CHAPTER XVIII

.

ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLINGS OF THE NAHUAS.

ARCHITECTURE OF THE ANCIENT NATIONS--GENERAL FEATURES OF NAHUA ARCHITECTURE--THE ARCH--EXTERIOR AND INTERIOR DECORATIONS--METHOD OF BUILDING--INCLINED PLANES--SCAFFOLDS--THE USE OF THE PLUMMET--BUILDING-MATERIALS--POSITION AND FORTIFICATION OF TOWNS--MEXICO TENOCHTITLAN--THE GREAT CAUSEWAYS--QUARTERS AND WARDS OF MEXICO--THE MARKET-PLACE--FOUNTAINS AND AQUEDUCTS--LIGHT-HOUSES AND STREET-WORK--CITY OF TEZCUCO--DWELLINGS--AZTEC GARDENS--TEMPLE OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI--TEMPLE OF MEXICO--OTHER TEMPLES--TEOCALLI AT CHOLULA AND TEZCUCO.

I shall describe in this chapter the cities, towns, temples, palaces, dwellings, roads, bridges, aqueducts, and other products of Nahua architectural and constructive art, as they were found and described by the Spaniards in the sixteenth century. Monuments of this branch of Nahua art chiefly in the form of ruined temples, or _teocallis_, are still standing and have been examined in detail by modern travelers. The results of these later observations will be given in Volume IV. of this work, and I have therefore thought it best to omit them altogether here. In order to fully comprehend the subject the reader will find it advantageous to study and compare the two views taken from different standpoints. It is for a general and doubtless exaggerated account of the grandeur and extent of the Nahua structures, rather than any details of their construction that we must look to the Spanish chronicles; and it is also to be noted that the descriptions by the conquerors are confined almost entirely to the lake region of Anáhuac, the buildings of other regions being dismissed with a mere mention. In this connection, therefore, the supplementary view in another volume will be of great value, since the grandest relics of Nahua antiquity have been found outside of Anáhuac proper, while the oft-mentioned magnificent temples and palaces of the lake cities have left no traces of their original splendor.

The Olmecs, Totonacs, and others of the earlier Nahua nations are credited by tradition with the erection of grand edifices, but the Toltecs, in this as in all other arts, far surpassed their predecessors, and even the nations that succeeded them. I have in a preceding chapter sufficiently explained the process by which this ancient people has been credited with all that is wonderful in the past, and it will be readily understood how a magnifying veneration for past glories, handed down from father to son with ever accumulating exaggeration, has transformed the Toltec buildings into the most exquisite fairy structures, incomparably superior to anything that met the Spanish gaze. With architectural as with other traditions, however, I have little or nothing to do in this chapter, but pass on to a consideration of this branch of art in later times.

Respect for the gods made it necessary that the temples should be raised above the ordinary buildings, besides which their height made them more conspicuous to the immense multitudes which frequently gathered about them on feast-days, rendering them also more secure from desecration and easier of defence when used as citadels of refuge, as they often were. But as the primitive ideas of engineering possessed by the Aztecs and their insufficient tools did not permit them to combine strength with slightness, the only way the required elevation could be attained was by placing the building proper upon a raised, solid, pyramidal substructure. The prevalence of earthquakes may also have had something to do with this solid form of construction. In the vicinity of the lake of Mexico, the swampy nature of the soil called for a broad, secure foundation; here, then, the substructure was not confined to the temples, but was used in building public edifices, palaces, and private dwellings.

[Sidenote: NAHUA ARCHITECTURE.]

Another general feature of Nahua architecture was the small elevation of the buildings proper, compared with their extent and solidity. These rarely exceeded one story in height, except some of the chapels, which had two or even three stories, but in these cases the upper floors were invariably of wood.

Whether the Aztecs were acquainted with our arch, with a vertical key-stone, is a mooted point. Clavigero gives plates of a semi-spherical _estufa_ constructed in this manner, and asserts, further, that an arch of this description was found among the Tezcucan ruins, but I find no authority for either picture or assertion. The relics that have been examined in modern times, moreover, seem to show conclusively that key-stone arches were unknown in America before the advent of the Europeans, though arches made of overlapping stones were often cut in such a manner as to resemble them. The chaplain Diaz, who accompanied Grijalva, mentions an 'arc antique' on the east coast, but gives no description of it. Nevertheless, as the 'antique' would in this connection imply a peculiar, if not a primitive, construction, it is not probable that the arch he saw had a key-stone.[663]

As decorations, we find balconies and galleries supported by square or round pillars, which were often monoliths; but as they were adorned with neither capital nor base the effect must have been rather bare. Battlements and turrets, doubtless first used as means of defense, became later incorporated with decorative art. The bareness of the walls was relieved by cornices and stucco-work of various designs, the favorite figures being coiled snakes, executed in low relief, which probably had a religious meaning. Sometimes they were placed in groups, as upon the temple walls at Mexico, at other times one serpent twined and twisted round every door and window of an apartment until head and tail met. Carved lintels and door-posts were common, and statues frequently adorned the court and approaches. Glossy surfaces seem to have had a special attraction for the Nahuas, and they made floors, walls, and even streets, extremely smooth. The walls and floors were first coated with lime, gypsum, or ochre, and then polished.

No clear accounts are given of the method of erecting houses. Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that because the natives of Vera Paz were seen by him to use scaffolds like ours, that these were also employed in Mexico in former times, and that stones were raised on inclined beams passing from scaffold to scaffold, which is not very satisfactory reasoning.[664]

However this may be, we are told by Torquemada that the Aztecs used derricks to hoist heavy timbers with.[665] Others, again, say that walls were erected by piling earth on both sides, which served both as scaffolds and as inclined planes up which heavy masses might be drawn or rolled,[666] but although this was undoubtedly the method adopted by the Miztecs, it was too laborious and primitive to have been general,[667] and certainly could not have been employed in building the three-story chapels upon Huitzilopochtli's pyramid. The perfectly straight walls built by the Nahuas would seem to indicate the use of the plummet, and we are told that the line was used in making roads.[668] Trees were felled with copper and flint axes, and drawn upon rollers to their destination,[669] a mode of transport used, no doubt, with other cumbrous material. The implements used to cut stone blocks seem to have been entirely of flint.[670]

[Sidenote: BUILDING MATERIAL.]

The wood for roofs, turrets, and posts, was either white or yellow cedar, palm, pine, cypress, or oyametl, of which beams and fine boards were made. Nails they had none; the smaller pieces must therefore have been secured by notches, lapping, or pressure.[671] The different kinds of stone used in building were granite, alabaster, jasper, porphyry, certain 'black, shining stones,' and a red, light, porous, yet hard stone, of which rich quarries were discovered near Mexico in Ahuitzotl's reign.[672] After the overflow of the lake, which happened at this time, the king gave orders that this should be used ever after for buildings in the city.[673] _Tecali_, a transparent stone resembling alabaster, was sometimes used in the temples for window-glass.[674] Adobes, or sun-dried bricks, were chiefly used in the dwellings of the poorer classes, but burnt bricks and tiles are mentioned as being sold in the markets.[675] Roofs were covered with clay, straw, and palm-leaves. Lime was used for mortar, which was so skillfully used, say the old writers, that the joints were scarcely perceptible,[676] but probably this was partly owing to the fact that the walls were almost always either whitewashed, or covered with ochre, gypsum, or other substances.

Frequent wars and the generally unsettled state of the country, made it desirable that the towns should be situated near enough each other to afford mutual protection, which accounts for the great number of towns scattered over the plateau. The same causes made a defensible position the primary object in the choice of a site. Thus we find them situated on rocks accessible only by a difficult and narrow pathway, raised on piles over the water, or surrounded by strong walls, palisades, earth-works and ditches.[677] Although they fully understood the necessity of settling near lakes and rivers to facilitate intercourse, yet the towns on the sea-coast were usually a league or two from the shore, and, as they had no maritime trade, harbors were not sought for.[678]

The towns extended over a comparatively large surface, owing to the houses being low and detached, and each provided with a court and garden. The larger cities seem to have been layed out on a regular plan, especially in the centre, but the streets were narrow, indeed there was no need of wider ones as all transportation was done by carriers, and there were no vehicles. At intervals a market-place with a fountain in the centre, a square filled with temples, or a line of shady trees relieved the monotony of the long rows of low houses.

[Sidenote: MEXICO TENOCHTITLAN.]

