Chapter 51 of 52 · 12000 words · ~60 min read

CHAPTER XXIV

MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS.

SCARCITY OF INFORMATION--USE OF METALS--GOLD AND PRECIOUS STONES--IMPLEMENTS OF STONE--SCULPTURE--POTTERY--MANUFACTURE OF CLOTH--DYEING--SYSTEM OF NUMERATION--MAYA CALENDAR IN YUCATAN--DAYS, WEEKS, MONTHS, AND YEARS--INDICTIONS AND KATUNES--PEREZ' SYSTEM OF AHAU KATUNES--STATEMENTS OF LANDA AND COGOLLUDO--INTERCALARY DAYS AND YEARS--DAYS AND MONTHS IN GUATEMALA, CHIAPAS, AND SOCONUSCO--MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC SYSTEM--TESTIMONY OF EARLY WRITERS ON THE USE OF PICTURE-WRITING--DESTRUCTION OF DOCUMENTS--SPECIMENS WHICH HAVE SURVIVED--THE DRESDEN CODEX--MANUSCRIPT TROANO--TABLETS OF PALENQUE, COPAN, AND YUCATAN--BISHOP LANDA'S KEY--BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG'S INTERPRETATION.

Our knowledge of Maya arts and manufactures, so far as it depends on the statements of the early Spanish writers is very slight, and may be expressed in few words; especially as most of these arts seem to have been very nearly identical with those of the Nahuas, although many of them, at the time of the Conquest at least, were not carried to so high a grade of perfection as in the north. Some branches of mechanical art have indeed left material relics, which, examined in modern times, have extended our knowledge on the subject very far beyond what may be gleaned from sixteenth-century observations. But a volume of this work is set apart for the consideration of material relics with numerous illustrative plates, and although the temptation to use both information and plates from modern sources is particularly strong in some of the topics of this chapter and the following, a regard for the symmetry of the work, and the necessity of avoiding all repetition, cause me to confine myself here almost exclusively to the old authors, as I have done in describing the Nahua arts.

[Sidenote: KNOWLEDGE OF METALS.]

Iron was not known to the Mayas, and it is not quite certain that copper was mined or worked by them. The boat so often mentioned as having been met by Columbus off the coast, and supposed to have come from Yucatan, had on board crucibles for melting copper, and a large number of copper hatchets. Similar hatchets together with bells, ornaments, and spear and arrow points of the same metal were seen at various points, and were doubtless used to a considerable extent throughout Yucatan, Chiapas, and Guatemala. But there are no metallic deposits on the peninsula, and the copper instruments used there, or at least the material, must have been brought from the north, as it is indeed stated by several authors that they were. No metallic relics whatever have been found among the ruins of Yucatan, and only very few in other Maya regions. Copper implements are not mentioned by the early visitors to Nicaragua, and although that country abounds in ore of a variety easily worked, yet there is no evidence that it was used, and Squier's statement that the Nicaraguans were skillful workers in this metal, probably rests on no stronger basis than the reported discovery of a copper mask at Ometepec. Godoi speaks of copper in Chiapas, and also of a metallic composition called _cacao_!

Small articles of gold, intended chiefly for ornamental purposes, were found everywhere in greater or less abundance by the Spaniards, the gold being generally described as of a low grade. Cortés speaks of the gold in Yucatan as alloyed with copper, and the same alloy is mentioned in Guatemala by Herrera, and in Nicaragua by Benzoni. The latter author says that gold was abundant in Nicaragua but was all brought from other provinces. He also states that there were no mines of any kind, but Oviedo, on the contrary, speaks of 'good mines of gold.' Articles of gold took the form of animals, fishes, birds, bells, small kettles and vases, beads, rings, bracelets, hatchets, small idols, bars, plates for covering armor, gilding or plating of wooden masks and clay beads, and settings for precious stones. Peter Martyr speaks of gold as formed in bars and stamped in Nicaragua, and Villagutierre of silver 'rosillas' in use among the Itzas. We have but slight information respecting the use of precious stones. Oviedo saw in Nicaragua a sun-dial of pearl set on jasper, and also speaks of wooden masks covered with stone mosaic and gold plates in Tabasco. Martyr tells us that the natives of Yucatan attached no value to Spanish counterfeited jewels, because they could take from their mines better ones of genuine worth.[1096]

[Sidenote: STONE CARVING.]

The few implements in common use among the Mayas, such as knives, chisels, hatchets, and metates, together with the spear and arrow heads already mentioned, were of flint, porphyry, or other hard stone. There is but little doubt that most of their elaborate sculpture on temples and idols was executed with stone implements, since the material employed was for the most part soft and easily worked. The carvings in the hard sapote-wood in Yucatan must have presented great difficulties to workmen without iron tools; but the fact remains that stone implements, with a few probably of hardened copper, sufficed with native skill and patience for all purposes. Villagutierre informs us that the Lacandones cut wood with stone hatchets. Cogolludo speaks of the remarkable facility which the natives displayed in learning the mechanical arts introduced by Spaniards, in using new and strange tools or adapting the native implements to new uses. All implements whether of the temple or the household, seem to have been ceremonially consecrated to their respective uses. Oviedo speaks of deer-bone combs used in Guatemala, and of another kind of combs the teeth of which were made of black wood and set in a composition like baked clay but which became soft on exposure to heat.

The early writers speak in general terms of idols of various human and animal forms, cut from all kinds of stone, and also from wood; Martyr also mentions an immense serpent in what he supposed to be a place of punishment in Yucatan, which was 'compacted of bitumen and small stones.' The Itzas constructed of stone and mortar the image of a horse, modeled on an animal left among them by Cortés. The Spanish authors say little or nothing of the sculpture of either idols or architectural decorations, except that it was elaborate, and often demon-like; but their observations on the subject would have had but little value, even had they been more extended, and fortunately architectural remains are sufficiently numerous and complete, at least in Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas, to supply information that, if not entirely satisfactory, is far more so than what we possess respecting other branches of Maya art. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of vases exquisitely worked from alabaster and agate in Yucatan; there is some authority for this in modern discoveries, but little or none, so far as I know, in the writings of the conquerors. Earthenware, shells, and the rind of the gourd were the material of Maya dishes. All speak of the native pottery as most excellent in workmanship, material, and painting, but give no details of its manufacture. Herrera, however, mentions a province of Guatemala, where very fine pottery was made by the women, and Palacio tells us that this branch of manufactures was one of the chief industries of Aguachapa, a town of the Pipiles.

All that is known of cloths and textile fabrics has been given in enumerating the various articles of dress; of any differences that may have existed between the Nahua and Maya methods of spinning and weaving cotton we know nothing. It is probable that the native methods have not been modified essentially in modern times among the same peoples. We are told that in Yucatan the wife of a god invented weaving, and was worshiped under the name of Ixazalvoh; while another who improved the invention by the use of colored threads was Yxchebelyax, also a goddess. Spinning and weaving was for the most part women's work, and they are spoken of as industrious and skillful in the avocation. Bark and maguey-fibre were made into cloth by the Cakchiquels, and Oviedo mentions several plants whose fibre was worked into nets and ropes by the Nicaraguans. The numerous dye-woods which are still among the richest productions of the country in many parts, furnished the means of imparting to woven fabrics the bright hues of which the natives were so fond. Bright-colored feathers were highly prized and extensively used for decorative purposes. Garments of feathers are spoken of, which were probably made as they were in Mexico by pasting the plumage in various ornamental figures on cotton fabric.[1097]

[Sidenote: SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.]

