede pasarse todo el dia sin tomar otra cosa; y siendo frio por su naturaleza, es mejor en tiempo caliente que frio.' _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 381. 'La mejor, mas delicada y cara beuida que tienen es de harina de cacao y agua. Algunas vezes le mezclan miel, y harina de otras legumbres. Esto no emborracha, antes refresca mucho.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 319. 'Of certaine almondes ... they make wonderfull drinke.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iv. 'Cierta bebida hecha del mismo cacao, que dezian era para tener acceso con mugeres.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. Red, vermilion, orange, black, and white. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 301-2. See _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 251; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 219-20; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 642-3.

[362] _Chicha_ and _sendechó_, fermented drinks. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 221. Sendechó, an Otomí drink, for a full description see _Mendoza_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. ii., pp. 25-8. 'Ale, and syder.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. 'Panicap que es cierto brebaje que ellos beben.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 76. See besides references in note 19; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 23; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 118, 130; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 139; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 676, 678-9.

[363] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 138-40. 'Comunmente comenzaban á beber despues de vísperas, y dábanse tanta prisa á beber de diez en diez, ó quince en quince, y los escanciadores que no cesaban, y la comida que no era mucha, á prima noche ya van perdiendo el sentido, ya cayendo ya asentado, cantando y dando voces llamando al demonio.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 23, 32. 'Beben con tanto exceso, que no paran hasta caer como muertos de puro ebrios, y tienen á grande honra beber mucho y embriagarse.' _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Id._, pp. 582, 587. Drinkers and drunkards had several special divinities. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 493. Drank less before the conquest. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 119.

[364] 'Comen en el suelo, y suziamente ... parten los hueuos en vn cabello que se arrancan,' whatever that operation may be. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 319. 'Es gente que con muy poco mantenimiento vive, y la que menos come de cuantas hay en el mundo.' _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 379-80. 'Molto sobrj nel mangiare.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 119. 'It is not lawfull for any that is vnmaried to sit at table with such as are maried, or to eate of the same dish, or drinke of the same cup, and make themselues equall with such as are married.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv. The nobles gave feasts at certain periods of the year for the relief of the poor. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 270. See also _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 535; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 644-5. Additional references for the whole subject of Nahua food are:--_Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 74, 80, 247, 251; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 83, 91, 278-9, 283; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 10-13, 20-6, 102, 104, 180-3, 189, 196; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 44-9; _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 62, 103, 145-6, 173-4; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 44, 215, 485-6; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 456; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 37-8, 261; _Delaporte_ _Reisen_, tom. x., pp. 257, 268-9; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 45; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien y Mod._, pp. 15-27; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 538; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pp. 278-9; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 22; _Gibbs_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 99; _Hazart_, _Kirchen-Geschichte_, tom. ii., p. 502; _Helps' Span. Conq._, tom. ii., p. 455; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 107; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 208-9; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 164-6, 178, 230; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, p. 39; _Long, Porter, and Tucker's America_, p. 162; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 16-17.

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