The largest and most celebrated of the Nahua cities was Mexico Tenochtitlan.[679] It seems that about the year 1325 the Aztecs, weary of their unsettled condition and hard pressed by the Culhuas, sought the marshy western shore of the lake of Mexico. Here, on the swamp of Tlalcocomocco, they came upon a stone, upon which it was said a Mexican priest had forty years before sacrificed a certain prince Copil. From this stone had sprung a nopal, upon which, at the time it was seen by the Mexican advance guard, sat an eagle, holding in his beak a serpent. Impelled by a divine power, a priest dived into a pool near the stone, and there had an interview with Tlaloc, god of waters,[680] who gave his permission to the people to settle on the spot.[681] Another legend relates that Huitzilopochtli appeared to a priest in a dream, and told him to search for a nopal growing out of a stone in the lake with an eagle and serpent upon it, and there found a city.[682]

The temple, at first a mere hut, was the first building erected, and by trading fish and fowl for stone, they were soon enabled to form a considerable town about it. Piles were driven into the soft bottom of the lake, and the intermediate spaces filled with stones, branches, and earth, to serve as a foundation for houses.[683]

Each succeeding ruler took pains to extend and beautify the city. Later on, Tlatelulco,[684] which had early separated from Mexico Tenochtitlan, was reunited to it by king Axayacatl, which greatly increased the size of the latter city. Tezcuco is said to have exceeded it in size and in the culture of its people, but from its important position, imposing architecture, and general renown, Mexico Tenochtitlan stood preëminent. A number of surrounding towns and villages formed the suburbs of the city, as Aztacalco, Acatlan, Malcuitlapilco, Atenco, Iztacalco, Zancopinco, Huitznahuac, Xocotitlan or Xocotlan, Coltonco, Necatitlan, Huitzitlan, etc.[685] The circumference of the city has been estimated at about twelve miles, and the number of houses at sixty thousand, which would give a population of three hundred thousand.[686] It was situated in the salty part of the lake of Mexico, fifteen miles west of its celebrated rival Tezcuco, about one mile from the eastern shore, and close to the channel through which the volumes of the sweet water lake pour into the briny waters of the lake of Mexico, washing, in their outward flow, the southern and western parts of the city. The waters have, however, evaporated considerably since the time of the Aztecs, and left the modern Mexico some distance from the beach.[687]

[Sidenote: CITIES OF ANÁHUAC.]

Fifty other towns, many of them consisting of over three thousand dwellings, were scattered on and around the lake, the shallow waters of which were skimmed by two hundred thousand canoes.[688] Four grand avenues, paved with a smooth, hard crust of cement,[689] ran east, west, north, and south, crosswise, forming the boundary lines of four quarters; at the meeting-point of these was the grand temple-court. Three of these roads connected in a straight line with large causeways leading from the city to the lake shores; constructed by driving in piles, filling up the intervening spaces with earth, branches, and stones, and covering the surface with stone secured by mortar. They were broad enough to allow ten horsemen to ride abreast with ease, and were defended by drawbridges and breastworks.[690]

The southern road, two leagues in length, commenced half a league from Iztapalapan, and was bordered on one side by Mexicaltzinco, a town of about four thousand houses, and on the other, first by Coyuhuacan with six thousand, and further on by Huitzilopochco with five thousand dwellings. Half a league before reaching the city this causeway was joined by the Xoloc road, coming from Xochimilco, the point of junction being defended by a fort named Acachinanco, which consisted of two turrets surrounded by a battlemented wall, eleven or twelve feet high, and was provided with two gates, through which the road passed.[691] The northern road led from Tepeyacac, about a league off; the western, from Tlacopan, half a league distant; this road was bordered with houses as far as the shore.[692] A fourth causeway from Chapultepec served to support the aqueduct which supplied the city with water.[693]

[Sidenote: QUARTERS AND WARDS OF MEXICO.]

The names of the four quarters of the city, which were thus disposed according to divine command, were Tlaquechiuhcan, Cuecopan, or Quepopan, now Santa María, lying between the northern and western avenues; Atzacualco, now San Sebastian, between the eastern and northern; Teopan, now San Pablo, between the eastern and southern; and Moyotlan, or Mayotla, now San Juan, between the western and southern; these, again, were divided into a number of wards.[694] Owing to the position of the city in the midst of the lake, traffic was chiefly conducted by means of canals, which led into almost every ward, and had on one or both sides quays for the reception and landing of goods and passengers. Many of these were provided with basins and locks to retain the water within them;[695] while at the mouth were small buildings which served as offices for the custom-house officials. Bridges, many of which were upwards of thirty feet wide, and could be drawn up so as to cut off communication between the different parts, connected the numerous cross-streets and lanes, some of which were mere dry and paved canals.[696]

The chief resort of the people was the levee which stretched in a semi-circle round the southern part of the city, forming a harbor from half to three quarters of a league in breadth. Here during the day the merchants bustled about the cargoes and the custom-houses, while at night the promenaders resorted there to enjoy the fresh breezes from the lake. The construction of this embankment was owing to an inundation which did serious harm during the reign of Montezuma I. This energetic monarch at once took steps to prevent a recurrence of the catastrophe, and called upon the neighboring towns to assist with people and material in the construction of an outer wall, to check and turn aside the waters of the fresh lake, which, after the heavy rains of winter, rushed in volumes upon the city as they sought the lower salt lake. The length of the levee was about three leagues, and its breadth thirty feet. In 1498, fifty-two years after its construction, it was further strengthened and enlarged.[697]

Although the Spaniards met with no very imposing edifices as they passed along to the central part of the city where the temple stood, yet they must have found enough to admire in the fine smooth streets, the neat though low stone buildings surmounted by parapets which but half concealed the flowers behind them, the elegantly arranged gardens, gorgeous with the flora of the tropics, the broad squares, the lofty temples, and the canals teeming with canoes.

Among the public edifices, the markets are especially worthy of note. The largest, in Mexico Tenochtitlan, was twice as large as the square of Salamanca, says Cortés, and was surrounded by porticoes, in and about which from sixty thousand to one hundred thousand buyers and sellers found room.[698] The market-place at Tlatelulco was still larger, and in the midst of it was a square stone terrace, fifteen feet high and thirty feet long, which served as a theatre.[699]

[Sidenote: FOUNTAINS AND AQUEDUCTS.]

The numerous fountains which adorned the city were fed by the aqueduct which brought water from the hill of Chapultepec, about two miles off, and was constructed upon a causeway of solid masonry five feet high and five feet broad, running parallel to the Tlacopan road.[700] This aqueduct consisted of two pipes of masonry, each carrying a volume of water equal in bulk to a man's body,[701] which was conducted by branch pipes to different parts of the town to supply fountains, tanks, ponds, and baths. At the different canal-bridges there were reservoirs, into which the pipes emptied on their course, and here the boatmen who made it a business to supply the inhabitants with water received their cargoes on the payment of a fixed price. A vigilant police watched over the distribution of the water and the care of the pipes, only one of which was in use at a time, while the other was cleansed.[702] The supply was obtained from a fine spring on the summit of Mount Chapultepec, which was guarded by two figures cut in the solid stone, representing Montezuma and his father, armed with lances and shields.[703] The present aqueduct was partly reconstructed by Montezuma II. on the old one erected by the first king of that name. Its inauguration was attended by imposing ceremonies, offerings of quails, and burning of incense.[704]

During Ahuitzotl's reign, an attempt was made to bring water into the city from an immense spring at Coyuhuacan. The lord of that place consented, as became a loyal vassal, to let the water go, but predicted disastrous consequences to the city from the overflow which would be sure to follow if the water were taken there. This warning, however, so enraged the king that he ordered the execution of the noble, and immediately levied men and material from the neighboring towns to build the aqueduct. The masons and laborers swarmed like ants and soon finished the work. When everything was ready, a grand procession of priests, princes, nobles, and plebeians marched forth to open the gates of the aqueduct and receive the waters into the city. Speeches were made, slaves and children were sacrificed, the wealthy cast precious articles into the rolling waters with words of thanks and welcome. But the hour of sorrow was at hand. The prediction of the dead lord was fulfilled; the waters, once loosed, could not be fettered again; a great part of the city was inundated and much damage was done. Then the distracted king called once more upon the neighboring towns to furnish men, but this time to tear down instead of to build up.[705]

[Sidenote: LIGHTHOUSES AND STREET-WORK.]

Among the arrangements for the convenience of the public may be mentioned lighthouses to guide the canoes which brought supplies to the great metropolis. These were erected at different points upon towers and heights; the principal one seems to have been on Mount Tocitlan, where a wooden turret was erected to hold the flaming beacon.[706] The streets were also lighted by burning braziers placed at convenient intervals, which were tended by the night patrol. A force of over a thousand men kept the canals in order, swept the streets and sprinkled them several times a day.[707] Public closets were placed at distances along the canals.[708] The care of buildings also received the attention of the government, and every eleventh month was devoted to repairing and cleaning the temples, public edifices, and roads generally.[709] A number of towns on the lake were built on piles, in imitation of Mexico, chiefly for the sake of security. Thus, Iztapalapan stood half on land, half over the water, and Ayotzinco was founded entirely on piles, and had canals instead of streets.[710]

Other towns had recourse to strong walls and deep ditches to secure their protection. Tlascala especially was well defended from its ancient Aztec enemy, by a wall of stone and mortar[711] which stretched for six miles across a valley, from mountain to mountain, and formed the boundary line of the republic. This wall was nine feet high, twenty feet broad,[712] and surmounted by a breastwork a foot and a half in thickness, behind which the defenders could stand while fighting. The only entrance was in the centre, where the walls did not meet, but described a semi-circle, one overlapping the other, with a space ten paces wide and forty long between them.[713] The other side also was defended by breastworks and ditches.[714] The city itself stood upon four hills, and was crossed by narrow streets,[715] the houses being scattered in irregular groups. In size it was even larger than Granada, says Cortés, which is not unlikely, for the market had accommodation for thirty thousand people, and in one of the temples four hundred Spaniards with their attendants found ample room.[716] At Huejutla there was a curious wall of masonry, the outside of which was faced with small blocks of tetzontli, each about nine inches in diameter on the face, which was rounded; the end of each block was pointed, and inserted in the wall.[717]

[Sidenote: THE CITY OF TEZCUCO.]