The following table will give the reader a clear idea of the Maya system of numeration as it existed in Yucatan; the definitions of some of the names are taken from the Maya dictionary, and may or may not have any application to the subject:

1 hun, 'paper' 2 ca, 'calabash' 3 ox, 'shelled corn' 4 can, 'serpent' or 'count' 5 ho, 'entry' 6 uac 7 uuc 8 uaxac, 'something standing erect' 9 bolon, _bol_, 'to roll or turn' 10 lahun, _lah_, 'a stone' 11 buluc, 'drowned' 12 lachá, (lahun-ca), 10 + 2 13 oxlahun, 3 + 10 14 canlahun, 4 + 10 15 holhun, (ho-lahun), 5 + 10 16 uaclahun, 6 + 10, etc. 20 hunkal, _kal_, 'neck,' or a measure, 1 × 20 21 huntukal, 1 + 20 22 catukal, 2 + 20, etc. 28 uaxactukal, or hunkal catac uaxac, 8 + 20, or 20 + 8 _catac_, 'and' 30 luhucakal, 2 × 20 - 10 (?) 31 buluctukal, 11 + 20 32 lahcatukal, 12 + 20 33 oxlahutukal, 13 + 20, etc. 40 cakal, 2 × 20 41 huntuyoxkal 42 catuyoxkal 50 lahuyoxkal 51 buluctuyoxkal 60 oxhal, 3 × 20 61 huntucankal 70 lahucankal 71 buluctucankal 80 cankal, 4 × 20 81 hutuyokal 82 catuyokal 90 lahuyokal 100 ho-kal, 5 × 20 101 huntu uackal 102 catu uackal 110 lahu uackal 115 holhu uackal 120 uackal, 6 × 20 130 lahu uuckal 131 buluc tu uuckal 140 uuckal, 7 × 20 141 huntu uaxackal 160 uaxackal, 8 × 20, etc. 200 lahuncal, 10 × 20 300 holhukal, 15 × 20 400 hunbak, 1 × 400 500 hotubak 600 lahutubak 800 cabak, 2 × 400 900 hotu yoxbak 1,000 lahuyoxbak or hunpic (modern) 1,200 oxbak, 3 × 400 1,250 oxbak catac lahuyoxkal, 3 × 400 + 50 2,000 capic (modern) 8,000 hunpic (ancient) 16,000 ca pic (ancient) 160,000 calab 1,000,000 kinchil or huntzotzceh 64,000,000 hunalau

Thus the Mayas seem to have had uncompounded names for the numerals from 1 to 11, 20, 400, and 8,000, and to have formed all numbers by the addition or multiplication of these. The manner in which the combinations were made seems clear up to the number 40. Thus we have 10 and 2, 10 and 3, etc., up to 19; 20 is _hun-kal_, 21 is _hun-tu-kal_, etc., indicating that _tu_, which I do not find in any dictionary, is simply 'and' or a sign of addition. The composition of _lahu-ca-kal_ is clear only in the sense of _ten_ from _twice twenty_; 40 is two twenties, 60 is three twenties, and so on regularly by twenties up to 400, for which a new word _bak_ is introduced; after which the numbers proceed, twice 400, thrice 400, etc., to 8,000, _pic_, corresponding to the Nahua _xiquipilli_. But while the composition is intelligible so far as the multiples of 20 and 400 are concerned, it is far from clear in the case of the intermediate numbers. For instance, 40 is _ca-kal_, and forming 41, 42, etc., as 21 was formed from 20, we should have _hun-tu-ca-kal_, _ca-tu-ca-kal_, etc., instead of the names given, _hun-tu-yox-kal_, etc., or, interpreting this last name as the former were interpreted we should have 61 instead of 41. The same observation may be made respecting every number, not a multiple of 20, up to 400; that is, each number is less by 20 than the composition of its name would seem to indicate. If we gave to _tu_ the meaning 'towards,' then _hun-tu-yox-kal_ might be interpreted '1 (from 40) towards 60,' or 41; but in such a case the word for 21, _hun-tu-kal_, must be supposed to be a contraction of _hun-tu-ca-kal_, '1 (from 20) towards 40.' Other irregularities will be noticed by the reader in the numbers above 400. I have thought it best to call attention to what appears a strange inconsistency in this system of numeration, but which may present less difficulties to one better acquainted than I with the Maya language.[1098]

[Sidenote: THE MAYA CALENDAR.]

Authorities on the Maya calendar of Yucatan, the only one of which any details are known, are Bishop Landa and Don Juan Pio Perez. The latter was a modern writer who devoted much study to the subject, was perfectly familiar with the Maya language, and had in his possession or consulted elsewhere many ancient manuscripts. There are also a few scattered remarks on the subject in the works of other writers.[1099]

The Maya day was called _kin_, or 'sun'; _malik ocok kin_ was the time just preceding sunrise; _hatzcab_ was the time from sunrise to noon, which was called _chunkin_ or 'middle of the day'; _tzelep kin_ was the declining sun, or about three o'clock P. M.; _oc na kin_ was sunset. The night was _akab_, and midnight was _chumuc akab_. Other hours were indicated by the position of the sun in the daytime, and by that of some star--the morning star, the Pleiades, and the Gemini as Landa says--during the night.

[Illustration: Days of the Maya Calendar.]

The following table shows the names of the twenty days with the orthography of different writers, and the meaning of the names so far as known:

Kan 'henequen string,' 'yellow,' 'serpent.' Chicchán _chichan_ would be 'small,' a thing that grows or increases slowly. Cimi (Quimi, Cimij) preterite of _cimil_, 'to die.' Manik possibly 'passing wind.' Lamat possibly 'abyss of water,' found as _lambat_ in Oajaca calendar. Muluc possibly 'reunion,' also in Chiapas calendar. Oc 'what may be held in the palm of the hand,' 'foot,' 'leg.' Chuen 'board,' or name of a tree, perhaps _chouen_ of Quiché calendar. Eb 'stairway' or 'ladder.' Ben (Been) perhaps Been, an ancient prince, or 'to spend with economy.' Ix (Hix, Gix) possibly 'roughness.' The Quiché _itz_ is 'sorcerer.' Men 'builder.' Cib (Quib) 'wax' or 'copal.' Caban Ezanab (Ecnab, Edznab) Cauac Ahau (Ajau) 'king,' beginning of the period of 24 (or 20) years. Ymix _Imox_, in Quiché calendar is the Mexican Cipactli. Ik (Yk) 'wind' or 'breath.' Akbal In Quiché, 'vase.'

The hieroglyphics by which the names of the days were expressed are shown in the accompanying cut in their proper order of succession,--Kan, Chicchan, etc., to Akbal; but it is to be noted that although this order was invariable, yet the month might begin with any one of the four days Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac.

The month, made up as I have said of twenty days, was called _u_, or 'moon,' indicating perhaps that time was originally computed by lunar calculations. It was also called _uinal_, a word whose signification is not satisfactorily given. The year contained eighteen months, whose names with the hieroglyphics by which they were written, are shown in the cut on the opposite page, in their order, Pop, Uo, Zip, etc., to Cumhu.

Not only did the months succeed each other always in the same order, but Pop was always the first month of the year, which began on a date corresponding to July 16 of our calendar, a date which varies only forty-eight hours from the time when the sun passes the zenith--an approximation as accurate as could be expected from observations made without instruments.

