CHAPTER XIII

.

WAR CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS.

IMPORTANCE OF THE MILITARY PROFESSION--INDICATIONS OF RANK--EDUCATION OF WARRIORS--REWARDS FOR VALOR--MILITARY ORDERS AND THEIR DRESS--GORGEOUS WAR-DRESSES OF MONTEZUMA AND THE AZTEC NOBILITY--DRESS OF THE COMMON SOLDIERS--ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS--OFFENSIVE WEAPONS--STANDARDS--AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS--FORTIFICATIONS--THE MILITARY COUNCIL--ARTICLES OF WAR--DECLARATION OF WAR--SPIES--ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE--WAR CUSTOMS OF THE TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS--RETURN OF THE CONQUERING ARMY--CELEBRATION OF FEATS OF ARMS.

[Sidenote: THE MILITARY PROFESSION.]

As might be expected from a people so warlike and ambitious as the Nahuas, the profession of arms ranked high above all other callings, save that of the priests. This was especially the case in the later days, under the Aztec kings, whose unscrupulous ambition and passion for conquest could only be gratified by their warriors. Huitzilopochtli, god of war, protector of the empire, was glorified and honored above all other gods; his altars must be red with blood, for blood alone could extort his favor, and wars were frequently waged solely for his propitiation; valor was the loftiest virtue, the highest honors were paid to those who distinguished themselves in battle; no dignities, positions, or decorations, under the government, were given to any but approved soldiers. Children were taught by parent and priest the chivalrous deeds of their ancestors, whom they were urged to emulate in daring; titles, rewards, and posts of honor were offered to stimulate the ambition of the young men. The king might not receive his crown until with his own hand he had taken captives to be sacrificed at the feast of his coronation. The priests were the foremost inciters to war and carnage. All wars were religious crusades. The highest earthly rewards were in store for the victor, while the soul of him that fell in battle took immediate flight to heaven. Only defeat and cowardice were to be dreaded.

The Nahua warrior's services were rewarded only by promotion, since no paid troops were employed. But promotion was sure to follow brilliant exploits performed by even the humblest soldier, while without such daring deeds the sons of the highest nobles could hope for no advancement. Dress and ornaments were the indications of rank, and were changed in some detail for every new achievement. To escape from the coarse nequen garments of the common soldier, and to put on successively the decorative mantles of the higher grades, was deemed a sufficient reward and incentive. The costume of each warrior indicated the exact number of prisoners captured by the wearer.

Especial care was taken, however, with the sons of lords intended for the profession of arms. At an early age their heads were shaved, except a tuft on the back of the head called _mocuexpaltia_, a designation changed to _cuexpatchicuepul_ when the boy was fifteen years old. At this age he was sent to war in charge of veteran warriors, and if with their aid he took a prisoner, the tuft was cut off and another given to be worn over the ear with feather plumes; on his return he was addressed after the following manner by his grandparents or uncles: "My child, the Sun and the Earth have washed and renewed thy face, because thou didst dare to attempt the capture of an enemy in company with others. Lo, now it were better to abandon thee to the mercies of the enemy than that thou shouldst again take a prisoner with the aid of others, because, should it so happen, they will place another tuft over thine other ear and thou wilt appear like a girl; truly, it were better thou shouldst die than that this should happen to thee." If after a fair trial the youth failed to take a captive, he was disgraced, and ceased to be a warrior in the eyes of his comrades: but if, unaided, he was successful, he was called a warlike youth, _telpuchtlitaquitlamani_, and was presented to the king, whose stewards dyed his face red, his temples and body yellow, and bestowed upon him mantles and maxtlis of the colors and designs which his achievements gave him the right to wear. If he took two captives, the honors were of course greater; three entitled him to a command over others; four made him a captain who might wear long lip-ornaments, leathern ear-rings, and gaudy tassels. With five prisoners the young man became a _quauhiacatl_, 'eagle that guides,' with corresponding insignia, a head-plume with silver threads, the mantle called _cuechintli_, another called _chicoapalnacazminqui_ of two colors, and still another decorated with straps. The prisoners must, however, be from nations of acknowledged prowess, such as those of Atlixco, the Huexotzincas, or Tlascaltecs; double or triple the number of Cuextecas or Tenimes must be captured, and no number of these could entitle a youth to the highest honors.[428]

In the Mexican picture-writings are delineated the successive grades by which a graduate from the temple school advanced, with the costumes and defensive armor he was permitted to wear. First we see him leaving for the war, carrying the _impedimenta_ of the chief priest, who goes into the field to embolden the troops, enforce orders, and perform other duties. The pictures that follow portray the devices on the shields, manner of painting, armor, head-dresses, and ornaments they were allowed to assume, according to the number of captives each had taken. The warrior-priests were rewarded, in like manner, with accoutrements and insignia of peculiar designs, and with important commands in the army.[429]

[Sidenote: THREE MILITARY ORDERS.]

Three military orders were established by the Aztec monarchs, the members of which were granted certain privileges, and entitled to wear badges of distinction; they also had apartments allotted to them in the royal palace and formed the royal guard. Promotion to the order was open to all, but could only be won by some notable feat of arms. The members of the first of these three orders were called Achcauhtin, or Princes, of the second, Quauhtin, or Eagles, of the third, Ocelome, or Tigers. The distinctive mark of the Princes was their manner of dressing the hair, which was tied on the crown of the head with a red thong, and worked into as many braids, each terminating in a cotton tassel, as were the deeds of valor performed by the wearer; the Eagles wore a kind of casque, in the form of an eagle's head; the Tigers wore a particular armor, spotted like the skin of the animal whose name they bore. These insignia were only used in war; at court all military officers wore the _tlachquauhyo_, a dress of many colors. The members of these three military orders had the privilege of wearing garments of much finer texture than the common people, as well as such feathers and jewels as they could afford to buy. An inferior order of knighthood appears also to have existed, the members of which had their hair cropped close about their ears, and wore skull-caps and split collars; these were only armed for defence from the girdle upwards, whereas their superiors fought in complete armor. All these privileged warriors were permitted to use painted and gilt vessels, but the common soldiers might use none but plain earthen ones.[430]

Montezuma, who was a member of the order of Princes, when he went in person against the enemy, wore upon his legs greaves of gold, and upon his arms thin plates of the same metal, as well as bracelets; about his neck were a collar and chains of gold and precious stones; from his ears and lower lip hung ornaments of gold set with precious chalchiuites; and from the back of his head to his waist was suspended the glittering decoration of royalty, only worn by kings, the _quachictli_. This was an ornament of exquisite workmanship, wrought with great labor of costly feathers and jewels, and shaped somewhat like a butterfly. In addition to this he was distinguished from his retinue by a shield upon which was displayed the royal coat of arms in feather-work; and he carried also a small drum, upon which he beat the signal for battle.[431]

[Sidenote: MILITARY DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.]