The city next in fame and rank to Mexico Tenochtitlan was Tezcuco,[718] which Torquemada affirms contained one hundred and forty thousand houses within a circumference of from three to four leagues.[719] It was divided into six divisions, and crossed by a series of fine straight streets lined with elegant buildings. The old palace stood on the border of the lake upon a triple terrace, guarding the town, as it were; the newer structure, in the construction of which two hundred thousand men had been employed, stood at the northern end; it was a magnificent building and contained three hundred rooms. This city was the seat of refinement and elegance, and occupied relatively the same position in Mexico as Paris does in Europe.[720]

[Sidenote: DWELLINGS OF THE RICHER CLASSES.]

The style of architecture for houses did not exhibit much variety; the difference between one house and another being chiefly in extent and material.[721] The dwellings of the nobles were situated upon terraces of various heights, which in swampy places like Mexico, rested upon tiers of heavy piles.[722] They were usually a group of buildings in the form of a parallelogram, built of stone or in Mexico of tetzontli, joined with fine cement, and finely polished and whitewashed.[723] Every house stood by itself, separated from its neighbor by narrow lanes, and enclosed one or more courts which extended over a large space of ground.[724] One story was the most common form, and there are no accounts of any palaces or private houses exceeding two stories.[725] Broad steps led up the terrace to two gates which gave entrance to the courts; one opening upon the main street, the other upon the back lane, or canal, that often lay beneath it. The terrace platform of the houses of chiefs often had a wide walk round it and was especially spacious in front, where there was occasionally a small oratorio facing the entrance. This style was

## particularly noticed on the east coast.[726] The court was surrounded

by numerous porticoes decorated with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster ornaments, which, again, led to various chambers, and halls, lighted by large windows. Two great halls and several reception-rooms were situated in front; the sleeping-chambers, kitchen, baths, and store-rooms were in the rear, forming at times quite a complicated labyrinth.[727] The court was paved with flags of stone, tessellated marble, or hard cement, polished with ochre or gypsum,[728] and usually contained a sparkling fountain; occasionally there was a flower-garden, in which a pyramidal altar gave an air of sanctity to the place.[729] The stairway which led to the second story or to the roof, was often on the outside of the house, and by its grand proportions and graceful form contributed not a little to the good appearance of the house.[730] The roof was a flat terrace of beams, with a slight slope towards the back,[731] covered with a coat of cement or clay,[732] and surrounded by a battlemented parapet, surmounted at times by small turrets.[733] There were generally flowers in pots upon the roofs, or even a small garden; and here the members of the household assembled in the cool of the evening to enjoy the fresh air and charming prospect.[734] Some houses had galleries, which, like most work added to the main structure, were of wood,[735] though supported upon columns of marble, porphyry, or alabaster. These pillars were either round or square, and were generally monoliths; they were without base or capital, though ornamented with figures cut in low relief. Buildings were further adorned with elegant cornices and stucco designs of flowers and animals, which were often painted with brilliant colors. Prominent among these figures was the coiling serpent before mentioned. Lintels and door-posts were also elaborately carved.[736]

The interior displayed the same rude magnificence. The floors were covered with hard, smooth cement like the courtyard and streets, rubbed with ochre or gypsum, and polished.[737] The glossy walls were painted and hung with cotton or feather tapestry, to which Las Casas adds silver plating and jewels. The furniture was scanty. It consisted chiefly of soft mats and cushions of palm-leaves or fur, low tables, and small stools with palm-leaf backs. The beds were mats piled one upon another, with a block or a palm-leaf or cotton cushion for a pillow; occasionally they were furnished with coverlets and canopies of cotton or feather-work.[738] Vases filled with smoldering incense diffused their perfume through the chambers. The rooms which were used in winter were provided with hearths and fire-screens, and were lighted by torches.[739] There were no doors, properly called such, to the houses, but where privacy was required, a bamboo or wicker-work screen was suspended across the entrance, and secured at night with a bar. To this was attached a string of shells, which the visitor rattled to call the host or his attendants to the entrance. The interior rooms were separated by hangings, which probably also served to cover the windows of ordinary dwellings,[740] although the transparent _tecali_ stone, as before stated, answered the purpose of window-glass in certain parts of some of the temples.[741]

[Sidenote: HOUSES OF THE LOWER CLASSES.]

The houses of the poorer classes were built of adobe, wood, cane, or reeds and stones, mixed with mud, well plastered and polished,[742] and, in Mexico, raised on stone foundations, to prevent dampness,[743] though the elevation was less than that of the houses of the richer people. They were generally of an oblong shape, were divided into several apartments, and occasionally had a gallery in front. They could not afford a central court, but had instead a flower or vegetable garden wherever space permitted. Terrace roofs were not uncommon in the towns, but more generally the houses of the poorer people were thatched with a kind of long thick grass, or with overlapping maguey-leaves.[744]

Besides the oratory and storehouse with which most houses were provided, a _temazcalli_, or bath, was generally added to the dwelling. This, according to Clavigero, consisted of a hemisphere of adobe, having a slightly convex paved floor sunk a little below the level of the surrounding ground. The entrance was a small hole just large enough to admit a man. On the outside of the bath-house, and on the opposite side to the entrance, was a furnace made of stone or brick, separated from the interior by a thin slab of _tetzontli_, or other porous stone, through which the heat was communicated. On entering, the door was closed, and the suffocating vapors were allowed to escape slowly through a small opening in the top. The largest bath-houses were eight feet in diameter, and six feet in height. Some were mere square chambers without a furnace, and were doubtless heated and the fire raked out before the bather entered.[745]

The storehouses and granaries which were attached to farms, temples, and palaces, were usually square buildings of oxametl-wood, with thatched roofs. The logs had notches near the ends to give them a secure hold. Two windows, or doors, one above the other, gave access to the interior, which was often large enough to contain many thousand bushels of grain.[746]

[Sidenote: AZTEC GARDENS.]

Love of flowers was a passion with the Aztecs, and they bestowed great care upon the cultivation of gardens. The finest and largest of these were at Iztapalapan and Huastepec. The garden at Iztapalapan was divided into four squares, each traversed by shaded walks, meandering among fruit-trees, blossoming hedges, and borders of sweet herbs.[747] In the centre of the garden was an immense reservoir of hewn stone, four hundred paces square, and fed by navigable canals. A tiled pavement,[748] wide enough for four persons walking abreast, surrounded the reservoir, and at intervals steps led down to the water, upon the surface of which innumerable water-fowl sported. A large pavilion, with halls and corridors, overlooked the grounds.[749]

The Huastepec garden was two leagues in circuit, and was situated on a stream; it contained an immense variety of plants and trees, to which additions were continually made.[750] The _chinampas_, or floating gardens, have been described elsewhere.[751]

The Mexicans required no solid roads for heavy traffic, since goods were carried upon the shoulders of slaves, but a number of pathways crossed the country in various directions, which underwent repair every year on the cessation of the rains. Here and there country roads crossed streams by means of suspension-bridges, or fixed structures mostly of wood, but sometimes of stone, with small spans. The suspension-bridges were made of ropes, twisted canes, or tough branches, attached to trees and connected by a netting. The Spaniards were rather fearful of crossing them, on account of their swinging motion when stepped upon and the gaping rents in them.[752]

Almost the only specimen of Nahua architecture which has withstood the ravages of time until our day is the temple structure, _teocalli_, 'house of God,' or _teopan_, 'place of God,' of which Torquemada asserts there were at least forty thousand in Mexico. Clavigero regards this as a good deal below the real number, and if we consider the extremely religious character of the people, and accept the statements of the early chroniclers, who say that at distances of from a quarter to half a league, in every town and village, were open places containing one or more temples,[753] and on every isolated rock or hill, along the country roads, even in the fields, were substantial structures devoted to some idol, then Clavigero's assertion may be correct.[754]

The larger temples were usually built upon pyramidal parallelograms, square, or oblong, and consisted of a series of superimposed terraces with perpendicular or sloping sides.[755] The celebrated temple at Mexico forms a fair type of the latter kind and its detailed description will give the best idea of this class of edifices.

[Sidenote: TEMPLE OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]

[Sidenote: THE GREAT TEMPLE OF MEXICO.]

[Sidenote: THE SACRIFICIAL STONE.]