[Sidenote: MONTHS OF THE MAYA CALENDAR.]

[Illustration: Months of the Maya Calendar.]

The following table shows the names of the months, their meaning, and the day on which each began, according to our calendar:

Pop (Poop, Popp) 'mat' July 16 Uo (Woo, Voo) 'Frog' Aug. 5 Zip (Cijp) name of a tree, 'defect,' 'swollen' Aug. 25 Tzoz (Zoc, Zotz) 'bat' Sept. 14 Tzec (Zeec) possibly 'discourse,' 'skull' Oct. 4 Xul 'end' Oct. 24 Yaxkin (Dze-Yaxkin, Tze Yaxkin) 'beginning of summer' Nov. 13 Mol (Mool) 'to reunite'. Dec. 3 Chen (Cheen) 'well' Dec. 23 Yax (Yaax) 'green' or 'blue' or 'first' Jan. 12 Zac (Zak) 'clear,' 'white' Feb. 1 Ceh (Qeh, Quej, Queh) 'deer' Feb. 21 Mac, 'to close,' 'lid,' a measure Mar. 13 Kankin, 'yellow sun' Apr. 2 Muan (Moan) 'showery day,' the bird called 'ara' Apr. 22 Pax (Paax) a musical instrument May 12 Kayab, 'singing' June 1 Cumhu (Cumkú) noise of an explosion, as of thunder June 21 [1100]

[Sidenote: INTERCALARY DAYS.]

The year was called _haab_, and consisted of the eighteen months already named,--which would make 360 days,--and of five supplementary, or intercalary days, to complete the full number of 365. These intercalary days were called _xma kaba kin_, or 'nameless days,' and also _uayab_ or _nayeb haab_, _u na haab_, _nayab chab_, _u yail kin_, _u yail haab_, _u tuz kin_, or _u lobol kin_, which may mean 'bed' or 'chamber' of the year, 'mother of the year,' 'bed of creation,' 'travail of the year,' 'lying days,' or 'bad days,' etc. They were added at the end of each year, after the last day of Cumhu, and although they are called nameless, and were perhaps never spoken of by name, yet they were actually reckoned like the rest;--that is, if the last day of Cumhu was Akbal, the five intercalary days would be reckoned as Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, and Lamat, so that the new year, or the month of Pop, would begin with the day Muluc.

Besides this division of time into years, months, and days, there was another division carried along simultaneously with the first, into twenty-eight periods of thirteen days each,[1101] which may for convenience be termed weeks, although the natives did not apply any name to the period of thirteen days, and perhaps did not regard it as a definite period at all, but used the number thirteen as a sacred number from some superstitious motives;[1102] yet its use produces some curious complications in the calendar, of which it is a most peculiar feature. The name of each day was preceded by a numeral showing its position in the week, and these numerals proceeded regularly from one to thirteen and then began again at one. Thus 1 Kan meant 'Kan, the first day of the week'; 12 Cauac, 'Cauac, the twelfth day of the week,' etc. It is probable also that the days of the month were numbered regularly from 1 to 20, as events are spoken of as occurring on the 18th of Zip, etc., but the numeral relating to the week was the most prominent. The table shows the succession of days and weeks for several months:

========================================= | 1 | | | 2 | | a | POP. | b | a | UO. | b | ---+----------+----+----+----------+----+ 1 | Kan | 1 | 8 | Kan | 1 | 2 | Chicchán | 2 | 9 | Chicchán | 2 | 3 | Cimi | 3 | 10 | Cimi | 3 | 4 | Manik | 4 | 11 | Manik | 4 | 5 | Lamat | 5 | 12 | Lamat | 5 | 6 | Muluc | 6 | 13 | Muluc | 6 | 7 | Oc | 7 | 1 | Oc | 7 | 8 | Chuen | 8 | 2 | Chuen | 8 | 9 | Eb | 9 | 3 | Eb | 9 | 10 | Ben | 10 | 4 | Ben | 10 | 11 | Ix | 11 | 5 | Ix | 11 | 12 | Men | 12 | 6 | Men | 12 | 13 | Cib | 13 | 7 | Cib | 13 | 1 | Caban | 14 | 8 | Caban | 14 | 2 | Ezanab | 15 | 9 | Ezanab | 15 | 3 | Cauac | 16 | 10 | Cauac | 16 | 4 | Ahau | 17 | 11 | Ahau | 17 | 5 | Ymix | 18 | 12 | Ymix | 18 | 6 | Ik | 19 | 13 | Ik | 19 | 7 | Akbal | 20 | 1 | Akbal | 20 | ========================================= a: Day of Week. b: Day of Month.

========================================= | 3 | | | 4 | | a | ZIP. | b | a | TZOZ. | b | ---+----------+----+----+----------+----+ 2 | Kan | 1 | 9 | Kan | 1 | 3 | Chicchán | 2 | 10 | Chicchán | 2 | 4 | Cimi | 3 | 11 | Cimi | 3 | 5 | Manik | 4 | 12 | Manik | 4 | 6 | Lamat | 5 | 13 | Lamat | 5 | 7 | Muluc | 6 | 1 | Muluc | 6 | 8 | Oc | 7 | 2 | Oc | 7 | 9 | Chuen | 8 | 3 | Chuen | 8 | 10 | Eb | 9 | 4 | Eb | 9 | 11 | Ben | 10 | 5 | Ben | 10 | 12 | Ix | 11 | 6 | Ix | 11 | 13 | Men | 12 | 7 | Men | 12 | 1 | Cib | 13 | 8 | Cib | 13 | 2 | Caban | 14 | 9 | Caban | 14 | 3 | Ezanab | 15 | 10 | Ezanab | 15 | 4 | Cauac | 16 | 11 | Cauac | 16 | 5 | Ahau | 17 | 12 | Ahau | 17 | 6 | Ymix | 18 | 13 | Ymix | 18 | 7 | Ik | 19 | 1 | Ik | 19 | 8 | Akbal | 20 | 2 | Akbal | 20 | =========================================

Of the twenty days only four,--Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac--could begin either a month or a year. Whatever the name of the first day of the first month, every month in the year began with the same day, accompanied, however, by a different numeral. The numeral of the first day for the first month being 1, that of the second would be 8, and so on for the other months in the following order: 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3. To ascertain the numeral for any month 7 must be added to that of the preceding month, and 13 subtracted from the sum if it be more than 13.

[Sidenote: SUCCESSION OF THE YEARS.]

By extending the table of days and months over a period of years,--an extension which my space does not permit me to make in these pages,--the reader will observe that by reason of the intercalary days, and of the fact that 28 weeks of 13 days each make only 364 instead of 365 days, if the first year began with the day 1 Kan, the second would begin with 2 Muluc, the third with 3 Ix, the fourth with 4 Cauac, the fifth with 5 Kan, and so on in regular order; therefore the years were named by the day on which they began, 1 Kan, 2 Muluc, 3 Ix, etc., since the year would begin with any one of these combinations only once in 52 years. Thus the four names of the days Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served as signs for the years, precisely as the signs _tochtli_, _calli_, _tecpatl_, and _acatl_ with their numerals served among the Aztecs. In the circle in which the Mayas are said to have inscribed their calendar, these four signs are located in the east, north, west, and south respectively, and are considered the 'carriers of the years.'