On the occasion when the sovereigns and nobility of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan came out to receive Cortés, there was little, so far as dress was concerned, by which king might be distinguished from subject; the only difference was that the monarchs wore crowns of gold and precious stones, bejeweled sandals with golden soles, and tassels at the end of the ribbon with which their hair was bound.[432] A prince of the blood-royal, on his début upon the battle-field, was clad in plain white; his behavior was closely watched, and after the

## action such insignia and colors as he had merited by his conduct were

bestowed upon him.

Sahagun gives an extended description of the gorgeous war-costumes of the noble Aztec warriors, with the native name for each fraction of the equipments. Here are described head-dresses composed of rich feathers, prominent among which were the quetzal; corselets of red and green feathers, worked with gold thread; head-dresses of green feathers set in gold bands, or of tiger-skin; helmets of silver; a garment called _tocivitl_ reaching to the knees, made of yellow macaw-feathers, embroidered with gold, and worn with a golden casque plumed with quetzal-feathers; and other equally gorgeous attire. As a means of directing their men some officers bore small drums, painted and ornamented with feathers so as to correspond with their dress, in a net at their backs; others carried little flags made of feathers held together with bands of gold or silver. Many noble warriors had their armorial bearings, devils, monsters, and what not, painted or embroidered upon their backs. Truly such _spolia opima_ were worthy of a hero's toil.[433]

The rank and file of the Aztec army wore no clothing but the maxtli in battle, but by painting their faces and bodies in grotesque patterns with brilliant colors, and covering their heads with raw cotton, they presented a sufficiently fierce and gaudy appearance.[434]

The Tlascaltec leaders wore a quilted cotton tunic two fingers in thickness that fitted closely to the body and also protected the shoulders and thighs; the wealthier class wore over the tunic a cuirass of thin gold or silver plates, and over all they threw a rich mantle of feather-work elegantly embroidered; to protect their legs they put on leathern boots or wooden greaves ornamented with gold. On their heads they wore a morion made of hide or wood representing the head of some animal, bird, or serpent. From the crown waved a magnificent tuft of richly variegated plumes, a conspicuous mark, that served to denote the warrior's rank.

[Sidenote: ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS.]

The armor and defensive weapons of the Nahua knights, though of little service against the firearms and swordsmanship of the Spaniards, yet were admirably suited for protection from the weapons in use among themselves. The _chimalli_, or Mexican shield, was made of various materials and in divers forms; sometimes it was round, sometimes oval, sometimes rounded only on the lower side; it was commonly constructed of flexible bamboo canes, bound firmly together, and covered with hide. The face of the shield was ornamented according to the rank and taste of the bearer; that of a noble was generally covered with thin plates of gold, with a heavy boss in the centre. In Tabasco, and along the coast, tortoise-shells, inlaid with gold, silver, or copper, were commonly used as shields. Reed-grass, hides, or nequen-cloth, coated with India-rubber, served to protect an Aztec common soldier. Some shields were of an ordinary size, others were intended to cover the entire body, and were so constructed that when not in use they could be folded up and carried under the arm. The body-armor of the nobles and higher grades of warriors consisted of a breast-piece made of quilted cotton, one or two fingers in thickness, called _ichcahuepilli_; over this was a thick cotton coat, which covered part of the arms and thighs, made in one piece, fastened behind, and decorated with feathers of whatever colors the uniform of the company to which the wearer belonged might be. This cotton armor was completely arrow-proof, and was of great service to the Spanish Conquerors, who lost no time in adopting it in place of their heavy steel armor. Arm and leg guards made of wood covered with leather or gold plates and trimmed with feathers, and morions of the same material shaped and painted to represent the head of a tiger, serpent, or monster, with mouth open and teeth bared, complete the defensive equipment. Over a cuirass of gold and silver plates some lords wore a garment of feathers which is said to have been proof against arrows and javelins. Nobles and officers also wore lofty plumes so as to present the appearance of increased stature.[435]

The shields used by the Toltecs were made of skins ornamented with feathers of various colors; on their heads they wore helmets of gold, silver, or skins. The body-armor worn by the principal warriors was made of double cloth padded with cotton; it differed from that of the Aztecs inasmuch as it reached down to the ankles and was worn over a thin white tunic. The private soldiers, like those of the Aztec army, also painted the upper part of the body to represent armor, but from the waist to the thighs they wore short drawers and over them, fastened round the waist, a kind of kilt that reached to the knees and availed them somewhat for defence. Across the body was a sash made of feathers that passed from the right shoulder to the left side of the waist. They wore sandals on their feet and had feather-ornaments upon their heads, more or less rich according to the quality of the warrior. When going to battle they adorned their necks, breasts, arms, and legs with their most valuable trinkets of gold or precious stones.[436] Tezozomoc mentions that the Tarascos wore steel helmets, but, as I have already stated, none of these nations were acquainted with the use of iron in any shape.[437] Some of the armor in use among the Tabascans must have been exceedingly rich, judging by that which was presented to Juan de Grijalva by the cacique of that province. It consisted of greaves for the knees and legs made of wood and covered with sheets of gold, head-pieces covered with gold plates and precious stones, among which was a visor, of which the upper half was of jewels linked together, and the lower half of gold plates; then there were cuirasses of solid gold, besides a quantity of armor-plates sufficient to cover the whole body.[438]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: OFFENSIVE WEAPONS.]