When the Aztecs halted on the site of Mexico after their long wanderings, the first care was to erect an abode for their chief divinity Huitzilopochtli. The spot chosen for the humble structure, which at first consisted of a mere hut, was over the stone whereon the sacred nochtli grew that had been pointed out by the oracle. A building more worthy of the god was soon erected, and, later on, Ahuitzotl constructed the edifice from whose summit Cortés looked down upon the scenes of his conquest. The labor bestowed upon it was immense, and notwithstanding that the material had to be brought from a distance of three or four leagues--a serious matter to a people who were supplied with no adequate means of transport--the temple was completed in two years.[756] The inauguration took place in 1486, in the presence of the chief princes and an immense concourse of people from all quarters, and 72,344 captives, arranged in two long files, were sacrificed during the four days of its duration.[757] The site of the building was indeed worthy of its character, standing as it did in an immense square forming the centre of the town, from which radiated the four chief thoroughfares.[758] The idea of thus keeping the god before the people at all times had, doubtless, as much to do with this arrangement as that of giving him the place of honor. A square wall[759] about four thousand eight hundred feet in circumference, from eight to nine feet in height and of great thickness, with its sides facing the cardinal points, formed the courtyard of the temple.[760] It was built of stone and lime, plastered and polished,[761] crowned with battlements in the form of snails, and turreted and adorned with many stone serpents,--a very common ornament on edifices in Egypt as well as Anáhuac--for which reason it was called _coatepantli_, 'wall of snakes.'[762] At the centre of each wall stood a large two-story building, divided into a number of rooms, in which the military stores and weapons were kept. These faced the four chief thoroughfares of the town, and their lower stories formed the portals of the gateways which gave entrance to the courtyard.[763] This was partly paved with large smooth flag-stones, partly with cement, plastered and polished, and so slippery that the horses of the Spaniards could scarcely keep their footing.[764] In the centre stood the great temple, an oblong, parallelogramic pyramid, about three hundred and seventy-five feet long and three hundred feet broad at the base, three hundred and twenty-five by two hundred and fifty at the summit, and rising in five superimposed, perpendicular terraces to the height of eighty-six feet.[765] The terraces were of equal height,[766] the lowest, according to Tezozomoc, having a foundation a fathom or more in depth, and each receded about six feet from the edge of the one beneath it, leaving a flat ledge round its base.[767] At the north-west corner the ledges were graded to form a series of steps, one hundred and fourteen in all, and each about nine inches high, which led from terrace to terrace, so that it was necessary to walk completely round the edifice to gain the succeeding flight.[768] This style of building was probably devised for show as well as for defence, for by this means the gorgeously dressed procession of priests was obliged to pass in sight of the entire multitude gathered on all sides of the temple, winding at a solemn pace round each terrace. The structure was composed of well-rammed earth, stones, and clay, covered with a layer of large square pieces of tetzontli, all of equal size, hewn smooth and joined with a fine cement, which scarcely left a mark to be seen; it was besides covered with a polished coating of lime, or gypsum.[769] The steps were of solid stone and the platform of the same slippery character as the court.[770] At its eastern end stood two three-story towers, fifty-six feet in height,[771] separated from the edge by a walk barely wide enough for one person. The lower story was of masonry with the floor raised a few feet above the platform and an entrance on the west; the two upper stories were of wood, with windows, to which access was had by movable ladders.[772] A wooden cupola well painted and adorned formed the roof.[773] The sanctuaries were in the lower story, the one on the right hand dedicated to Huitzilopochtli with his partner and lieutenant, the other to Tezcatlipoca.[774] The gigantic images of these gods rested upon large stone altars three to four feet high,[775] their monstrous grandeur shielded from the vulgar gaze of the multitude by rich curtains hung with tassels and golden pellets like bells, which rattled as the hangings moved. Before the altar stood the terrible stone of sacrifice, a green block about five feet in length, and three in breadth and height, rising in a ridge on the top so as to bend the body of the victim upwards and allow the easy extraction of the heart.[776] The walls and ceilings were painted with monstrous figures, and ornamented with stucco and carved wood-work, and, according to Las Casas, the gold and jewel-decked interior exceeded even Thebe's famed temple in beauty,[777] but the venerable bishop was evidently led away by his well-known enthusiasm for whatever concerned the natives, for Bernal Diaz and others state that the floors and walls were steeped with blood, diffusing a fetid odor which made the visitors glad to escape to the fresh air.[778] The upper stories were used as receptacles for the ashes of deceased kings and lords,[779] and for the instruments connected with the service of the temple, but Diaz also noticed idols, half human, half monstrous in form, and found the rooms blood-stained like the lower apartment.[780] Before each chapel stood a stone hearth of a man's height, and of the same shape as the piscina in Catholic churches, upon which a fire was continually kept burning by the virgins and priests, and great misfortunes were apprehended if it became extinguished.[781] Here was also the large drum covered with snake-skins,[782] whose sombre notes resounded over a distance of two miles on feast-days and other extraordinary occasions--many a death-knell it struck for the Spaniards before they became masters of it. From this height the Spaniards gazed down upon between seventy and eighty other edifices within the enclosure, with their six hundred braziers of stone, some round, some square, and from two to five feet high,[783] whose bright fires flared in perpetual adoration of their idols, and turned the night into day. About forty of these were temples, each with its idols, scattered round the court and facing the great pyramid as if in adoration.[784] They were considerably smaller than the central temple, and differed chiefly in the form of the roof which was round, square, or pyramidal, according to the character of the idol.[785] The largest was that of Tlaloc, which stood nearest the pyramid, and was ascended by fifty steps.[786] Quetzalcoatl's was the most singular in form, being circular and surmounted by a dome, symbolic of the abode of the god of air; a snake's jaws with exposed fangs formed the low entrance, and made the stranger shudder as he stooped to pass in.[787] Among other notable edifices were the _tezcacalli_, or 'house of mirrors,' so called from the mirrors which covered its walls, and the _teccizcalli_, 'house of shells,' to which the king retired at certain times to perform penance. The high-priest also had a house of retirement called _poiauhtla_, and there were several others for the use of certain other priests. Among these was a splendid building, provided with baths, fountains, and every comfort, in which notable strangers who visited the temple or the court were entertained. The Ilhuicatitlan temple, dedicated to the planet Venus, contained a large column painted or sculptured with the image of the star, before which captives were sacrificed on the appearance of the planet. Another temple took the form of a cage, in which the idols of conquered nations were confined, to prevent them from assisting their worshipers in regaining their liberty.[788] The _quauhxicalco_ was used as a receptacle for the bones of victims sacrificed at various sanctuaries. The skulls of those killed at the great temple were deposited in the _tzompantli_,[789] which stood just outside the court, near the western or main gate. This consisted of an oblong sloping parallelogram of earth and masonry, one hundred and fifty-four feet at the base, ascended by thirty steps, on each of which were skulls.[790] Round the summit were upwards of seventy raised poles about four feet apart, connected by numerous rows of cross-poles passed through holes in the masts, on each of which five skulls were filed, the sticks being passed through the temples.[791] In the centre[792] stood two towers, or columns, made of skulls and lime, the face of each skull being turned outwards, and giving a horrible appearance to the whole. This effect was heightened by leaving the heads of distinguished captives in their natural state, with hair and skin on. As the skulls decayed, or fell from the towers or poles, they were replaced by others, so that no vacant place was left. The Spaniards are said to have counted one hundred and thirty-six thousand skulls on the steps and poles alone, but this number is, no doubt, greatly exaggerated.[793] In the court was a large open space, which stretched to the foot of the stairway of the great temple. Here the great dances were held in which thousands took part,[794] and here, in full view of the multitude gathered to join in the festive ring, stood the gladiatorial stone, the _temalacatl_, upon which the captives were placed to fight with Aztec warriors, for their liberty as it was termed, but rather for the delectation of the masses, for their chance of victory, as we have seen, was very small. It consisted of an immense flat circular stone, three feet in height, very smooth, with sculptured edge, placed upon a small pyramid eight feet in height.[795] In another part of the court were three large halls with flat roofs and plastered walls, painted on the inside, which contained a number of low, dark chambers, each the abode of an idol; the walls were covered with blood, two fingers in thickness, and the floors to the depth of a foot almost.[796] The court also contained a grove in which birds were raised for sacrifices, and whence the procession started on the day devoted to the great hunt in honor of Mixcoatl; there were also a number of gardens, where flowers and herbs for offerings were grown. There were several bathing-places, one of which, the _tetzaapan_, 'cleansing water,'[797] was set apart for those who had made vows of penance, and another, at Mixcoatl's temple, filled with black water, for the priests. The _toxpalatl_ was a fine fountain, the waters of which were only drunk at solemn festivals. It was supposed to have been the identical spring in which the Aztec priest had the interview with Tlaloc and obtained permission for the nation to settle. The care of all the temple buildings devolved upon a perfect army of priests, monks, nuns, school children, and other people, estimated at from five to ten thousand, who all slept within the sacred precincts.[798] The passing and repassing of such numbers must have made the place teem with life, yet everything was in such perfect order and kept so scrupulously clean, says Diaz, that not a speck or a straw could he discover.[799]

Besides this there were several other temples and public oratories in the city, situated either in groups within a square, or scattered throughout the wards, and attended to by their special priests and servants. Torquemada thinks that their number equaled the days in the Aztec year, namely, three hundred and sixty, and Clavigero believes that there were two thousand chapels besides.[800]

The temples in other towns were pretty much like the foregoing, three being usually grouped around a central pyramid in a square, each with its idol and one or two braziers. Others were mounds of earth cased with stone, with one broad stairway in the centre of the western side, or with steps on three sides, sometimes at each corner.[801] The chapels on the platform were usually two or three stories in height, often provided with balconies, the whole edifice being plastered and polished.[802]

[Sidenote: TEOCALLI AT CHOLULA AND TEZCUCO.]