It will be seen that, starting from 1 Kan, although every fifth year began with the day, or sign, Kan, yet the numeral 1 did not occur again in connection with any first day until thirteen years had passed away; so that 1 Kan or Kan alone not only named the year which it began, but also a period of thirteen years, which is spoken of as a 'week of years' or an 'indiction.' The first indiction of thirteen years beginning with 1 Kan, the second began with 1 Muluc, the third with 1 Ix, and the fourth with 1 Cauac.

After the indiction whose sign was 1 Cauac, the next would begin again with 1 Kan; that is 52 years would have elapsed, and this period of 52 years was called a Katun, corresponding with the Aztec cycle, as explained in a preceding chapter.

Thus we see that the four signs Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served to name certain days of the month; they also named the years of the indiction, since in connection with certain numerals they were the first days of these years; they further named the indictions of the Katun, of which with the numeral 1 they were also the first days; and finally they named, or may have named, the Katun itself which they begun, also in connection with the numeral 1. How the Katuns were actually named we are not informed. The completion of each Katun was regarded by the Mayas as a most critical and important epoch, and was celebrated with most imposing religious ceremonies. Also a monument is said to have been raised, on which a large stone was placed crosswise, also called _katun_ as a memorial of the cycle that had passed. It is unfortunate that some of these monuments cannot be discovered and identified among the ruins. Thus far the Maya calendar is, after a certain amount of study, sufficiently intelligible; and is, except in its system of nomenclature, essentially identical with that of the Nahuas. The calendars of the Quichés, Cakchiquels, Chiapanecs, and the natives of Soconusco, are also the same so far as their details are known. The names of months and days in some of these calendars will be given in this chapter.

[Sidenote: THE AHAU KATUNES.]

Another division of time not found in the Nahua calendar, was that into the Ahau Katunes. The system according to which this division was made is clear enough if we may accept the statements of Sr Perez; several of which rest on authorities that are unknown to all but himself. According to this writer, the Ahau Katun was a period of 24 years, divided into two parts; the first part of 20 years was enclosed in the native writings by a square and called _amaytun_, _lamayte_, or _lamaytun_; and the second, of the other four years, was placed as a 'pedestal' to the others, and therefore called _chek oc katun_, or _lath oc katun_. These four years were considered as intercalary and unfortunate, like the five supplementary days of the year, and were sometimes called _a yail haab_, 'years of pain.' This Katun of 24 years was called Ahau from its first day, and the natives began to reckon from 13 Ahau Katun, because it began on the day 13 Ahau, on which day some great event probably took place in their history. The day Ahau at which these periods began was the second day of such years as began with Cauac; and 13 Ahau, the first day of the first period, was the second of the year 12 Cauac; 2 Ahau was the second day of the year 1 Cauac, etc. If we construct a table of the years from 12 Cauac in regular order, we shall find that if the first period was 13 Ahau Katun because it began with 13 Ahau, the second, 24 years later, was 11 Ahau Katun, beginning with 11 Ahau; the third was 9 Ahau Katun, etc. That is, the Ahau Katunes, instead of being numbered 1, 2, 3, etc., in regular order was preceded by the numerals 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, and 2. 13 of these Ahau Katunes, making 312 years, constituted a great cycle, and we are told that it was by means of the Ahau Katunes and great cycles of 312 years that historical events were generally recorded.

Sr Perez states that the year 1392 of our era was the Maya year 7 Cauac, 'according to all sources of information, confirmed by the testimony of Don Cosme de Burgos, one of the conquerors, and a writer (but whose observations have been lost).' Therefore the 8 Ahau Katun began on the second day of that year; the 6 Ahau Katun, 24 years later, in 1416; the 4 Ahau in 1440; the 2, in 1464; the 13, in 1488; the 11, in 1512; the 9, in 1536; the 7, in 1560; the 5, in 1584; the 3, in 1608, etc. As a test of the accuracy of his system of Ahau Katunes, the author says that he found in a certain manuscript the death of a distinguished individual, Ahpulá, mentioned as having taken place in the 6th year of Ahau Katun, when the first day of the year was 4 Kan, on the day of 9 Ix, the 18th day of the month Zip. Now the 13 Ahau began in the year 12 Cauac, or 1488; the 6th year from 1488 was 1493, or 4 Kan; if the month of Pop began with 4 Kan, then the 3d month, Zip, began with 5 Kan, and the 18th of that month fell on 9 Ix, or Sept. 11. All this may be readily verified by filling out the table in regular order.

On the other hand we have Landa's statement that the Ahau Katun was a period of 20 years; he gives however the same order of the numerals as Perez,--that is 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2. He also states that the year 1541 was the beginning of 11 Ahau; but if 11 Ahau was the second day of 1541, that year must have been 10 Cauac, and 1561, 20 years later, would have been 4 Cauac, the second day of which would have been 5 Ahau; which does not agree at all with the order of numerals. In fact no other number of years than 24 for each Ahau Katun will produce this order of numerals, which fact is perhaps the strongest argument in favor of Sr Perez' system. Cogolludo also says that the Mayas counted their time by periods of 20 years called Katunes, each divided into 5 sub-periods of four years each. Sr Perez admits that other writers reckon the Ahau Katun as 20 years, but claims that they have fallen into error through disregarding the _chek oc katun_, or 4 unlucky years of the period. A Maya manuscript furnished and translated by Perez is published by Stephens and in Landa's work, and repeatedly speaks of the Ahau Katun as a period of 20 years. Again, this is the very manuscript in which the death of Ahpulá was announced, and the date of that event is given as 6 years _before the completion of 13 Ahau_, instead of the sixth year of that period as stated in the calculations of Sr Perez; and besides, the date is distinctly given as 1536, instead of 1403, which dates will in nowise agree with the system explained, or with the date of 1392 given as the beginning of 8 Ahau. Moreover, as I have already said, several of the statements on which Perez bases his computations are unsupported by any authority save manuscripts unknown to all but himself. Such are the statements that the Ahau Katun began on the 2d day of a year Cauac; that 13 Ahau was reckoned as the first; and that 8 Ahau began in 1392. These facts, together with various other inaccuracies in the writings of Sr Perez are sufficient to weaken our faith in his system of the Ahau Katunes; and since the other writers give no explanations, this part of the Maya calendar must remain shrouded in doubt until new sources of information shall be found.[1103] The following quotation made by Sr Perez from a manuscript, contains all that is known respecting what was possibly another method of reckoning time. "There was another number which they called _Ua Katun_, and which served them as a key to find the Katunes, according to the order of its march, it falls on the days of the _uayeb haab_, and revolves to the end of certain years: Katunes 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4."

[Sidenote: BISSEXTILE ADDITIONS.]

We have seen that the Maya year by means of intercalary days added at the end of the month Cumhu was made to include 365 days. How the additional six hours necessary to make the length of the year agree with the solar movements were intercalated without disturbing the complicated order already described, is altogether a matter of conjecture. The most plausible theory is perhaps that a day was added at the end of every four years, this day being called by the same name and numeral as the one preceding it, or, in other words, no account being made of this day in the almanac, although it was perhaps indicated by some sign in the hieroglyphics of these days. The Nicaraguan calendar was practically identical with that of the Aztecs, even in nomenclature although there were naturally some slight variations in orthography. The following table shows the names of the months in several other Maya calendars, whose system so far as known is the same as that in Yucatan.

[Sidenote: DAYS IN GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.]