The offensive weapons of the Aztecs consisted of bows and arrows, slings, clubs, spears, light javelins, and swords; and in the use of all of these the soldiers were well skilled. The bows were made of tough, elastic wood, and were about five feet in length; for strings they used the sinews of animals or stags' hair twisted. The arrows were light canes, with about six inches of oak or other hard wood inserted in the end; at the extremity a piece of iztli was fastened with twisted nequen-fibre, and further secured by a paste of resin or other adhesive substance. Sometimes instead of iztli they used the bones of animals or fish; the bone of a fish called _libisa_ is said to have caused by its venomous properties[439] a wound very difficult to heal. It is well known that none of the Nahua nations used poisoned arrows; such weapons would have defeated the object for which they often engaged in war, namely that of taking their enemies alive for the purpose of immolating them upon the altars of their gods. It is reasonable to believe that many of them attained to great accuracy in shooting with the bow, but there is room to doubt the assertion that some of them were able to shoot with three or four arrows at a time; or to throw an ear of corn into the air and pierce every kernel before it reached the ground; or to throw up a coin of the size of half a dollar, and keep it in the air as long as they pleased with their arrows.[440] The sling was a braid of pita-thread or other fibre, broader in the middle than at the ends, with which stones were thrown with much force and accuracy; the missiles were carried in a pouch filled with stones and suspended from the waist in front. The _maza_ was a club similar to the Roman _clava_, tapering from the handle towards the end and terminating in a knotty head, filled with points of iztli or tempered copper.[441] The _macana_, or _macuahuitl_, called by the Spaniards _espada_, a sword, was made of tough wood, about three and a half feet long, with a flat blade four fingers in width armed upon both sides with sharp pieces of iztli about three fingers long by three wide, which were inserted into the grooved edge at intervals, and cemented with some adhesive compound.[442] This weapon, when not in immediate use, was carried slung to the arm with a cord. Many of these swords were two-handed and very heavy, and it is asserted that with them the Aztec warrior could at one blow cut a man in two or sever a horse's head. The one with which the famous Tlascaltec commander Tlahuicol fought was so weighty that a man of ordinary strength could hardly raise it from the ground.[443] The Mexican spears were very strong, and were pointed with iztli or copper. Spears were the principal weapon used by the Zapotecs and other tribes of Oajaca. The _tlacochtli_, or Mexican javelin, was like a long arrow made of otlatl or bamboo; the point was usually hardened in the fire or armed with iztli, copper, or bone; many had three points, thus inflicting a very severe wound; they were hurled with great force, and had a cord attached, so that when thrown they could be recovered for another cast. Some writers mention a ballista as being used with which to launch the javelin, but I do not find any description of its form or of the manner of using it;[444] certainly the javelin was projected with great velocity, if it be true, as asserted, that they would pass through a man's body; they were much dreaded by the Spanish Conquerors.

[Sidenote: THE BLOW-PIPE AND STANDARDS.]

When the Chichimecs first settled in the valley of Anáhuac the only weapons were the bow and arrow and blow-pipe, in the use of which they were very expert. The blow-pipe was a long hollow tube through which clay pellets were projected, and it is affirmed that with them the Chichimecs could kill a man or wild beast at a moderate distance; afterwards this weapon came to be generally used by other nations, but was only employed for shooting small birds. Among other things, Cortés was presented by Montezuma with a dozen blow-pipes beautifully ornamented and painted with figures of birds and animals; the mouth-piece of each was made of gold, five or six inches long; they were also ornamented in the centre with gold, and accompanying them were gold net-work pouches to carry the pellets.[445] The Matlaltzincas and Tabascans used weapons similar to those of the nations of the Anáhuac valley; the former were especially dexterous in their practice with the sling, which, when not in actual use, was carried wound about the head.[446] The fighting men among the Jaliscans were similarly armed, but the lords and captains carried only long staves with which to urge their men to fight and punish any who were disorderly or showed symptoms of cowardice.[447]

Each nation had its own particular standard on which were painted or embroidered the armorial bearings of the state. That of the Mexican empire, as we have seen, bore an eagle in the act of seizing a tiger, or jaguar. That of the republic of Tlascala, a bird with its wings spread as in the act of flying, which some authors call an eagle, others a white bird or crane. Each of the four lordships of the republic had also its appropriate ensign; Tizatlan had a crane upon a rock, Tepeticpac a wolf with a bunch of arrows in his paws, Ocotelulco a green bird upon a rock, and Quiahuiztlan a parasol made of green feathers.[448] Each company or command had also a distinct standard, the colors of which corresponded to that of the armor and plumes of the chief. The great standard of the Tlascaltec army was carried by the general commanding, and the smaller banners of the companies by their respective captains; they were carried on the back and were so firmly tied there that they could not be detached without great difficulty.[449] When upon a march and not in presence of the enemy the standard of the Tlascaltecs was carried in the van, but in action it was always placed in the rear. The Mexican standard was borne in the centre of the army. Instruments of music, consisting of drums, horns, and large sea-shells, were sounded while fighting to encourage and animate the men.

[Sidenote: AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS.]

The office of ambassador was one of much consequence, and persons of the highest rank, selected for their courteous manners and oratorical powers, were appointed to the position. Their persons were held sacred and they were usually received by those to whom they were sent with honor and respect, perfumed with incense, presented with flowers, and well lodged and entertained; in case any insult or indignity was offered them, it constituted a sufficient cause of war. Such an instance occurred when the Tepanecs, during the reign of their king Maxtlaton, invited the Mexican monarch Itzcoatl and his chiefs to visit their province and partake of their hospitality. Itzcoatl declined at the advice of his chiefs, but the latter went, carrying presents. They were accepted by the Tepanecs and the chiefs sent back in women's apparel, which they were compelled to wear; the indignity brought about a war between the two nations. The proper courtesy and protection due to their position was, however, only accorded them when on the high road that led to their destination; if they deviated from it they lost their rights and privileges as ambassadors. When on duty they wore a special garb that denoted their office; it consisted of a green habit resembling a scapulary, or small cloak; handsome feathers were twisted in the hair with tufts of divers colors; in the right hand they carried an arrow with the point towards the ground, and in the left a shield; a small net containing provisions hung from the left arm.

A complete courier-system was established throughout the empire; these couriers were employed to carry messages in peace and war, and fresh provisions for the king's table; as we have seen in a former chapter, it is asserted that Montezuma had fresh fish brought to his palace daily from the gulf coast. They were exceedingly swift runners, being exercised from childhood and encouraged by rewards to excel in speed. Stations were fixed at distances of about six miles apart, where small towers were built, in which dwelt one or more couriers ready at all times to set out with dispatches. As soon as a courier arrived at one of these towers, one of those waiting received from him the message he bore, usually expressed in paintings, and at once started for the next stage, and thus the tidings were conveyed to the capital in an incredibly short time. When the dispatches were of an important nature, the courier wore some badge or was dressed in a manner indicative of the intelligence entrusted to him. For instance, if it related to a defeat in battle, he traveled with hair dishevelled, preserving a strict silence until the message was delivered to the person to whom it was directed; on the other hand, if he brought news of a victory, his hair was neatly tied with a colored string, about his body was wrapped a white cotton cloth, on his left arm he carried a shield and in his right hand a sword which he brandished as if in combat, singing at the same time the glorious deeds of the victors.[450]

[Sidenote: NAHUA FORTIFICATIONS.]