The pyramid at Mexico, large as it was, did not equal that at Cholula, which Humboldt estimates at five thousand seven hundred and sixty feet in circumference and one hundred and seventy-seven feet in height. It consisted of four square terraces facing the cardinal points, which seem to have been composed of alternate layers of adobe and clay, and was surrounded by a double wall, according to Diaz. On the top stood the semi-spherical chapel of Quetzalcoatl, with its door made low so that all who entered should bend in humility.[803] This city contained, besides, a great number of smaller temples, the total equaling the number of days in the Mexican year.[804] The temple at Tezcuco was also several steps higher than the Mexican pyramid.[805] King Nezahualcoyotl, who is said to have believed in one supreme god, erected in his honor a nine-story building, to indicate the nine heavens, the roof of which was studded with stars and surmounted by three pinnacles; the interior was decorated with gold and feather-work and precious stones. The upper floor was a receptacle for musical instruments, from one of which, the _chililitli_, the edifice was named.[806] The traditional temples of early times, very fairy creations according to the accounts of the natives, were far superior to the later ones; but these relations are little more than supernatural fables.[807]

FOOTNOTES:

[663] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 212; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 27; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 658.

[664] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 658.

[665] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 274. Sahagun, in describing how the people raised a mast to the god of fire, says: 'Atábanle diez maromas por la mitad de él ... y como le iban levantando, ponianle unos maderos atados de dos en dos, y unos puntales sobre que descanzase.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 143.

[666] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, (Translation, Lond. 1726), vol. iii., p. 280.

[667] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 663; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 201-2.

[668] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 63; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 201.

[669] 'With their Copper Hatchets, and Axes cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and hewe them smooth ... and boaring a hole in one of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it ... putting round blocks vnder the timber.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141.

[670] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 205; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318.

[671] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., states that they bored holes in beams. They may therefore have known the use of wooden bolts, but this is doubtful.

[672] 'Le _Tetzontli_ (pierre de cheveux), espèce d'amygdaloïde poreuse, fort dure, est une lave refroidie. On la trouve en grande quantité auprès de la petite ville de San-Agostin Tlalpan, ou de las Cuevas, à 4 l. S. de Mexico.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 381.

[673] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 202; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 663-4.

[674] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 8.

[675] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 205. Cortés mentions a 'suelo ladrillado' at Iztapalapan, _Cartas_, p. 83, and Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., both _adobes_ and _ladrillos_ in speaking of building-material.

[676] _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 665. 'L'ignorante Ricercatore nega a' Messicani la cognizione, e l'uso della calcina; ma consta per la testimonianza di tutti gli Storici del Messico, per la matricola de' tributi, e sopratutto per gli edifizj antichi finora sussistenti, che tutte quelle Nacioni faceano della calcina il medecimo uso, che fanno gli Europei.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 205, tom. iv., pp. 212-13. Both Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 60, and Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv., mention walls of dry stone, which would show that mortar was sometimes dispensed with, in heavy structures; but Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43, contradicts this instance.

[677] At Sienchimalen. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 57.

[678] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 89-90.

[679] Mexico is generally taken to be derived from Mexitl, or Mexi, the other name of Huitzilopochtli, the favorite god and leader of the Aztecs; many, however, think that it comes from _mexico_, springs, which were plentiful in the neighborhood. Tenochtitlan comes from _teonochtli_, divine nochtli, the fruit of the nopal, a species of wild cactus, and _titlan_, composed of _tetl_, stone or rock, and _an_, an affix to denote a place, a derivation which is officially accepted, as may be seen from the arms of the city. Others say that it is taken from _Tenuch_, one of the leaders of the Aztecs, who settled upon the small island of Pantitlan, both of which names would together form the word. 'Ce nom, qui veut dire _Ville de la Tuna_.... Le fruit de cet arbre est appelé _nochtli_ en mexicain, car le nom de tuna ... est tiré de la langue des insulaires de l'île de Cuba.... On a aussi prétendu que le véritable nom de Mexico était Quauhnochtitlan, ce qui veut dire _Figuier de l'Aigle_.... D'autres, enfin, prétendent que ce figuier d'Inde n'était pas un _nochtli_ proprement dit, mais d'une espèce sauvage qu'on appelle _tenochtli_, ou de celle que les naturels nomment _teonochtli_ ou figure divine.' 'Elle avait pris du dieu Mexix celui de Mexico.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 174-5. 'Los Indios, dezian; y dizen oy Mexico Tenuchtitlan; y assi se pone en las Prouisiones Reales.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. 'Tenoxtitlàn, que significa, Tunal en piedra.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 466. The natives 'ni llaman Mexico, sino Tenuchtitlan.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 293. 'Tenuchtitlan, que significa fruta de piedra.' 'Tambien dizen algunos, que tuuo esta ciudad nombre de su primer fundador, que fue Tenuch, hijo segundo de Iztacmixcoatl, cuyos hijos y decendientes poblaron ... esta tierra.... Tampoco falta quien piense que se dixo de la grana, que llaman Nuchiztli, la qual sale del mesmo cardon nopal y fruta nuchtli.... Tambien afirman otros que se llama Mexico de los primeros fundadores que se dixeron Mexiti.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113-15; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 180; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 168-9. '_Tenochtitlan_, c'est-à-dire, auprès des nopals du rocher.' 'Ti-tlan est pris pour le lieu.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 446-9.

[680] He is also termed god of the earth in the fable.

[681] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 91-4, 289-91; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 443-9.

[682] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 465-7. See also _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 167-8. Nearly all the authors give the whole of the above meanings, without deciding upon any one.

[683] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 313; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 95.

[684] It means islet, from _tlatelli_, island. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. Veytia says it is a corruption of _xaltelolco_, sandy ground. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115.

[685] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 218; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 5.

[686] The Anonymous Conqueror says two and a half to three leagues in circumference, which is accepted by most authors. _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. But as the embankment which formed a semi-circle round the town was three leagues in length, the circumference of the city would not have been less. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4. Cortés says that it was as large as Seville or Cordova. _Cartas_, p. 103. Aylon, in _Id._, p. 43, places the number of houses as low as 30,000. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l., who is usually so extravagant in his descriptions, confines himself to 'mas de cincuenta mil casas.' Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113, 60,000, each of which contained two to ten occupants. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291, places the number as high as 120,000, which may include outlying suburbs. The size and business of the markets, the remains of ruins to be seen round modern Mexico, and its fame, sustain the idea of a very large population.

[687] See _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 216-17, on former and present surroundings. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103.

[688] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115.

[689] 'Erano ... di terra come mattonata.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 110.

[690] 'Fueron hechas à mano, de Tierra, y Cespedes, y mui quajadas de Piedra; son anchas, que pueden pasar por cada vna de ellas, tres Carretas juntas, ò diez Hombres à Caballo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 292; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 69; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 217. 'Tan ancha como dos lanzas jinetas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103. He mentions four causeways or entrances, but this must include either the branch which joins the southern road, or the aqueduct. 'Pueden ir por toda ello ocho de caballo á la par.' _Id._, p. 83. The view of Mexico published in the Luxemburg edition of _Cortés_, _Cartas_, points to four causeways besides the aqueduct, but little reliance can be placed on these fanciful cuts. Helps thinks, however, that there must have been more causeways than are mentioned by the conquerors. _Span. Conq._, vol. ii., pp. 456, 472. 'Entrano in essa per tre strade alte di pietra & di terra, ciascuna larga trenta passi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4. 'Las puentes que tenian hechas de trecho á trecho.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70.

[691] 'Dos puertas, una por do entran y otra por do salen.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 84, which means, no doubt, that passengers had to pass through the fort. He calls the second town along the road Niciaca, and the third Huchilohuchico. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that within the fort was a teocalli dedicated to Toci, on which a beacon blazed all night to guide travelers. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 209-10. But this is a mistake, for Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, pt ii., p. 184, his authority for this, says that the beacon was at a hill 'avant d'arriver à Acuchinanco.'

[692] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 292; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 84. The Anonymous Conqueror calls them two leagues, one league and a half, and a quarter of a league long respectively. _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4, makes the shortest a league.

[693] 'Habia otra algo mas estrecha para los dos acueductos.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 217.