The names of the days in the same calendars are as follows:

I shall treat of the Maya hieroglyphics by giving first the testimony of the early writers respecting the existence of a system of writing in the sixteenth century; then an account of the very few manuscripts that have been preserved, together with illustrative plates from both manuscripts and sculptured stone tablets; to be followed by Bishop Landa's alphabet, a mention of Brasseur de Bourbourg's attempted interpretation of the native writings, and a few speculations of other modern writers on the subject. The statements of the early writers, although conclusive, are not numerous, and I will consequently translate them literally.

Landa says that "the sciences which they taught were--to read and write with their books and characters with which they wrote, and with the figures which signified (explained, or took the place of?) writings. They wrote their books on a large leaf, doubled in folds, and inclosed between two boards which they made very fine (decorated); and they wrote on both sides in columns, according to the folds; the paper they made of the roots of a tree, and gave it a white varnish on which one could write well; these sciences were known by certain men of high rank (only), who were therefore more esteemed although they did not use the art in public." "These people also used certain characters or letters with which they wrote in their books their antiquities and their sciences; and by means of these and of figures and of certain signs in their figures they understood their things, and made them understood, and taught them. We found among them a great number of books of these letters of theirs, and because they had nothing in which there were not superstitions and falsities of the devil, we burned them all, at which they were exceedingly sorrowful and troubled."[1108] According to Cogolludo, "in the time of their infidelity the Indians of Yucatan had books, made of the bark of trees, with a white and durable varnish, ten or twelve yards long, which by folding were reduced to a span. In these they painted with colors the account of their years, wars, floods, hurricanes, famines, and other events." "The son of the only god, of whose existence, as I have said, they were aware, and whom they called Ytzamná, was the man, as I believe, who first invented the characters which served the Indians as letters, because they called the latter also Ytzamná."[1109] The Itzas, as Villagutierre tells us, had "characters and figures painted on the bark of trees, each leaf, or tablet, being about a span long, as thick as a real de à ocho (a coin), folded both ways like a screen, which they called _analtees_."[1110] Mendieta states that the Mexicans had no letters, "although in the land of Champoton it is said that such were found, and that they understood each other by means of them, as we do by means of ours."[1111] Acosta says that in Yucatan "there were books of leaves, bound or folded after their manner, in which the learned Indians had their division of their time, knowledge of plants and animals and other natural objects, and their antiquities; a thing of great curiosity and diligence."[1112] The Maya priests "were occupied in teaching their sciences and in writing books upon them."[1113] In Guatemala, according to Benzoni, "the thing of all others at which the Indians have been most surprised has been our reading and writing.... Nor could they imagine among themselves in what way white paper painted with black, could speak."[1114] Peter Martyr gives quite a long description of the native wood-bound books, which he does not refer particularly to Yucatan, although Brasseur, apparently with much reason, believes they were the Maya _analtés_ rather than the regular Aztec picture writings. The description is as follows in the quaint English of the translator. "They make not their books square leafe by leafe, but extend the matter and substance thereof into many cubites. They reduce them into square peeces, not loose, but with binding, and flexible Bitumen so conioyned, that being compact of wooden table bookes, they may seeme to haue passed the hands of some curious workman that ioyned them together. Which way soeuer the book bee opened, two written sides offer themselues to the view, two pages appeare and as many lye vnder, vnlesse you stretch them in length: for there are many leaues ioyned together vnder one leafe. The Characters are very vnlike ours, written after our manner, lyne after lyne, with characters like small dice, fishookes, snares, files, starres, & other such like formes and shapes. Wherein they immitate almost the Egyptian manner of writing, and betweene the lines they paint the shapes of men, & beasts, especially of their kings & nobles.... They make the former wooden table bookes also with art to content and delight the beholder. Being shut, they seeme to differ nothing from our bookes, in these they set downe in writing the rites, and the customes of their laws, sacrifices, ceremonies, their computations, etc."[1115]

[Sidenote: MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC SYSTEM.]

Respecting hieroglyphic records in Chiapas and Guatemala, we have the statement of Ordoñez that "Votan wrote a work upon the origin of the Indians," and that he, Ordoñez, had a copy of the book in his possession; a complaint in the Quiché annals known as the Popol Vuh, that the 'national book' containing the ancient records of their people had been lost; and finally the reported discovery and destruction in Soconusco of archives on stone by Nuñez de la Vega in 1691. All this amounts to little save as indicating the ancient use of hieroglyphics by the followers of Votan, a fact sufficiently proven, as we shall see, by the engraved tablets of Palenque and Copan.[1116] The Nicaraguans at the time of the conquest had records painted in colors upon skin and paper, undoubtedly identical in their figures with those of the Nahuas, to whom the civilized people of Nicaragua were nearly related in blood and language. No specimens of these southern hieroglyphics have, however, been preserved. Oviedo and Herrera slightly describe the paintings and later writers have followed them.[1117]

[Sidenote: MAYA MANUSCRIPTS.]

Of the aboriginal Maya manuscripts three specimens only, so far as I know, have been preserved. These are the _Mexican Manuscript, No. 2_, of the Imperial Library at Paris; the _Dresden Codex_; and the _Manuscript Troano_. Concerning the first we only know of its existence and the similarity of its characters to those of the other two and of the sculptured tablets. The document was photographed in 1864 by order of the French government, but I am not aware that the photographs have ever been given to the public. The _Dresden Codex_ is preserved in the Royal Library of Dresden. A complete copy was published in Lord Kingsborough's collection of Mexican antiquities, and fragments were also reproduced by Humboldt. It was purchased in Vienna by the librarian Götz in 1739, but beyond this nothing whatever is known of its history and origin. It was published by Kingsborough as an Aztec picture-writing, although its characters present little if any resemblance to those of its companion documents in the collection. Its form was also different from all the rest, since it is written on both sides of five leaves of maguey-paper. At the time of its publication, however, the existence of any but Aztec hieroglyphics in America was unknown. Mr Stephens in his antiquarian exploration of Central America, at once noticed the similarity of its figures to those of the sculptured hieroglyphics found there, but he used this similarity to prove the identity of the northern and southern nations, since it did not occur to him that the Aztec origin of the Dresden document was a mere supposition. Mr Brantz Mayer, fully aware of the differences between this and other reputed Mexican picture-writings, went so far as to pronounce it the only genuine Aztec document that he had seen. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, at this day, that the Maya and Nahua (or Maya and Aztec, since some authors will not agree with my use of the term Nahua) hieroglyphic systems were practically distinct, although it would be hardly wise to decide that they are absolutely without affinities in some of their details. The accompanying cut from Stephens' work shows a small fragment of the Dresden Codex.[1118]

[Illustration: Fragment of the Dresden Codex.]

[Sidenote: THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO.]

The _Manuscript Troano_ was found about the year 1865 in Madrid by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and was reproduced in fac-simile by a chromo-lithographic process by the Commission Scientifique du Mexique, under the auspices of the French Government. Its name comes from that of its possessor in Madrid, Sr Tro y Ortolano, and nothing whatever is known of its origin; two or three other old American manuscripts are reported to have been brought to light in Spain since the publication of this. The original is written on a strip of maguey-paper about fourteen feet long and nine inches wide, the surface of which is covered with a whitish varnish, on which the figures are painted in black, red, blue, and brown. It is folded fan-like into thirty-five folds, presenting when shut much the appearance of a modern large octavo volume. The hieroglyphics cover both sides of the paper, and the writing is consequently divided into seventy pages, each about five by nine inches, having been apparently executed after the paper was folded, so that the folding does not interfere with the written matter. One of the pages as a specimen is shown in the following plate, an exact copy, save in size and color, of the original.