The Mexicans and other Nahua nations, favored by the general features of the country, adopted a system of fortifications and entrenchments admirably adapted to secure them from the attacks of internal enemies, though insufficient as a defense against the superior tactics and indomitable perseverance of Cortés. The position of the city of Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, gave it all the advantages of a fortified town. There was no avenue of approach to it but the causeways, which were defended by towers and ditches spanned by draw-bridges; it was the untimely raising of one of these draw-bridges that caused such destruction to the Spaniards and their allies on the 'noche triste.' Besides this, the inhabitants prepared themselves to defend their city by means of boats, and were frequently exercised in sham naval engagements. The temples of Mexico served all the purposes of citadels, especially the great temple built by the Emperor Tizoc. It occupied the centre of the city and was surrounded by a stone wall eight feet high and very thick, having turrets and stone figures upon it; the wall was pierced by four principal entrances, over each of which were fortified apartments, well stocked with weapons, offensive and defensive, ready for immediate service; here, in case of a revolt or sudden alarm, the garrison went and armed themselves.[451] One of the royal palaces also contained a large armory where great quantities of arms were kept and armorers employed in their manufacture. The peculiar architecture of the temple rendered the ascent to its top very slow and difficult; during the battles of the Mexicans with Cortés' troops after Montezuma's death, five hundred Mexican nobles took possession of this summit, whence they hurled darts, arrows, and stones against the Spaniards, many of whom lost their lives during the assault before the position was taken by Cortés in person. In his dispatch to the Emperor Charles the Fifth he says: "so arduous was the attempt to take this tower that if God had not broken their spirits, twenty of them would have been sufficient to resist the ascent of a thousand men, although they fought with the greatest valor even unto death."[452]

Besides the arsenal and general rendezvous there were many turreted towers and strong buildings throughout the city, from the top of which men could shoot their arrows and hurl darts and stones with great effect. The lofty teocalli served as watch-towers, whence the movements of the enemy could be observed. Naturally impregnable localities, such as the vicinity of impassable rivers or ravines were selected as sites for cities, which they further strengthened with forts or surrounded with stone walls. The city of Guacachula, taken by Cortés shortly after his retreat from Mexico on the 'noche triste,' is thus described by him in his letter to Charles the Fifth: "This city of Guacachula is situated upon a plain bounded upon one side by some very lofty and craggy hills; encircling the plain, on the other sides, about two cross-bow shots apart, are two rivers that run through large and deep ravines. There are but few means of entrance to the city, and those extremely difficult both in the ascent and descent so that they can hardly be passed on horseback. The whole city is surrounded by a very strong wall of stone and lime about twenty-two feet high on the outside and almost level with the ground upon the inside. Around the whole wall runs a battlement, half the height of a man, as a protection when fighting; it has four entrances of sufficient width to admit a man on horseback, and in each entrance are three or four curves in the wall that lap one over the other and in the course of the curves, on the top of the wall are parapets for fighting. In the whole circuit of the wall is a large quantity of stones large and small and of different shapes for use in action." Four leagues distant from Guacachula was another city called Izucan, also strongly fortified with breastworks, towers, and a deep river that encircled a great part of the city.[453]

One of the most celebrated structures built for defence was the stone wall erected by the Tlascaltecs to secure themselves from the incursions of the Mexicans. This wall was six miles long, extending across a valley from one mountain to another; it was nearly nine feet high and twenty feet thick, surmounted along its whole length by a breastwork that enabled its defenders to fight in comparative security from the top. There was only one entrance, about ten paces wide, where one part of the wall overlapped the other in curvilinear form in the manner of a ravelin for a distance of forty paces. Bernal Diaz and Cortés differ as to the materials of which the wall was built. The former affirms that it was built of stones cemented together with lime and a bitumen so strongly that it was necessary to use pick-axes to separate them, while the latter says it was built of dry stone.

Cortés, describing the residence of the cacique of Iztacmaxtitlan, a garrison of the Mexicans, says it was situated on a lofty eminence, with a better fortress than there was in half Spain, defended by a wall, barbican, and moats.[454] In many other parts of the country were stone fortifications, wooden stockades and intrenchments. A short distance from the village of Molcaxac stood a strong fortress built on the top of a mountain; it was surrounded by four walls, erected at certain intervals between the base of the mountain and the top. Twenty-five miles from Córdova was the fortress of Quauhtochco, now Guatusco, encircled by high stone walls in which were no entrance gates; the interior could only be gained by means of steep narrow steps, a method commonly adopted in the country.[455] The nations of Michoacan and Jalisco employed heavy tree-trunks in fortifying their positions against the Spanish invaders, or cut deep intrenchments in which they fixed sharpened stakes. Previous to an attack led by Pedro Alvarado against the inhabitants of Jalisco, the latter took up a strong position on a hill which they fortified by placing large stones in such a manner, that upon cutting the cords that held them they would be precipitated upon the assailants; in the assault many Spaniards were killed and Alvarado was thrown from his horse with such violence that he died two days afterwards.[456]

* * * * *

Under the tripartite treaty made by the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, a military council was established consisting of a president and twenty-one members. During the reign of the emperor Nezahualcoyotl their deliberations were held in a hall of his palace in Tezcuco. The president belonged to the highest rank of the nobility and commanders of the army, the other members were composed of six of the principal men of Tezcuco, three nobles and three commoners, and fifteen selected from the other chief provinces. All were veteran officers of recognized courage and good conduct. To this court were referred all matters relating to war. The council assembled when required, to discuss and decide all affairs of the service, whether for the punishment of offenses subversive of military discipline, or to transact the business relative to a declaration of war against other powers. In the latter case the consultation always took place in presence of the sovereign, or of the three heads of the empire. All ambassadors and soldiers were subject to this tribunal, which meted out reward as well as punishment. The following were the articles of war:

[Sidenote: ARTICLES OF WAR.]

First: any general or other military officer who, accompanying the king on a campaign, should forsake him, or leave him in the power of the enemy, thereby failing in his duty, which was to bring back his sovereign dead or alive, suffered death by decapitation.

Second: any officer who formed the prince's guard and deserted his trust, suffered death by decapitation.

Third: any soldier who disobeyed his superior officer, or abandoned his post, or turned his back upon the enemy, or showed them favor, suffered death by decapitation.

Fourth: any officer or soldier who usurped the captive or spoil of another, or who ceded to another the prisoner he himself had taken, suffered death by hanging.

Fifth: any soldier who in war caused injury to the enemy without permission of his officer, or who attacked before the signal was given, or who abandoned the standard or headquarters, or broke or violated any order issued by his captain, suffered death by decapitation.

Sixth: the traitor who revealed to the enemy the secrets of the army or orders communicated for the success thereof, suffered death by being torn to pieces; his property was forfeited to the crown and all his children and relations were made slaves in perpetuity.

