Part 22

This is the person by Virgil styled Pastor Aristæus. Zethus and Amphion are described as of the same profession, though kings of Thebes, [1240][Greek: Zêthos de kai Amphiôn adelphoi êsan poimenes.] Even the monster Polyphemus is taken notice of as a musician, and a [1241]shepherd. Macrobius mentions, that among the Phrygians the Sun was worshipped under a pastoral [1242]character, with a pipe and a wand. Tiresias, the prophet, is by Hyginus styled Tiresias, Eueri filius, or as some read it, Tiresias, Eurii filius, [1243]_Pastor_. This was also one of the titles out of many conferred upon the Phenician Hercules, to whom they attributed the invention of purple. He was the chief Deity, the same as Cham, and Orus, the God of light; to whom there is a remarkable invocation in the Dionusiaca of Nonnus.

[1244][Greek: Astrochitôn Hêrakles, anax puros, Orchame kosmou,] [Greek: Êelie, broteoio biou dolichoskie POIMÊN.]

Some of the pyramids in Egypt were styled the pyramids of the shepherd [1245]Philitis; and were said to have been built by people, whom the Egyptians held in abomination: from whence we may form a judgment of the persons, by whom those edifices were erected. Many hills, and places of reputed sanctity were denominated from shepherds. Caucasus, in the vicinity of Colchis, had its name conferred by Jupiter in memory of Caucasus a shepherd. [1246][Greek: To oros eis timên tou Poimenos Kaukason metonomasas.] Mount Cithæron in Boeotia was called Asterius; but received the former name from one Cithæron, a [1247]shepherd, supposed to have been there slain. I have mentioned from Herodotus, that the Cadmians built the temple of [1248]Damater, or Ceres, in Attica, where they introduced her worship. And there is a remarkable circumstance mentioned in consequence of this by Hesychius, who tells us, that the priests of this Goddess were of a

## particular family, called [Greek: Poimenidai], or _the Shepherd race_.

[Greek: Poimenidai, genos, ex hou ho Dêmêtros hiereus.] The Cadmians therefore, from whom this priesthood came, must have been in a peculiar manner shepherds. The mountain Apæsantus in Argolis is said to have been named from [1249]Apæsantus, a shepherd. The Cuthites settled in Thrace near Hæmus, in Sethonia; of whom Stephanus gives this short but remarkable history: [Greek: ekalounto proteron Nomaioi]. The author does not say, that they _were_ shepherds; but that they antiently were so called: so that it was not so much the profession, as the title of the people. They settled in Hetruria, and Latium; in which last province stood the city Præneste, of which I have before spoken. It was said to have been of high antiquity, and was founded by Coeculus,

[1250]Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem, Inventumque focis, omnis quem credidit ætas.

We find here, that the founder of this city was a shepherd, and a king, and the reputed son of Vulcan, the same as Urius. It is said of him, that he was, inventum focis, because he was ab origine from the land of fire; by which is meant Ur of Chaldea. So the personage, represented under the character of Cacus upon Mount Aventine, is by Livy said to have been a shepherd. [1251]Pastor accola ejus loci, nomine Cacus, ferox viribus. He likewise is said to have been the son of the God of Fire: [1252]Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater. The first city which the Cadmians built in Boeotia was named [1253]Poimandris; or as Eustathius renders it Poimandria, [1254][Greek: Poimandria]; the same which was afterwards called Tanagra. It is said to have been so denominated from one Poimander. This name is by interpretation a shepherd, or rather a shepherd of men. It answers to the title of [Greek: Poimên laou], so frequently to be met with in Homer. That excellent Poet was wonderfully fond of every thing, which savoured of antiquity: and has continual references to the antient history of Egypt, and to the rites of that country. He sometimes seems to adhere superstitiously to obsolete terms, thinking probably, that they enriched his verse, and gave a venerable air to the narration. Of these, no one occurs more frequently than the title of a shepherd Prince, which he bestows on many of his leaders. It is the translation of a title, which the sons of Chus, as well as the Egyptians, gave to their Deities, and to their kings. Hence the writings of Hermes were inscribed the works of the Shepherd Prince, as we may infer from the Greek transcript: for that was written in imitation of the former, and called [1255]Poimandras.

Thus have I endeavoured to state the progress of the Cuthites under their different appellations to Greece; and to describe the rout which they took in their peregrinations, I have shewn, that under the title of Phenicians and Cadmians, they first settled in Canaan, and in the region about Tyre and Sidon: from whence they extended themselves towards the midland parts of Syria; where they built Antioch. [1256][Greek: Kasos, kai Bêlos, Inachou paides, pros tôi Orontêi potamôi tên nun Antiocheian tês Surias polin ektisan.] _Casus, and Belus, two sons of Inachus, built the city in Syria, which is now called Antioch upon the river Orontes._ By Casus is meant Chus; and Belus is a Babylonish title of Ham, as well as of his immediate descendants, who are here alluded to. From Syria they penetrated to the Euphrates, and from thence to Armenia: and that there were colonies here of Amonians, and particularly of the Cuthites, may be known from the history of Cadmus: but more especially from the similitude of language, person, and manners, which subsisted among these [1257]nations. Zonaras is very explicit upon this head. He mentions the incroachments of the sons of Ham in these parts, and shews the extent of the trespass, of which they were guilty. [1258][Greek: Hoide ge paides tou Cham tên apo Surias kai Abanou kai Libanou tôn orôn gên kateschon, kai hosa pros thalassan autôn etetrapto, mechris ôkeanou, kateilêphasi.] _In respect to the sons of Ham, they seized upon all the inland country, which reaches from Syria, and