The regular lines of written characters are uniformly in black, while the pictorial portions, or what may perhaps be considered representative signs, are in red and brown, chiefly the former, and the blue appears for the most part as a background in some of the pages. A few of the pages are slightly damaged, and all the imperfections are, as it is claimed, faithfully reproduced in the published copy, which with the editor's comments fills two quarto volumes in the series published by the Commission mentioned.[1119]

[Sidenote: MAYA INSCRIPTIONS IN STONE.]

The plates on the following pages from the works of Stephens and Waldeck I present as specimens of the Maya writing, as it is found carved in stone in Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas. For particulars respecting the ruins in connection with which they were discovered, I refer the reader to volume IV. of this work. Fig. 1 represents the hieroglyphics sculptured on the top of an altar at Copan, in Honduras, the thirty-six groups cover a space nearly six feet square. Fig. 2 is a tablet set in the interior wall of a building in Chichen, Yucatan. The tablet is placed over the doorways and extends the whole length of the room, forty-three feet; only a part, however, is shown in the cut. Fig. 3 is a full-size representation of the carving on a green stone, or chalchiuite, found at Ococingo, Chiapas. I take it from the English translation of Morelet's Travels. Many of the monoliths of Copan have a line of hieroglyphics on their side. Plates representing specimens of these monuments will be given in Volume IV. Fig. 4 shows a portion of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the famous 'tablet of the cross' at Palenque.[1120]

[Illustration: Page of Manuscript Troano.]

[Illustration: Fig. 1.--Altar Inscription from Copan.]

[Illustration: Fig. 2.--Tablet from Chichen.]

[Illustration: Fig. 3.--Chalchiuite from Ococingo.]

[Illustration: Fig. 4.--Tablet from Palenque.]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: BISHOP LANDA'S ALPHABET.]

I have given on a preceding page in this chapter, the signs by which the natives of Yucatan expressed the names of their days and months, taken from the work of Bishop Landa. The same author has also preserved a Maya alphabet. On account of Landa's failure to appreciate the importance of the native hieroglyphics, or to comprehend the system, and also very likely on account of his copyist's carelessness--for the original manuscript of Landa's work has not been found--the passage relating to the alphabet is very vague, unsatisfactory, and perhaps fragmentary; but it is of the very highest importance, since the alphabet here given in connection with the calendar signs already spoken of, furnish apparently the only ground for a hope that the veil of mystery which hangs over the Maya inscriptions may one day be lifted. I therefore give Landa's description as nearly as possible in his own words, copying also the original Spanish in a note.

"Of their letters I give here (see alphabet on the next page) an A, B, C, since their heaviness (number and intricacy?) permits no more; because they use one character for all the aspirations of the letters, and another in the pointing of the parts (punctuation), and thus it goes on to infinity, as may be seen in the following example: _lé_ means 'a snare' or to hunt with it; to write it with their characters, we having given them to understand (although we gave, etc.) that they are two letters, they wrote it with three, placing after the aspiration _l_ the vowel _e_, which it has before it, and in this they do not err, although they make use, if they wish, of their curious method. Example:

[Illustration: _e l e lé_]

Then at the end they attach the adjoined part. _Ha_ which means 'water,' because the _haché_ (sound of the letter _h_) has _a_, _h_, before it, they put it at the beginning with _a_, at the end in this manner:

[Illustration: _ha_]

They also write it in parts but in both ways. I would not put (all this) here, nor treat of it, except in order to give a complete account of the things of this people. _Ma in kati_ means 'I will not'; they write it in parts after this manner."[1121]

[Illustation: _ma i n ka ti_]

[Illustration: A A A A B B C(q?)

T È H H I CA(?) K

L L M N O O P

PP CU KU X X U(?) U (dj or dz?)

Z HA MA TO Sign of (me, mo?) Aspiration.]

Respecting this alphabet Landa adds: "this language lacks the letters that are missing here; and has others added from ours for other necessary things; and they already make no use of these characters, especially the young who have learned ours." It will be noticed that there are several varying characters for the same letter, and several syllabic signs.

The characters of Landa's alphabet, and the calendar signs can be identified more or less accurately and readily with some of those of the hieroglyphic inscriptions in stone, the Manuscript Troano, and the Dresden Codex. The resemblance in many cases is clear, in others very vague and perhaps imaginary, while very many others cannot apparently be identified. Although Landa's key must be regarded as fragmentary, I believe there is no reason to doubt its authenticity. But one attempt has been made to practically apply this key to the work of deciphering the Maya documents, that of the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. This writer, after a profound study of the subject, devotes one hundred and thirty-six quarto pages to a consideration of the Maya characters and their variations, and fifty-seven pages to the translation of a part of the Manuscript Troano. The translation must be pronounced a failure, especially after the confession of the author in a subsequent work that he had begun his reading at the wrong end of the document,[1122]--a trifling error perhaps in the opinion of the enthusiastic Abbé, but a somewhat serious one as it appears to scientific men. His preliminary examinations doubtless contain much valuable information which will lighten the labors and facilitate the investigations of future students; but unfortunately, such is their nature that condensation is impracticable. A long chapter, if not a volume, would be required to do them anything like justice, and they must be omitted here.

Brasseur de Bourbourg devoted his life to the study of American primitive history. In actual knowledge of matters pertaining to his chosen subject, no man ever equaled or approached him. Besides being an indefatigable student he was an elegant writer. In the last decade of his life he conceived a new and complicated theory respecting the origin of the American people, or rather the origin of Europeans and Asiatics from America, made known to the world in his _Quatre Lettres_. His attempted translation of the Manuscript Troano was made in support of this theory. By reason of the extraordinary nature of the views expressed, and the author's well-known tendency to build magnificent structures on a slight foundation, his later writings were received for the most part by critics, utterly incompetent to understand them, with a sneer or, what seems to have grieved the writer more, in silence. Now that the great _Américaniste_ is dead, while it is not likely that his theories will ever be received, his zeal in the cause of antiquarian science and the many valuable works from his pen will be better appreciated. It will be long ere another shall undertake with equal devotion and ability the well nigh hopeless task.

[Sidenote: INTERPRETATION OF MAYA RECORDS.]