[694] In Tezcuco the wards were each occupied by a distinct class of tradespeople, and this was doubtless the case in Mexico also, to a certain extent. 'Cada Oficio se vsase en Barrios de por sì; de suerte, que los que eran Plateros de Oro, avian de estàr juntos, y todos los de aquel Barrio, lo avian de ser, y no se avian de mezclar otros con ellos; y los de Plata, en otro Barrio,' etc. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 147; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 3; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 218.

[695] 'Al rededor de la ciudad habia muchos diques y esclusas para contener las aguas en caso necesario ... no pocas que tenian en medio una acequia entre dos terraplenes.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 218-19.

[696] 'Hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de caballo juntos á la par.' In case of necessity 'quitadas las puentes de las entradas y salidas.' With this facility for cutting off retreat, Cortés found it best to construct brigantines. _Cartas_, p. 103; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 187; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 73. 'Otra Calle avia ... mui angosta, y tanto, que apenas podian ir dos Personas juntas, son finalmente vnos Callejones mui estrechos.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii.

[697] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 157-8. It is here said to be four fathoms broad. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 231-2; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 32; Mühlenpfordt, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255, says: 'Reste des ... gegen 39,400 Fuss langen and 65 Fuss breiten Dammes aus Steinen in Lehm, zu beiden Seiten mit Pallisaden verbrämt.'

[698] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 116; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 299; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 608.

[699] 'Cosi grande come sarebbe tre volte la piazza di Salamanca.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 181.

[700] The Anonymous Conqueror states that this road carried the aqueduct which was three quarters of a league in length. _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 108; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 207; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 114.

[701] 'Los caños, que eran de madera y de cal y canto.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 209, 108; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 304. Other writers make the pipes larger. 'Tan gordos como vn buey cada vno.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113. 'Tan anchas como tres hombres juntos y mas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.

[702] Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 108, says 'echan la dulce por unas canales tan gruesas como un buey, que son de la longura de las dichas puentes.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 207; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 114; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 664.

[703] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii.

[704] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 500-1; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 207; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4.

[705] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. ii., cap. xlviii., xlix.

[706] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 427, tom. iv., pp. 209-10; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 184.

[707] _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 319; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 206, 460.

[708] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 7. 'En todos los caminos que tenian hechos de cañas, ò paja, ò yervas, porque no los viessen los que passasen por ellos, y alli se metian, si tenian gana de purgar los vientres, porque no se les perdiesse aquella suciedad.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70.

[709] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 298. The authorities for the description of the city are: _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309, and in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 390-2, with plans; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 43, 83-4, 102-9, 209; _Id._, _Despatches_, p. 333, plan; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70-3; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i. pp. 91-4, 147, 157-8, 206-7, 288-98, 306-7, 460; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 465-8, 500-1; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 180-3, 187-8; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113-16; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 283-4, 299, 305; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Ortega_, in _Id._, tom. iii., p. 319; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii., xiv., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi.; _Id._, (Translation, Lond. 1725), vol. ii., p. 372, vol. iii., p. 194, view and plan; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 174-5; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 168-9; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, pp. 95-6; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 184; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 81, 238-9; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 443-9, tom. iii., pp. 231-2, 427, tom. iv., pp. 3-7, 209-10; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 310-14, 664, tom. ii., pp. 216-28, with plan; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 16-17, vol. ii., pp. 69, 76-86; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255; _Alaman_, _Disertaciones_, tom. i., p. 184-8; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., pp. 310-14, 456, 471-2, 490-1, with plans; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 35-6; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.

[710] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 197; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 69.

[711] Cortés says 'piedra seca.' _Cartas_, p. 60, but this is contradicted by Bernal Diaz, who found it to be of stone and mortar. _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43. 'Sin mezcla de cal ni barro.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv.

[712] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150, gives the measurement at eight feet in height and eighteen in width.

[713] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 60; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 225-6. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150, with a cut.

[714] _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 186.

[715] Delaporte says that streets met on the hills. _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 256.

[716] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 67; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 308; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.

[717] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 171. See _Warden_, _Recherches_, pp. 67-8, on fortifications. In Michoacan, some towns had walls of planks two fathoms high and one broad. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.

[718] Meaning place of detention, because here the immigrating tribes used to halt, while deciding upon their settlement. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214.

[719] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix., says that it was nearly as large as Mexico. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115. Motolinia, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 182, gives it a league in width and six in length. Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. iv., gives it 20,000 houses. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 87-8, estimates it at 30,000 houses, and thinks that Torquemada must have included the three outlying towns to attain his figure. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 304.

[720] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 89-90, 303-4; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 87-8; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 242-4. For further references to Mexican towns, forts, etc., see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 24, 57-60, 67-8, 74-5, 92-3, 153, 171, 186, 196; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 308; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 214, 242, 251-2, 257; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 251-2, 304, 449-50; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 26, 51, 115; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. viii., lib. vi., cap. iv., xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. iv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150, with cut; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 283; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 221, 225-6; _Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 212; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 236; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 186; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 256; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 87-8, 259, 663, tom. ii., pp. 51, 161; _Warden_, _Recherches_, pp. 67-8; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 65; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 296; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 240, 243.

[721] Las Casas states that when a warrior distinguished himself abroad he was allowed to build his house in the style used by the enemy, a privilege allowed to none else. _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.

[722] 'I fondamenti delle case grandi della Capitale si gettavano a cagione della poca sodezza di quel terreno sopra un piano di grosse stanghe di cedro ficcate in terra.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 202. 'Porque la humedad no les causase enfermedad, alzaban los aposentos hasta un estado poco mas ó menos, y así quedaban como entresuelos.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 121. Speaking of Cempoalla, Peter Martyr says: 'Vnto these houses or habitations they ascend by 10. or 12. steppes or stayres.' Dec. iv., tom. vii. The floor of the palace at Mitla consisted of slabs of stone three feet thick, which rested on ten feet piles. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 26. Houses with elevated terraces were only allowed to chiefs. _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 188.

[723] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. This mode of whitewashing the walls and polishing them with gypsum seems to have been very common in all parts of Mexico, for we repeatedly meet with mentions of the dazzling white walls, like silver, which the Spaniards noticed all through their march. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 251; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 202.

[724] In Cempoalla, says Peter Martyr, 'none may charge his neighbours wall with beames or rafters. All the houses are seperated the distance of 3. paces asunder.' Dec. iv., lib. vii. Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 24, mentions as many as five courts.

[725] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 76-7; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 173. 'N'avaient guère qu'un étage, à cause de la fréquence des tremblement de terre.' _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 173.

[726] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 24.

[727] _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 328. The palace at Tecpeque, says Las Casas, was a very labyrinth, in which visitors were liable to lose themselves without a guide. In the palace allotted to Cortés at Mexico he found comfortable quarters for 400 of his own men, 2000 allies, and a number of attendants. _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lii., l. 'Auia salas con sus camaras, que cabia cada vno en su cama, ciento y cincuenta Castellanos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'Intorno d'una gran corti fossero prima grandissime sale & stantie, però v'era vna sala cosi grande che vi poteano star dentro senza dar l'un fastidio all'altro piu di tre mila persone.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309.

[728] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 200, 202; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 251.

[729] Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 188, says that chiefs were permitted to erect towers pierced with arrows in the courtyard. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 120. The houses were often quite surrounded with trees. _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 220.

[730] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 656.

[731] _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 135-6.

[732] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l., says: 'Encalados por encima, que no se pueden llover.' 'Couered with reede, thatch, or marish sedge: yet many of them are couered with slate, or shingle stone.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vii., dec. v., lib. x.

[733] _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 219.

[734] _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 314.

[735] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 658.

[736] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 200-2; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 173-4; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 662-3, 665.

[737] 'Eran los Patios, y Suelos de ellos, de argamasa, y despues de encalados, cubrian la superficie, y haz, con Almagre, y despues bruñianlos, con vnos guijarros, y piedras mui lisas, y quedaban con tan buena tèz, y tan hermosamente bruñidos, que no podia estarlo mas vn Plato de Plata; pues como fuese de mañana, y el Sol començase à derramar, y esparcir la Lumbre de sus Raios, y començasen à reberverar en los Suelos, encendianlos de manera, que à quien llevaba tan buen deseo, y ansia de haber Oro, y Plata, le pudo parecer, que era Oro el Suelo; y es mui cierto, que los suelos de las Casas, y de los Patios (en especial, de los Templos, y de los Señores, y Personas Principales) se hacian, y adereçaban, en aquellos Tiempos, tales, que eran mui de vèr, y algunos de estos hemos visto tan lisos, y limpios, que sin asco se podia comer en ellos, sin Manteles, qualquier Manjar.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 251-2; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix.

[738] 'Toldillos encima.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66.

[739] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66, 68; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v., vii.; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 174-5; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 79, 174-5. Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 15-16, mentions stools of cane and reed; and firebugs which were used for lights.

[740] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 381; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 201; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 662. 'No ay puertas ni ventanas que cerrar, todo es abierto.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318.

[741] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 8.

[742] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix-l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 76.

[743] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.

[744] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 199; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 200; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 657; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 661-2.