Seventh: any person who protected or concealed an enemy in time of war, whether noble or plebeian, suffered death by being torn to pieces in the middle of the public square, and his limbs were given to the populace to be treated as objects of derision and contempt.

Eighth: any noble or person of distinction who, in action, or at any dance or festival, exhibited the insignia or badges of the kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, or Tlacopan, suffered death and forfeiture of property.

Ninth: any nobleman who, being captured by the enemy fled from prison and returned to his country suffered death by decapitation; but, if he fought and vanquished seven soldiers in gladiatorial combat previous to return, he was free and was rewarded as a brave man. The private soldier who fled from an enemy's prison and returned to his country was well received.

Tenth: any ambassador who failed to discharge his trust in accordance with the orders and instructions given to him or who returned without an answer, suffered death by decapitation.[457]

As I have already stated, the primary object of most wars was to procure victims for sacrifices to Huitzilopochtli and other gods, and the Mexicans were never at a loss for an excuse to pick a quarrel. The refusal of a neighboring power to receive in its temple one of the Mexican gods, neglect to pay tribute demanded, insults offered to ambassadors or traveling merchants, or symptoms of rebellion in a city or a province, furnished sufficient pretext to take up arms. The rulers of Mexico, however, always endeavored to justify their conduct before they made war, and never commenced hostilities without sending due notice of their intention to the adversary. Before an actual challenge was sent or war declared against any nation, the council met in presence of the three heads of the empire, and gravely discussed the equity of the case. If the difficulty lay with a province subject to the empire, secret emissaries were sent to inquire whether the fault originated solely with the governor or if he was sustained by his subjects. If it appeared that the whole blame rested with the governor, a force was sent to arrest him, and he was publicly punished, together with all others implicated; but if the rising was with the consent of the people, they were summoned to submit and place themselves in obedience to the king whose vassals they were, and a fine, proportionate to the magnitude of the case, was imposed. It was customary for the rulers of Mexico or Tezcuco to send messengers to distant provinces with a demand that they should receive one or more of their gods and worship them in their temples. If the messenger was killed or the proposed god rejected, a war ensued.

[Sidenote: DECLARATION OF WAR.]

As I have said, it was a breach of international etiquette to proceed to war without giving due notice to the enemy, and military law prescribed that three embassies should be despatched before commencing hostilities. The number of ambassadors varied according to the circumstances and rank of the princes against whom war was to be made, for the higher his rank the fewer in number were the envoys. If he was a great king only one was sent, and he was generally of the blood-royal or a famous general. Sometimes the ambassadors were instructed to deliver their message directly to the hostile prince, at other times to the people of the province. In the first case upon entering into the prince's presence they paid their respects with reverence, and having seated themselves in the centre of the audience-hall, waited till permission was given them to speak. The signal made, the principal among them delivered his message in a low tone of voice and with a studied address, the audience preserving a decorous silence, and listening attentively. As a general thing, in all embassies an interchange of presents was made, and if the message was from one friendly power to another, a refusal of such gifts was a serious affront. If, however, it was to an enemy, the ambassador could not receive a present without express orders from his master. When the three powers of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan acted in unison, in the event of a difficulty with another nation, the first ambassadors sent were of the Mexican nation and were called _quaquauhnochtzin_. Upon arriving at the capital of the kingdom or province they proceeded at once to the public square and summoned before them the ministers and aged men, to whom they made known the several circumstances of the case, warning them that, in case their lord refused to accede to their propositions, upon them and their families would fall the evils and hardships produced by war, and exhorting them to counsel and persuade their lord to maintain the good will and protection of the empire; for this purpose they granted twenty days, within which time they would expect an answer, and in order that there might be no complaint of being surprised and taken unprepared they left a supply of weapons and then retired outside the town to await the answer. If within the twenty days it was decided to accept the terms of the ambassadors, the ministers went to the place where they were in waiting and conducted them into the city, where they were received with every mark of respect, and in a short time were sent back to their own country, accompanied by other ambassadors, bearing costly presents in token of friendship and esteem. If, however, twenty days passed without a satisfactory adjustment of the difficulty, a second set of ambassadors, held in readiness for the occasion, who had to be of the kingdom of Tezcuco and were called _achcacauhtzin_, were sent into the city. These carried with them a quantity of arms, some feathers of a bird called _tecpilotl_, and a small earthenware jar containing a certain balsamic and aromatic ointment, compounded of various herbs and gums. They went directly to the palace of the prince and in presence of the gentlemen of his court delivered their message. They then represented to him the miseries of war, and warned him, that if within the space of twenty days he did not agree to their terms, in the event of his being taken captive during the war which would ensue he would be put to death under the penalty of the law, which sentenced him to have his head smashed with a club, and that his vassals would be chastised in proportion to the offence each had committed. If the refractory prince or noble refused immediate compliance, the ambassadors anointed his right arm and his head with the ointment brought with them, telling him to be strong and of good courage and to fight bravely against the troops of the empire, whose valor in war they greatly extolled. They then tied the tecpilotl-plumes at the back of his head with red strings, handed him the weapons they had brought with them, and retired to the place where the first ambassadors were, to await the expiration of the twenty days. If he surrendered within the time, he was required to pay a stipulated annual tribute of small amount, but if he refused to surrender, there came a third set of ambassadors, who were of the kingdom of Tlacopan; they appeared before the lord in the presence of his ministers and court, and delivered their message with stronger threats and warnings, to the effect that if he did not surrender at the expiration of a further twenty days, the army of the empire would march against his territory and punish the inhabitants regardless of age or sex, and that although they might implore its clemency they would not be heard; they then gave them a larger supply of arms than on the preceding occasions, telling them to avail themselves of them and not to say at a future time that they had been assailed unprepared. If the lord of the province surrendered within the last twenty days, he was punished according to the pleasure of the three powers, but not with death nor with the confiscation of his rank or property; he was usually condemned to pay an extraordinary tribute out of his own revenues; should he continue rebellious, war broke out, and the army of the empire, already prepared on the frontiers, commenced its operations.[458]

It was usual to send a formal challenge or declaration of war, accompanied by some presents, either of arms, clothing, or food, as it was held to be a discreditable act to attack any unarmed or defenseless people. A notable instance of this spirit was shown by the Tlascaltecs when they confronted the army of Cortés; their general is reported to have exclaimed: "Who are these presumptuous men, so few in number that they attempt to enter our country in spite of us? Lest they think we want to take them by hunger rather than by force of arms, let us send them food, that we may find them savory after the sacrifice, for they come starved and worn out." Before the battle they sent three hundred turkeys and two hundred baskets of centli or tamales, each basket weighing about twenty-five pounds, a gift most acceptable to the Castilians.[459]