I close the chapter with a few quotations from modern writers respecting the Maya hieroglyphics and their interpretation. Tyler says "there is even evidence that the Maya nation of Yucatan, the ruins of whose temples and palaces are so well known from the travels of Catherwood and Stephens, not only had a system of phonetic writing, but used it for writing ordinary words and sentences."[1123] Wuttke suggests that Landa's alphabet originated after the Conquest, a suggestion, as Schepping observes, excluded by Mendieta's statement, but "otherwise very probable in consideration of the phoneticism developed in Mexico shortly after the Conquest."[1124] And finally Wilson says, "while the recurrence of the same signs, and the reconstruction of groups out of the detached members of others, clearly indicate a written language, and not a mere pictorial suggestion of associated ideas, like the Mexican picture-writing." "In the most complicated tablets of African hieroglyphics, each object is distinct, and its representative significance is rarely difficult to trace. But the majority of the hieroglyphics of Palenque or Copan appear as if constructed on the same polysynthetic principle which gives the peculiar and distinctive character to the languages of the New World. This is still more apparent when we turn to the highly elaborate inscriptions on the colossal figures of Copan. In these all ideas of simple phonetic signs utterly disappear. Like the _bunch-words_, as they have been called, of the American languages, they seem each to be compounded of a number of parts of the primary symbols used in picture-writing, while the pictorial origin of the whole becomes clearly apparent. In comparing these minutely elaborated characters with those on the tables, it is obvious that a system of abbreviation is employed in the latter. An analogous process seems dimly discernible in the abbreviated compound characters of the Palenque inscription. But if the inference be correct, this of itself would serve to indicate that the Central American hieroglyphics are not used as phonetic, or pure alphabetic signs; and this idea receives confirmation from the rare recurrence of the same group.... The Palenque inscriptions have all the characteristics of a written language in a state of development analogous to the Chinese, with its word-writing; and like it they appear to have been read in columns from top to bottom. The groups of symbols begin with a large hieroglyphic on the left-hand corner; and the first column occupies a double space. It is also noticeable that in the frequent occurrence of human and animal heads among the sculptured characters they invariably look toward the left; an indication, as it appears to me, that they are the graven inscriptions of a lettered people, who were accustomed to write the same characters from left to right on paper or skins. Indeed, the pictorial groups on the Copan statues seem to be the true hieroglyphic characters; while the Palenque inscriptions show the abbreviated hieratic writing. To the sculptor the direction of the characters was a matter of no moment; but if the scribe held his pen, or style, in his right hand, like the modern clerk, he would as naturally draw the left profile as we slope our current hand to the right. Arbitrary signs are also introduced, like those of the phonetic alphabets of Europe. Among these the T repeatedly occurs: a character which, it will be remembered, was also stamped on the Mexican metallic currency."[1125]

FOOTNOTES:

[1096] Two spindles with golden tissue. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 3, 422. Six golden idols, each one span long, in Nicaragua. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. v. 20 golden hatchets, 14 carats fine, weighing over 20 lbs. _Id._, lib. iv., cap. vi. Houses of goldsmiths that molded marvellously. _Id._, cap. vii. See also _Id._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v. Little fishes and geese of low gold at Catoche. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 4. Golden armor and ornaments at Tabasco River. _Id._, pp. 12-13. Idols of unknown metals among the Itzas. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 495, 497. Gilded wooden mask, gold plates, little golden kettles. _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x. pp. 16, 25. Vases of chiseled gold in Yucatan. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 69; _Id._, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 32; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 102; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 39, 95, tom. i., p. 520; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i., dec. vi., lib. ii., vi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 354; _Godoi_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 178; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 346. Respecting a copper mask from Nicaragua and two copper medals from Guatemala, see vol. iv. of this work.

[1097] For slight notices of the various mechanical arts of the Mayas see the following authorities: _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 276, 350, 521, tom. iv., pp. 33, 36, 105-9; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 354, tom. ii., p. 346; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 329; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 4, 13, 187, 196; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ix., lib. x., cap. ii., xiv.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 116, 120, 128-9; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 100, 311-12, 495, 499-501; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa._, p. 293; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. ii., dec. vi., lib. iii.; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 98, 102-3; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 203; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 268; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 489; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 416; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 147-8; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 44; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 339, 346; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 212; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 69, 172, 563.

[1098] _Beltran de Santa Rosa María_, _Arte_, pp. 195-208; _Id._, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, MS. _Troano_, tom. ii., pp. 92-9. 'El modo de contar de los Indios es de cinco en cinco, y de quatro cincos hazen veinte.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 206; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.

[1099] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 202-316; _Perez_, _Cronologia Antigua de Yuc._, with French translation, in _Id._, pp. 366-429; English translation of the same in _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. i., pp. 434-59; original Spanish also in the _Registro Yucateco_; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 103-8, 163-4; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 137; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 65-6; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 104-14; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 462-7; _Id._, MS. _Troano_, tom. i., pp. 73-97.

[1100] Cogolludo omits the month Tzoz, and inserts a month Vaycab, Vtuz Kin, or Vlobol Kin, between Cumhu and Pop. He also in one place puts Cuchhaab in the place of Kan. _Hist. Yuc._, p. 185-6. See also _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 466-7; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 22. The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his attempted interpretation of the Manuscript Troano, gives the following curious etymologies of the names of these months. 'Le vocable _pop_, que Beltran écrit long, _poop_, signifie la natte, "estera ò petate," dit Pio Perez, qui donne encore à _pop_ le sens d'un arbrisseau ou d'une plante qu'il ne décrit point, mais qui, fort probablement, doit être de la nature des joncs dont on fait les différentes espèces de nattes connues au Yucatan. En prenant ce vocable avec l'orthographe de Beltran, _poop_ se composerait de _po_, primitif inusité, exprimant l'enflure, la vapeur, l'expansion par la chaleur d'une matière dans une enveloppe, et de _op_, briser, rompre pour sortir, crevasser par la force du feu.... Beltran ajoute que _uo_ désigne en outre le têtard, une sorte de petit crapaud et un fruit indigène, appelé _pitahaya_ aux Antilles ... _uo_, au rapport du même auteur énonce l'idée des caractères de l'écriture, en particulier des voyelles.... Cet hiéroglyphe paraît assez difficile à expliquer. Sa section inférieure renferme un caractère qui semble, en raccourci, celui de la lettre _h_, et la section supérieure est identique avec le signe que je crois une variante du _ti_, localité, lieu. Ce qu'on pourrait interpréter par "le possesseur enfermé du lieu," indice du têtard, de l'embryon dans son enveloppe. (?) L'ensemble de l'idée géologique, qui a présidé à la composition du calendrier maya, se poursuit dans les noms des mois, ainsi que dans ceux des jours. Après le marécage, déjà crevassé par le chaleur, apparaît le têtard, l'embryon de la grenouille, laissé au fond de la bourbe, symbole de l'embryon du feu volcanique couvant sous la terre glacée et qui ne tardera pas à rompre son enveloppe, ainsi qu'on le verra dans les noms des mois suivants.... _Zip_, analysé, donne _Zi ip_, bois à brûler qui se gonfle outre mesure, sens intéressant qui rappelle le grand arbre du monde, gonflé outre mesure par les gaz et les feux volcaniques, avant d'éclater.... J'inclinerais à penser que Landa a voulu exprimer par _tzoz_, non la chauve-souris _zos_, mais _tzotz_, la chevelure, vocable qui dans toutes les langues du groupe mexico-guatémalien indique symboliquement la chevelure de l'eau, la surface ondoyante, remuante de la mer, d'un lac ou d'une rivière: c'est à quoi semblent correspondre les signes de la glace qui se présentent dans l'image du mois _Tzoz_. Il s'agirait donc ici de la chevelure, de la surface des eaux gelées au-dessus de la terre et que la force du feu volcanique commence à rider, à faire grimacer, ainsi que l'énonce le nom du mois suivant.... Tzec.... Ce que l'auteur du calendrier a voulu exprimer, c'est bien probablement une tête de mort de singe, aux dents grimaçantes, image assez commune dans les fantaisies mythologiques de l'Amérique centrale et qu'on retrouve sculptée fréquemment dans les belles ruines de Copan.... Une intention plus profonde encore se révèle dans ces têtes de singes. Car si les danses et les mouvements de ces animaux symbolisent, dans le sens mystérieux du _Popol Vuh_, le soulèvement momentané des montagnes à la surface de la mer des Caraìbes, leurs têtes, avec l'expression de la mort, ne sauraient faire allusion, probablement, qu'à la disparition de ces montagnes sous les eaux, où elles continuèrent à grimacer, dans les récifs et les _Ronfleurs_, comme elles avaient fait grimacer la glace, en se soulevant.' As it would occupy too much space to give the Abbé's explanations of all the months, the above will suffice for specimens. See _MS. Troano_, tom. i., pp. 98-108.