[745] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 214-15, with cut; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 662, 671-2, with cut. The poorer had doubtless resort to public baths; they certainly existed in Tlascala. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 240.

[746] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 155; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 635; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 564. For description of houses, see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 251-2, 291, tom. ii., pp. 381, 564; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. v.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 155, 200-2, 214-15, with cut; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix.-lii.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 24; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66, 68; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 199; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 121; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 188; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. v., cap. x.; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 328; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 221; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 26, 222, 635, 656-8, iv., p. 8; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 76-7, 120; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 31; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 173-5, 240; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 661-3, 671-2, with cut, tom. ii., p. 219; _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 135-6; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 15-16.

[747] 'El anden, hácia la pared de la huerta, va todo labrado de cañas con unas vergas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 83.

[748] 'Un anden de muy buen suelo ladrillado.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 83.

[749] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 283; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 636; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 156.

[750] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 196; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 157.

[751] See this vol., p. 345.

[752] 'Hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de caballo juntos á la par.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 632, says that stone bridges were most common, which is doubtless a mistake. Speaking of swinging bridges, Klemm says: 'Manche waren so fest angespannt, dass sie gar keine schwankende Bewegung hatten.' _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 75; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 169.

[753] 'En los mismos patios de los pueblos principales habia otros cada doce ó quince teocallis harto grandes, unos mayores que otros.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64. 'Entre quatro, ó cinco barrios tenian vn Adoratorio, y sus idolos.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 72.

[754] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 84-6; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 35.

[755] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 26, 34, cuts; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, (Translation, Lond. 1725), vol. ii., pp. 372, 378, cuts.

[756] _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 151-3.

[757] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 186; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 37. Other authors give the number at 60,460, and the attendance at 6,000,000. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 257.

[758] 'Recibia dentro de su hueco todo el suelo en que aora està edificada la Iglesia Maior, Casas del Marquès del Valle, Casas Reales, y Casas Arçobispales, con mucha parte de lo que aora es Plaça, que parece cosa increìble.' _Sahagun_, quoted in _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 146. To-day the Cathedral stands upon the Plaza, and many houses occupy the spot; see _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 226-7, 233-5. Opposite the south gate was the market and 'en face du grand temple se trouvait le palais.' _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 152.

[759] 'Dos cercas al rededor de cal, y canto.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70-1.

[760] 'Mayores que la plaça que ay en Salamanca.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70. Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 106, states that a town of 500 houses could be located within its compass. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 144, Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li., and Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., agree upon a length to each side of one cross-bow or musket shot, and this, according to Las Casas, cap. cxxxii., is 750 paces; in the same places he gives the length at four shots, or 3000 paces, an evident mistake, unless by this is meant the circumference. Hernandez estimates it at about 80 perches, or 1,420 feet. Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 197, who seems to have investigated the matter more closely, places it at 200 fathoms, which cannot be too high, when we consider that the court enclosed 77 or more edifices, besides the great temple. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 226, gives a length of 250 varas.

[761] 'Era todo cercado de piedra de manposterìa mui bien labrado.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 144. 'Estaban mui bien encaladas, blancas, y bruñidas.' _Id._, p. 141.

[762] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 27; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 661; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 142. 'Era labrada de piedras grandes a manera de culebras asidas las vnas a las otras.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 63.

[763] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333, says an idol stood over each gate, facing the road. It is not stated by any author that the arsenals formed the gateway, but as they rose over the entrance, and nearly all mention upper and lower rooms, and as buildings of this size could not have rested upon the walls alone, it follows that the lower story must have formed the sides of the entrance. 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 146; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120. Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 152, mentions three gates. 'À l'orient et à l'occident d'une petite porte et d'une grande vis-à-vis de l'escalier méridional.'

[764] 'Y el mismo patio, y sitio todo empedrado de piedras grandes de losas blancas, y muy lisas: y adonde no auia de aquellas piedras, estaua encalado, y bruñido.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70. The white stones had no doubt received that color from plaster. 'Los patios y suelos eran teñidos de Almagre bruñido, y incorporado con la misma cal.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. The dimensions given by the different authors are extremely varied; the Anonymous Conqueror, as the only eye-witness who has given any measurements, certainly deserves credit for those that appear reasonable, namely the length and width; the height seems out of proportion.

[765] 'Cento & cinquanta passi, ò poco piu di lunghezza, & cento quindici, ò cento & venti di larghezza.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. This would give the length and breadth of the base in the text, assuming two and a half feet to the pace. With a decrease of two good paces for each of the four ledges which surround the pyramid, the summit measurement is arrived at. The terraces are stated by the same author to be two men's stature in height, but this scarcely agrees with the height indicated by the 120 or 30 steps given. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70, counted 114 steps, and as most authors estimate each of these at a span, or nine inches in height, this would give an altitude of 86 feet. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 28-9, gives about 50 fathoms (perches, he calls them) by 43 to the base, and, allowing a perch to the ledges, he places the summit dimensions at 43 by 34 fathoms. The height he estimates at 19 fathoms, giving the height of each step as one foot. To prove that he has not over-estimated the summit dimensions, at least, he refers to the statements of Cortés, who affirms that he fought 500 Mexicans on the top platform, and of Diaz, who says that over 4,000 men garrisoned the temple. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 144-5, who follows Sahagun, states it to be 360 feet square at the base, and over 70 at the top; the steps he says are 'vna tercia, y mas' in height, which closely approaches a foot. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li., says: 'Una torre triangular ó de tres esquinas de tierra y piedra maciza; y ancha de esquina á esquina de ciento y viente pasos ó cuasi ... con un llano ó plaza de obra de setenta pies.' In cap. cxxxii. he calls it 100 men's stature in height. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, says 50 fathoms square at the base and 18 at the top. Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245, describes a temple which seems to be that of Mexico, and states it to be 80 fathoms square, with a height of 27 men's stature. Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., places the dimensions as low as 30 varas square at the base and from 12 to 15 at the top. Of modern authors Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 659, gives the dimensions at 300 by 250 feet for the base, and 60 feet for the summit, after allowing from 5 to 6 feet for the ledges, a rather extraordinary computation; unless, indeed, we assume that the terraces were sloping, but there is no reliable cut or description to confirm such a supposition. Humboldt, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 169-70, has 97 mètres for the square, and 37 for the height. Ortega, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 280-82, is positive that the height was certainly no less than 38 varas. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. ii., p. 144, remarks that there is no authority for describing the temple as oblong, except the _contemptible_ cut of the Anonymous Conqueror. This may be just enough as regards the cut, but if he had examined the description attached to it, he would have found the dimensions of an oblong structure given. We must consider that the Anonymous Conqueror is the only eye-witness who gives any measurement, and, further, that as two chapels were situated at one end of the platform the structure ought to have been oblong to give the space in front a fair outline.

[766] 'Alto come due stature d'vn huomo.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307.

[767] 'Lasciano vna strada di larghezza di duo passi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. See note 87; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64.

[768] The Anonymous Conqueror, _Relatione, etc._, ubi supra, Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv., Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, and Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145, all say that there was no ledge on the west side, merely steps, but this is, doubtless, a careless expression, for 23 steps allotted to each terrace would scarcely have extended over a length of about 300 feet, the breadth of the pyramid. Nearly all agree upon the number of the steps, namely 114. Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245, however, gives 160 steps; Oviedo, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 502-3, 60 steps; and Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333, 30 steps, 30 fathoms wide, but the latter author has evidently mixed up the accounts of two different temples. Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 152, states that the temple had three stairways, with 360 steps in all, one for every day in the Mexican year. According to _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 155, the steps are on the south corner, but there is no authority for this statement; in the cuts they appear on the north.

[769] 'De tierra y piedra, mezclada con cal muy macizada.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii. 'Por la parte de fuera iba su pared de piedra: lo de dentro henchíanlo de piedra todo, ó de barro y adobe; otros de tierra bien tapiada.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 63-4. 'Hecha de manposteria.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 144. The pyramid of Teotihuacan, which, according to some authors, has been a model for others, is built of clay mixed with small stones, covered by a heavy wall of tetzontli, which is coated with lime. _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 187. 'Todas las piedras estauan assentadas de tal suerte, que la mezcla casi no parecia, sino todas las piedras vna.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75. The whitewash may, however, have given it this solid appearance. 'Todos aquellos Templos, y Salas; y todas sus paredes que los cercaban, estaban mui bien encaladas, blancas, y bruñidas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141. The mortar was mixed with precious stones and gold-dust. _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 60.

[770] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 659, states that three sides of the platform were protected by a balustrade of sculptured stone, and this is not unlikely when we consider the slippery nature of the floor and the dizzy height. See _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix., cxxiv., and note 75 on polished floors. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 664, states that the summit was paved with marble.

[771] 'In alto dieci, ò dodici stature d'huomo.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. This is followed by Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 29, who says 56 feet, or about 9 perches. No other dimensions are mentioned by the old chroniclers; Brasseur de Bourbourg, however, gives them a base of 20 feet square, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 659-60, but this becomes absurd when we consider the height of the buildings, and the accommodation required for the gigantic idols they contained. This author hazards the opinion that the chapels were placed close to the edge, to enable the people to see the idols from below, but there is no mention of any doors on the east side, and it is stated that the chapels were placed at this end so that the people in praying might face the rising sun. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.