When war against another nation was decided upon, the first care of the Mexicans was to investigate the character and resources of the region they were about to invade. Certain spies called _quimichtin_, who were selected for their knowledge of the language and customs of the enemy's country, were sent thither, dressed after the manner of the inhabitants. These spies were directed to prepare maps of the districts they passed through, showing the plains, rivers, mountains, and dangerous passes as well as the most practicable routes, and were to take notice of all means of defense possessed by the enemy. The sketches and information thus obtained were given to the chiefs of the army to guide them in their march and enable them to make the best disposition of their forces. Such spies as brought valuable news were rewarded with the grant of a piece of land, and if one came over from the enemy's side and gave advice of their preparations and force, he was well paid and given presents of mantles.[460] When a war was to be conducted jointly by the three allied powers, proclamation was made by heralds in the public thoroughfares of the capital cities. Commissariat officers called _calpixques_ collected the necessary stores and provisions for the campaign, and distributed weapons and coarse mantles of nequen to the army. The troops then went to the temple and performed the ceremony of scarifying their bodies, while the customary sacrifices were offered by the priests to Huitzilopochtli.

[Sidenote: ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE.]

If the expedition was an important one and the army large, it was composed of several divisions, called _xiquipilli_, each consisting of eight thousand men under their respective commanders. When all was in readiness the order of march was thus formed: the priests with their idols started one day's march in advance; next came the captains and flower of the army, followed by the soldiers of Mexico; after them the Tezcucans, and then those of Tlacopan, the rear being closed by the troops of other provinces; one day's march separated each division. Perfect order was maintained on the route, and when near the enemy's country the chiefs traced out the camping-ground each division should occupy, and directed all to entrench and fortify their positions.[461]

The battle was sometimes fought on a piece of neutral ground lying between the confines of two territories. Such a place was known by the name _yauhtlalli_, and was especially reserved for the purpose, and always left uncultivated.[462] Before the action commenced each soldier received from the royal magazine a handful of pinole and a kind of cake called _tlaxcaltotopochtli_; afterwards the high-priest or chief addressed the troops, reminding them of the glory to be gained by victory, and the eternal bliss in store for those who fell, and concluded by counseling them to place their trust in Huitzilopochtli and fight valiantly. If the king was present on the field the signal for attack was given by him. The Mexican monarch issued his orders to commence the action by sounding on a large shell making a noise like a trumpet; the lords of Tezcuco beat upon a small drum, and lords of other provinces struck two bones together. The signals for retreat were given upon similar instruments. When the battle commenced, the shrieking of musical instruments, the clashing of swords against bucklers, and shouting of the combatants made a noise so great as to strike terror into those unused to it. While fighting the warriors shouted the names of their respective towns or districts to enable them to recognize each other and prevent confusion.[463]

In fighting there appears to have been no special tactics; the commanders of divisions and the captains used every effort to keep their men together, and were very careful to protect the standard, as, if that was taken, the battle was considered lost and all fled. They observed the wise policy of keeping a number of men in reserve to replace any who were wearied or had exhausted their weapons. The archers, slingers, and javelin men commenced the action at a distance and gradually drew nearer, until they came to close quarters, when they took to their swords and spears. All movements, both in advance and retreat, were rapidly executed; sometimes a retreat was feigned in order to draw the enemy into an ambuscade which had been prepared beforehand. The chief object was to take prisoners and not to slay; when an enemy refused to surrender, they endeavored to wound them in the foot or leg so as to prevent escape, but they never accepted a ransom for a prisoner. Certain men were attached to the army whose duty it was to remove the killed and wounded during the action, so that the enemy might not know the losses and take fresh heart.[464]

[Sidenote: TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS.]

The Tlascaltecs formed their army into battalions, each having its appointed chief, the whole being under the command of a general-in-chief, who was elected from among those of the four seigniories into which the republic was divided. Their mode of fighting differed little from that of the Mexicans, with the exception of a certain practice which they observed upon first coming in contact with the enemy. This consisted in carrying with them two darts which they believed would presage victory or defeat according to the result of their delivery into the hostile ranks. According to Motolinia the tradition among them in regard to this belief was, that their ancestors came from the north-west, and that in order to reach the land they navigated eight or ten days; from the oldest among them they then received two darts which they guarded as precious relics, and regarded as an infallible augury by which to know whether they would gain a victory or ought to retreat in time.[465] When a victory was won the great standard was brought to the front and placed upon a rising ground or in some conspicuous position, and all were obliged to assemble around it; he who neglected to do so was punished.

The Tarascos fought with great courage to the sound of numerous horns and sea-shells, and carried to battle banners made of feathers of many colors. Their skill and valor is best proven by the fact that the Mexicans were never able to subdue them. They showed especial strategy in luring the foe into ambush. Like the Mexicans their chief object in battle was to take prisoners to sacrifice to their gods.[466]

Among the Mexicans, when the battle was over, the first prisoners taken were given to the priests to be sacrificed before the idols they carried with them. An account was taken of the losses sustained and of the number of prisoners and other booty gained. Rewards were distributed to all who had distinguished themselves and punishment inflicted on any who had misbehaved. All disputes relative to the capture of prisoners were inquired into and adjusted. If a case arose where neither of the disputants could prove their title, the prisoner was taken from them and given to the priests to be sacrificed. Those inhabitants of the conquered province who could prove that they had taken no active part in the war were punished at the discretion of their conqueror; usually they were condemned to pay a certain annual tribute, or to construct public works; meantime, the vanquished province was supplied with a governor and officers, appointed from among the conquerors.[467]

When the king or a feudatory lord captured a prisoner for the first time, his success was made the occasion of much rejoicing. The captive, dressed in showy apparel and mounted on a litter, was borne to the town in great triumph, accompanied by a host of warriors shouting and singing; at the outskirts of the city the procession was met by the inhabitants, some playing on musical instruments, others dancing and singing songs composed for the occasion. The prisoner was saluted with mimic honors, and his captor greatly extolled and congratulated. Numbers of people arrived from the adjoining towns and villages to assist in the general hilarity, bringing with them presents of gold, jewels, and rich dresses. Upon the day appointed for the sacrifice a grand festival was held, previous to and after which the lord fasted and performed certain prescribed ceremonies. The victim was usually dressed for the occasion in the robes of the god of the sun, and sacrificed in the usual manner. With some of the blood that flowed, the priest sprinkled the four sides of the temple; the remainder was collected in a vessel and sent to the noble captor, who with it sprinkled all the gods in the court yard of the temple as a thank-offering for the victory he had gained. After the heart was taken out the body was rolled down the steps and received below; the head was then cut off and placed upon a high pole, afterwards the body was flayed, and the skin stuffed with cotton and hung up in the captor's house as a memento of his prowess.[468]

[Sidenote: GLADIATORIAL COMBAT.]