[1101] Landa says, however, 'vingt-sept trezaines et neuf jours, sans compter les supplémentaires.' _Relacion_, p. 235.

[1102] The number 13 may come from the original reckoning by lunations, 26 days being about the time the moon is seen above the horizon in each revolution, 13 days of increase, and 13 of decrease. _Perez_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 366-8. Or it may have been a sacred number before the invention of the calendar, being the number of gods of high rank. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Ib._

[1103] 'Contaban sus eras, y edades, que ponian en sus libros de veinte en veinte años, y por lustros de quatro en quatro.... Llegando estos lustros a cinco, que ajustan veinte años, llamaban _Katùn_, y ponian vna piedra labrada sobre otra labrada, fixada con cal, y arena en las paredes de sus Templos, y casas de los Sacerdotes, como se vè oy en los edificios.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 186. 'Llaman a esta cuenta en su lengua Uazlazon Katun que quiere dezir la _gerra_ de los Katunes.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 313. 'Para cuenta de veintenas de años en calendarios de los indios yucatecos, lo mismo que las indicciones nuestras; pero de mas años que estas, eran trece _ahaues_ que contenian 260 años, que era para ellos un siglo.' _Beltran de Santa Rosa María_, _Arte_, p. 204. Brasseur de Bourbourg is disposed to reject the system of Sr Perez, but he in his turn makes several errors in his notes on the subject. In _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 402-13, 428. The Maya MS. referred to in the text is found with its translation in _Id._, pp. 420-9, and _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. 465-9.

[1104] The Quiché year, according to Basseta, began on December 24, of our calendar. Following an anonymous MS. history of Guatemala, the Cakchiquel year began on January 31; and the 1st of Parichè in 1707 was on January 21. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 466-7.

[1105] 'Algunos de estos nombres estan en lengua zotzil, y los demas se ignora en qué idioma se hallan.' _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 408; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 205-6.

[1106] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 462-3.

[1107] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, ubi sup.; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 118; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 356-7; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 104; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 105; Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 137, makes Votan the first month; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 66; _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 344.

[1108] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 44, 316.

[1109] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 185, 196. The same author quotes Fuensalida to the effect that the Itza priests still kept in his time a record of past events in a book 'like a history which they call Analte.' _Id._, p. 507.

[1110] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 393-4. 'Analtehes, ò Historias, es vna misma cosa.' _Id._, p. 352.

[1111] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 143.

[1112] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 407; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 187.

[1113] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec, iv., lib. x., cap. ii.

[1114] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 109-10.

[1115] _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. viii., or Latin edition of Cologne, 1574, p. 354; also quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, MS. _Troano_, tom. i., pp. 2-3; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 77. Carli tells us that the inhabitants of Amatitlan in Guatemala were especially expert in making palm-leaf paper for writing. _Cartas_, pt ii., p. 104; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 470. References to modern authors who, except possibly Medel, have no other sources of information than those I have quoted, are as follows: 'Dans le Yucathan, on m'a montré des espèces de lettres et de caractères dont se servent les habitants.... Ils employaient au lieu de papier l'écorce de certaines arbres, dont ils enlevaient des morceaux qui avaient deux aunes de long et un quart d'aune de large. Cette écorce était de l'épaisseur d'une peau de veau et se pliait comme un linge. L'usage de cette écriture n'était pas généralement répandu, et elle n'était connue que des prêtres et de quelques caciques.' _Medel_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 49-50; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 40; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 552; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 191; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, p. 119; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., pp. 269-70; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 79.

[1116] _Ordoñez_, _Hist. Cielo, etc._, MS., and _Nuñez de la Vega_, _Constit. Diæces._, quoted by _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 71, 74; _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. 5; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 208; _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., pp. 345-6.

[1117] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 36; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 8; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 472; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 347-8.

[1118] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. iii., No. 2; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 268-71, pl. xvi. Mr Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., pp. 104-5, says that this document bears but little resemblance to other Aztec MSS., and that it indicates a much higher stage of civilization; but he also fails to detect any stronger likeness to the bas-reliefs of Palenque, of which latter, however, he probably had a very imperfect idea. It cannot be interpreted, for 'even if a Rosetta stone were discovered in Mexico, there is no Indian tongue to supply the key or interpreter.' _Mayer_, _Mex. as it Was_, pp. 258-9. 'Le Codex de Dresde, et un autre de la Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris, bien qu'offrant quelque rapport avec les Rituels, échappent à toute interprétation. Ils appartiennent, ainsi que les inscriptions de Chiappa et du Yucatan à une écriture plus élaborée, comme incrustée et calculiforme, dont on croit trouver des traces dans toutes les parties très-anciennement policées des deux Amériques.' _Aubin_, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. lxxi. See _Stephens' Cent. Amer._, vol. ii., pp. 342, 453-5; _Id._, _Yucatan_, tom. ii., pp. 292, 453.

[1119] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano; Études sur le système graphique et la langue des Mayas_, Paris, 1869-70, 4º, 2 vols., 70 colored plates.

[1120] _Waldeck_, _Palenqué_, pl. 21; _Stephen's Cent. Amer._, vol. i., pp. 136-7, 140-2; _Id._, _Yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. 300-1; _Morelet's Trav._, p. 98; Vol. iv., pp. 91-2, 97-9, 234, and chap. vi., of this work.

[1121] The Spanish text is as follows: 'De sus letras porne aqui un _a_, _b_, _c_, que no permite su pesadumbre mas porque usan para todas las aspiraciones de las letras de un caracter, y despues, al puntar de las partes otro, y assi viene a hazer _in infinitum_, como se podra ver en el siguiente exemplo. _Lé_, quiere dezir laço y caçar con el; para escrivirle con sus carateres, haviendoles nosotros hecho entender que son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres, puniendo a la aspiracion de la _l_ la vocal _é_, que antes de si trae, y en esto no hierran, aunque usense, si quisieren ellos de su curiosidad. Exemplo: _e l e lé_. Despues al cabo le pegan la parte junta. _Ha_ que quiere dezir agua, porque la _haché_ tiene _a_, _h_, antes de si la ponen ellos al principio con _a_, y al cabo desta manera: _ha_. Tambien lo escriven a partes pero de la una y otra manera, yo no pusiera aqui ni tratara dello sino por dar cuenta entera de las cosas desta gente. _Ma in kati_ quiere dezir no quiero, ellos lo escriven a partes desta manera: _ma i n ka ti_.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 316-22; also in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, tom. i., pp. 37-8.

[1122] _Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne_, Paris, 1871, p. xvii.

[1123] _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 100-1.

[1124] _Wuttke and Schepping_, in _Spencer's Descriptive Sociology_, no. 2., div. ii., pt 1-B, p. 51. See note 16 of this chapter.

[1125] _Wilson's Pre-Historic Man_, p. 378, et seq.