[772] 'Que se mandaban por la parte de adentro, por unas escaleras de madera movedizas.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245. Acosta states that the towers were ascended by 120 steps. _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334. The towers were made of 'artesones.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the outside of the walls was painted with various figures and monsters, but this seems to be a misinterpretation of Gomara, who places the paintings on the inside. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 660. Bernal Diaz says, besides, that the towers were 'todas blanqueando.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70.

[773] The eaves or the domes of the temples were decorated with fine red and white pillars, set with jet black stones and holding two figures of stone with torches in their hands, which supported a battlement in form of spiral shells; the torches were adorned with yellow and green feathers and fringes. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242.

[774] Most of the old authors say that Tlaloc occupied the second chapel, but as the next largest temple in the court is dedicated to this god, I am inclined to think, with Clavigero, that Tezcatlipoca shared the chief pyramid with Huitzilopochtli. Another reason for this belief is that Tezcatlipoca was held to be the half-brother of Huitzilopochtli, and their feasts were sometimes attended with similar ceremonies. Tezcatlipoca was also one of the highest if not the highest god, and, accordingly, entitled to the place of honor by the side of the favorite god of the Aztecs. Tlaloc, on the other hand, had nothing in common with Huitzilopochtli, and the only possible ground that can be found for his promotion to the chief pyramid is to be seen in the fable of the foundation of Mexico, in which Tlaloc, as the lord of the site, gives the Aztecs permission to settle there. We have, besides, the testimony of Bernal Diaz, who saw Tezcatlipoca, adorned with the _tezcatl_, or mirror ornament, seated in the left hand temple. _Hist. Conq._, fol. 71; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 281. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 660, thinks it possible that the second temple was occupied by different idols, in turn, according to the festival.

[775] 'No eran mas altos que cinco palmos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 29.

[776] Clavigero thinks that the stone was of jasper. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 46, with cut. It is difficult to define the position of this stone; some place it before the idol within the chapel, others at the western extremity of the platform. Referring to the idols in the chapel, Sahagun says: 'Delante de cada una de estas estaba una piedra redonda á manera de tajon que llaman _texcatl_, donde mataban los que sacrificaban á honra de aquel dios, y desde la piedra hasta abajo un _regaxal_ de sangre de los que mataban en él'--he describes the stone as round. _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 198. And this I am inclined to accept as correct, especially as several points indicate that the stones stood inside the chapel. Their floor, we are told, were steeped in blood that must have flown from the victims; further, we know that the reeking heart was held up before or thrown at the feet of the idol, immediately after being torn out. The act of sacrifice was in itself a ceremony which could only have been performed before the idol. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334, and Solis, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 397, place it in the middle of the platform. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. ii., p. 145, states that the stone (one only) stood near the head of the stairway, but this is most likely a hasty interpretation of Diaz' vague account. There may, however, have been a large stone at this place, which was used for the great and general sacrifices. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 660-1, manages very dexterously to place the two stones before the chapel, and at the same time near the head of the steps. Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 98, mentions one stone with a hollow in the middle.

[777] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119.

[778] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 71.

[779] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106. It is also stated that certain chapels in the streets were used for burial places by the lords. 'Inde Straten waren veel Cappellen, die meest diendeden tot begravinghe van de groote Heeren.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 248.

[780] 'Dezian, que era el Dios de las sementeras' (called Centeotl). _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 71.

[781] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 29-30; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 228; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145; on p. 141, he says, in contradiction: 'Delante de los Altares en estos Templos avia vnos braseros hechos de piedra, y cal, de tres quartas en alto, de figura circular, ò redonda, y otros quadrados, donde de dia, y de noche ardia continuo fuego, tenian sus fogones, y braseros todas las Salas de los dichos Templos, donde encendian fuego, para calentarse los Señores, quando iban à ellos, y para los Sacerdotes.' 'Tan altos como tres palmos y cuatro.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.

[782] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70.

[783] See note 119; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 65.

[784] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 30. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li., and Motolinia, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64, say that they face in all directions, which tends to prove that they must have faced the temple of the supreme and patron gods. 'Estando encontrados, y puestos vnos contra otros,' adds _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 141, 145. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, states that they were turned against all points but the east, so as to differ from the chief temple. 'Tenian la cara ácia el occidente.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 198. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334, states that the court held eight or nine temples facing all quarters.

[785] 'Todos eran vnos; pero diferenciabanse en el asiento, y postura.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145. 'La cubierta ... era de diversas, y varias formas, que aunque eran vnas de madera, y otras de paja, como de Centeno, eran mui primamente labradas, vnas coberturas piramidales, y quadradas, y otras redondas, y de otras formas.' _Ib._ _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 118-19; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 662-3.

[786] 'La menor dellas tiene çinqüenta escalones para subir al cuerpo de la torre.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 302; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106.

[787] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145.

[788] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 147-50.

[789] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 201-7; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 149; Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 32, calls it Hueitzompan.

[790] 'En los escalones habia tambien un cráneo entre piedra y piedra.' _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 287. But this is unlikely. See also _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121.

[791] 'Estos palos hazian muchas aspas por las vigas, y cada tercio de aspa o palo, tenia cinco cabeças ensartadas por las sienes.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334, places the masts a fathom apart, and twenty skulls upon each cross-pole, which is, to say the least, very close packing.

[792] At each end of the platform. _Warden_, _Recherches_, p. 66.

[793] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 32; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 333-5. The account of the latter author is so mixed up with that of the chief temple as to be of little value; Montanus, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 242-3, follows him.

[794] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333, says that 8,000 to 10,000 persons could dance with joined hands in this place.

[795] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 48, with cut; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 154; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 283; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 662.

[796] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 146-7; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.

[797] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 151; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 244.

[798] 'Residen en el a la contina cinco mil personas, y todas duermen dentro, y comen a su costa del.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120. 'V'hauea vna guarnigione di dieci mila homini di guerra.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309.

[799] The authorities on the temple of Mexico are: _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70-2; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307, 309, and in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 384-5, 394-5, with cuts; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 186, tom. ii., pp. 140-56; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 197-211; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 118-22; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix., li., cxxiv.; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 37; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 257-8, tom. ii., pp. 25-32, 46-8, with cuts made up from the various descriptions of Diaz and others; see his remarks, p. 26. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 333-5; this author mixes up the descriptions of the chief temple and the Tzompantli, and represents this account as that of Huitzilopochtli's sanctuary; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., xviii.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 63-5; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 279-89; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 151-3, 193; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 302-3, 502-3; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 394-98; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 248; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 187; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 154-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 659-65; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 664, tom. ii., pp. 226-35, with cuts; _Warden_, _Recherches_, p. 66; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 142-5.

[800] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 33. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120, says that there were 2000 idols, each of which is supposed to have had a separate chapel. _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. i., p. 2; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii.; in cap. cxxiv., he adds that 100 of these were great temples.

[801] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120. Some temple pyramids, says Dávila Padilla, formed a perfect cone, the casing being composed of large stones at the bottom; as the wall rose, the stones decreased in size; the summit was crowned with a precious stone. _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 72.

[802] 'Los grandes tenian tres sobrados encima de los altares, todos _de terrados y_ bien altos.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141.

[803] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 239-40; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 33-4. Bernal Diaz counted 120 steps, which scarcely agrees with the height of the pyramid. _Hist. Conq._, fol. 72. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 390-1, mentions 60 steps only. 'Alto bien mas de quarenta estados: fue hecho de Adove, y Piedra.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 281. Montanus adds that on the summit stood a square structure, supported by 28 pillars, within which were thousands of skulls; he mentions two chapels. _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 236. It had 1508 steps; in the wall was a large diamond. _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 238.

[804] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. Some of these had two chapels, which would make the number of towers about 400. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii.

[805] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245. The description of the temple as given by this writer is almost identical with that of the great temple at Mexico. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 72; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 305.

[806] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 257.

[807] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-8. Further authorities on Mexican buildings: _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. iv-v., viii-xi., xiii-xviii., dec. iii., lib. i., cap. viii., lib. ii., cap. xi., xv.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii-iii., viii., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 84-7, 121; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 155; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 359, 362; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 240-8; _Munster_, _Cosmographia_, p. 1410; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 80-5, 235-7, 242-3; _Cortés_, _Aven. y Conq._, pp. 120, 128-33; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 123-7, 172-5, 252-3, 258-9, 266; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 31-2, 75, 84-5, 97-9, 152-62; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 20-1, 24-5, 36-7; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 40-8; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, pt ii., p. 164; _Lafond_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 106-7; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 92-5; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_, pp. 336-7; _Domenech_, _Mexique_, pp. 70-2; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 391; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, pp. 64, 70-1; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 20-1; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 55-7; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 30-3; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1033, 1123-4, 1133.

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