When a renowned captain or noble was made prisoner, the right of fighting for his liberty was granted him--an honor not permitted to warriors of an inferior rank. Near the temple was an open space capable of containing a large multitude; in the middle was a circular mound built of stone and mortar, about eight feet high, with steps leading to the top, where was fixed a large round stone, three feet high, smooth, and adorned with figures. This stone was called the _temalacatl_; upon it the prisoner was placed, tied at the ankle with a cord, which passed through a hole in the centre of the stone. His weapons consisted of a shield and macana.[469] He who had taken him prisoner then mounted the stone, better armed, to combat with him. Both the combatants were animated with the strongest motives to fight desperately. The prisoner fought for his life and liberty, and his adversary to sustain his reputation. If the former was conquered, a priest, called _chalchiuhtepehua_, immediately seized him, hurried him dead or alive to the sacrificial stone and tore out his heart. The victor was then publicly congratulated and rewarded with military honors. If, however, the prisoner vanquished his first opponent and six others, by whom, in succession, he was attacked, he was granted his freedom, all spoil taken from him in battle was restored to him, and he returned to his country covered with glory. A notable violation of this law is recorded of the Huexotzincas. In a battle between them and the Cholultecs, the leader of the latter nation became separated from his own people during the heat of battle, and was, after a gallant resistance, made prisoner and conducted to the capital. Being placed on the gladiatorial stone he conquered the seven adversaries that were brought against him, but the Huexotzincas, dreading to liberate so famous a warrior, contrary to their universal law, put him to death, and thereby covered themselves with ignominy.[470]

[Sidenote: PRISONERS OF WAR.]

If the prisoner was a person of very high rank, he was taken before the king, who ordered that he should be sumptuously fed and lodged for forty days. At the end of that time he was accorded the right of combat, and if conquered, after the usual sacrificial ceremonies the body was cut into small pieces; these were sent to the relations and friends of the deceased, who received them as relics of great value and acknowledged the favor by returning gold, jewels, and rich plumes.[471] If we are to believe Gomara and others, the number of victims, chiefly prisoners of war, sacrificed at some of the festivals, was enormous. The historians relate that in front of the principal gate of the temple there was a mound built of stone and lime with innumerable skulls of prisoners inserted between the stones. At the head and foot of the mound were two towers built entirely of skulls and lime; on the top of the mound were seventy or more upright poles, each with many other sticks fastened crossways to it, at intervals, from top to bottom; on the points of each cross stick were five skulls. They go on to say that two soldiers of Cortés counted these skulls and found them to amount to one hundred and thirty-six thousand. Those that composed the towers they could not count.[472]

The nations contiguous to the Mexicans imitated to a great extent their manner of disposing of prisoners of war, and kept them to be sacrificed at their festivals. The first prisoner taken in battle by the Tlascaltecs was flayed alive and he who captured him dressed himself in the horrid trophy, and so covered served the god of battles during a certain number of days. He paraded from one temple to another followed by a crowd that shrieked for joy; but had, however, to run from his pursuers, for if they caught him they beat him till he was nearly dead. This ceremony was called _exquinan_, and was sometimes observed by two or three at the same time.[473] At one of their festivals they bound their prisoners to high crosses and shot them to death with arrows; at other times they killed them with the bastinado. They had also solemn banquets, at which they ate the flesh of their prisoners. At the taking of Mexico, the Tlascaltec soldiery feasted upon the bodies of the slain Mexicans, and Cortés, although shocked at the revolting practice, was unable to prevent it.[474]

The Mexicans, Tlascaltecs, and neighboring nations always made the return of a successful army the occasion of great festivity and rejoicing; the loud sound of drums and musical instruments greeted the entry of the victorious troops into the capital; triumphal arches were erected in the streets and the houses decorated with flowers; an abundance of copal was burned and sumptuous banquets were prepared; all were dressed in their gayest attire, and the warriors put on all the insignia of their rank; gifts were distributed to those who had performed any deed of gallantry, and minstrels sung or recited poems in their praise. Many went to the temples to observe especial acts of devotion to the gods, and numbers of the prisoners were then sacrificed. All these ceremonies tended to inspire the youths with courage and make them ambitious to gain distinction in war.[475]

FOOTNOTES:

[428] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 329-32.

[429] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl. lxiv-lxvi. In explanation of plate lxv., No. 19, it is stated that the warrior was called Quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in war. 'Haber cautivado en la guerra cinco, demas de que en otras guerras a cautivado otros muchos de sus enemigos.' Explanation of _Id._, vol. v., p. 104; while Purchas says such a one was 'called Quagchil ... shewing that hee had taken fiue at the Wars of Guexo, besides that in other Wars he tooke many of his enemies.' _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1110-11.

[430] Torquemada and Brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the princes. 'Vna de las maiores grandeças, à que llegaba, era atarse el cabello, que era demonstracion de Gran Capitan, y estos se llamaban Quachictin, que era el mas honroso nombre, que à los Capitanes se los daba, y pocos lo alcançaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543. 'Dont les membres se nommaient "Quachictin," c'est-à-dire, Couronnés. Leurs insignes consistaient dans la courroie écarlate dont nous avons parlé plus haut, mais dont le bout, avec sa houppe de plumes, pendait alors jusqu'à la ceinture.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 590-1. Herrera and Acosta both mention a fourth order: 'Auia otros como caualleros Pardos, que no eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletas cortadas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 443-4; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., p. 99; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 140.

[431] The greaves were called _cozehuatl_, the brachials _matemecatl_, the bracelets _matzopetztli_, the lip ornament _tentetl_, the ear-rings _nacochtli_, and the collar or necklace _cozcapetlatl_. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 595; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 141.

[432] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 295-6.

[433] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 293-7.

[434] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 593; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543.

[435] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 141-3; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.

[436] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 289-90.

[437] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 83.

[438] _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 17-21; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 354; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 37; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 519; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 14. For further reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 608-19; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 267; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 81-3; _Mexique_, _Études Hist._, p. 8; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 28; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 161; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 542.

[439] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 99-100.

[440] 'I Tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza nel tirar tre, o quatro frecce insieme.... La destrezza di quei Popoli nel tirar le frecce non sarebbe credibile, se non fosse accertata per la deposizione di centinaja di testimonj oculati. Radunatisi parecchj frecciatori gettano in sù una pannocchia di frumentone, e si mettono a saettarla con una tal prontezza, e con una tal desterità, che non la lasciano venite a terra, finattantochè non le hanno levati tutti i grani. Gettano similmente una moneta d'argento non più grande d'un giulio, e saettandola la trattengono in aria, quanto voglioni.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143.

[441] Ixtlilxochitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well known that the Aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral, although it is said they possessed the art of being able to temper copper to the hardness of steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332.

[442] According to Gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman çacotl, y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y como de vena de diamantes, que mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no se que otras aues.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 110.

[443] In reference to the macana, which all assert to have been a most formidable weapon, I quote only a few authorities. 'Sus espadas de palo largas, de un palo muy fuerte, engeridas de pedernales agudísimos, que de una cuchillada cortaban á cercen el pescuezo de un caballo.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 188. Bernal Diaz describing a battle with the Tlascaltecs where Pedro de Moron was wounded and had his horse killed, says 'dieron vna cuchillada â la yegua, que le cortaron el pescueço redondo, y alli quedó muerta.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 44. 'Taglia come vn rasoio di Tolosa. Io viddi che combattendosi vn di, diede vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn caualliero con chi combatteua, nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle interiora, et cadde incontanente morto, & il medesimo giorno viddi che vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò morto a i piedi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305. The Anonymous Conqueror does not say the head was cut off, but that one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the entrails, and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his feet. 'Lo que podrán efectuar con aquella espada en el pescuezo del caballo sera de la herida cuanto entraren los filos en la carne, que no pasarán de un canto de real de plata, porque todo lo otro es grueso, por tener el lomo que arriba referimos las navajas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Hernandez_, _Nova Plant._, p. 340; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1129.

[444] It may be that this ballesta was a somewhat similar implement to that used by the Aleuts and Isthmians. See vol. i., pp. 90, 761. 'Dardi che essi tirano con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastone.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 594-5.

[445] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 101; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 5; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 299; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 460.

[446] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 128-9.

[447] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 339.

[448] In regard to the armorial ensign of the Tlascaltecs, authors differ. It is admitted that the general-in-chief carried the standard of the republic, and important authorities say that the one borne by Xicotencatl in his battle with Cortés had emblazoned upon it a white bird resembling an ostrich or heron, but Clavigero and Prescott incline to the opinion that the emblem was an eagle. In regard to this we have the following accounts. Bernal Diaz, an actor in the battle, says the Tlascaltec army was ranged under the banner of Xicotencatl, 'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas, como que queria bolar, que parece como auestruz.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 45. 'Lleuaua el estandarte de la ciudad, que es vna grua de oro con las alas tendidas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 75. 'Esta bandera de Tascaltecle es una grua que trae por divisa, ó armas al natural, de oro, é tendidas las alas.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499. 'Xicotencatl ... llevaba el Estandarte de la Republica, que era vn Aguila de Oro, con las Alas estendidas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 145; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 439; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 234.

[449] 'Ha ogni compagnia il suo Alfiere con la sua insegna inhastata, & in tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo di poter combattere ne far ciò che vuole, & la porta cosi ligata bene al corpo, che se non fanno del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne torgliela mai.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.

[450] 'Respetaban à los Embaxadores de sus mortales enemigos, como à Dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier rito de su Religion, que pecar contra la fee dada à los Embaxadores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 535-6. 'Los Correos, ò Mensageros, que se despachaban de las Guerras, tambien pasaban seguros, por todas partes.' _Ib._; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 118-20.

[451] 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor. En estos tenian muchas armas, porque como los Templos tengan por fortalezas de los pueblos tienen en ellos toda su municion.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.

[452] 'Si Dios no les quebrara las alas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 132. See also _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 151-2; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 319.

[453] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 150, 152.

[454] 'Una gran cerca de piedra seca.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 59-60. 'Una fuerça bien fuerte hecha de cal y canto, y de otro betun tan rezio, que con picos de hierro era forçoso deshazerla.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 418-19; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 229, 232; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 134-5; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 70; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 241.

[455] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150.

[456] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, p. 107; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 567; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133.

[457] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 203-4, 422-3; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 384-5, 540; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243, 246; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 132.

[458] Las Casas says that very old women were admitted to war councils. 'Nunca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho consejo de los mas ancianos y caballeros ejercitados en la guerra, al cual consejo se admitian las mujeres muy viejas como personas que habian visto y oido muchas cosas y asi esperimentadas de lo pasado.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi. According to the Chevalier Boturini the first ambassadors were accredited to the king or lord of the province, the second were dispatched to the nobility requiring them to persuade their lord, and the third convoked the people and advised them of the motives their monarch had for waging war against them. _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 162-3. See also _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 424-7; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 246-7; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, pp. 40, 73; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 382-3, 534-5.

[459] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 75; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi.

[460] 'A estas Espias, que embiaban delante, llamaban Ratones, que andan de noche, ò escondidos, y à hurtadillas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 538.

[461] Camargo says: 'L'armée était divisée par bataillons de cent hommes.' _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 134. 'Quando l'esercito era numeroso, si contava per _Xiquipilli_: ed ogni _Xiquipilli_ si componeva d'otto mila uomini.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 147.

[462] Also spelt _quiahtlale_, _jaotlalli_, meaning a place for war. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-3; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 322; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 538.

[463] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 31, 41, 50, 147.

[464] For further account of their manner of conducting a war, see: _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-9; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 311-12; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 129-31; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 322-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 598-601; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 537-40; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 313-14; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 86-8.

[465] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 34; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 77; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 230.

[466] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51, 60-1.

[467] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 313; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.

[468] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 131-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 541-2; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 149.

[469] Camargo says the prisoner was given his choice of every kind of offensive and defensive weapons. _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 188-9, but all other authors state that he was only given a short sword and shield. Boturini says a servant who was under the stone drew the cord and so controlled the prisoner that he could not move. _Idea_, p. 164. Duran says: 'El modo que en celebrarlo tenian; que era atar á los Presos con una soga al pie por un ahugero que aquella piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en cueros le daban una rodela y una espada de solo palo emplumado en las manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que se defendian de los que salian á combatir con él, que eran cuatro muy bien armados.' _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. 36.

[470] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 47-8.

[471] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 536.

[472] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 333-5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242.

[473] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 134.

[474] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 51; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423. For further reference to treatment of prisoners, see: _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 250-1; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, p. 164; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 102-3; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 634; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 215-16; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. viii.

[475] Instances of how the Mexicans received their victorious armies are given in _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 39, 61, 177-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 321-2. See further, _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 574; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 489-90.

##