## particularly from the mountains Albanus, and Libanus: and all the region,

which from thence extends towards the sea, even as far as the Ocean._ Of these emigrants Tacitus has given a curious account, which has never been sufficiently heeded. He takes notice of those who settled in Canaan, as well as those who passed higher towards the north. [1259]Sunt, qui tradant Assyrios convenas, indigum agrorum populum, parte Ægypti potitos, ac mox [1260]proprias urbes, Hebræasque terras, et propiora Syriæ coluisse. As the Cadmians settled about Byblus and Sidon, there seems in consequence of it to have been a religious correspondence kept up between this colony and Egypt. It is said according to the enigmatical turn of the times, that the head of Osiris was annually wafted by the floods to [1261]Byblus. It was reported to have been just seven days in its passage; and the whole was performed [Greek: theiêi nautiliêi], by a voyage truly miraculous. There are many proofs that the religion of Syria came in great measure from Egypt. The rites of Adonis, and the lamentations upon his account at Sidon, and Byblus, were copies of the mourning for Osiris, and represented in the same [1262]manner. Lucian, having described the pompous temple at Hierapolis, says, that there was another in the neighbourhood, not of Assyrian, but Egyptian original; the rites of which were received by the natives from Heliopolis in that [1263]country. This he did not see: but speaks of it as very grand, and of high antiquity.

These particulars I have thought proper to discuss thoroughly, in order to disclose the true history of the Cadmians, as I am hereby enabled to prove the great antiquity of this people; and to shew who they were, and from whence they came. It has been observed by many of the learned, that some

## particular race of men spread themselves abroad, and got access among

numberless nations. Some have thought that they were Scythians: others, that they were Egyptians: others still, that they were from Phenicia, and Canaan. What they have said upon the subject, however they may seem to differ from one another, may in some degree be allowed. But I believe, that the true account is that which I have here given. I have endeavoured, with great pains, to sift the history to the bottom: and it is to me manifest, that they were for the most part the Auritæ, those shepherds of Egypt. This people had spread themselves over that country like a deluge: but were in time forced to retreat, and to betake themselves to other parts. In consequence of this they were dissipated over regions far remote. They were probably joined by others of their family, as well as by the Canaanites, and the Caphtorim of Palestina. They are to be met with in Persis, and Gedrosia, under the name of Oritæ. They are to be found in Boetica upon the Atlantic under the same [1264]name. They settled in Colchis, Thrace, Phrygia, Sicily, and Hetruria; and upon the extreme parts of the Mediterranean: Diluvio ex illo tot vasta per æquora vecti.

These are the migrations, of which the antient historian [1265]Istrus wrote in a curious treatise, long since lost; which he inscribed [Greek: peri tôn Aiguptiôn apoikias]. We meet with a summary account of them in Diodorus Siculus, who mentions, that after the death of Isis and Osiris the Egyptians sent out many colonies, which were scattered over the face of the earth. [1266][Greek: Ho de oun Aiguptioi phasi kai meta tauta apoikias pleistas ex Aiguptou kata pasan diasparênai tên oikoumenên.] Of these migrations there were two remarkable above the rest: the one of the sons of Chus, concerning whom I have been treating; the other of the Israelites, which was somewhat later than the former. The author above takes notice of both these occurrences, in a most valuable extract preserved by Photius; wherein he does not sufficiently distinguish the particular families of these emigrants, nor the different times of the migration: yet the account is very curious; and the history of each transaction plainly delineated. [1267][Greek: Euthus oun hoi xenolatoumenôn tôn alloethnôn hoi epiphanestatoi, kai drastikôtatoi sustraphentes exerrhiphêsan, hôs tines phasin, eis tên Hellada, kai tinas heterous topous, echontes axiologous hêgemonas; hôn hêgounto Danaos, kai Kadmos, tôn allôn epiphanestatoi. Hode polus leôs exepesen eis tên nun kaloumenên Ioudaian.] _Upon this, as some writers tell us, the most eminent and enterprising of those foreigners, who were in Egypt, and obliged to leave the country, betook themselves to the coast of Greece, and also to other regions, having put themselves under the command of proper leaders for that purpose. Some of them were conducted by Danaus, and Cadmus, who were the most illustrious of the whole. There were beside these a large, but less noble, body of people, who retired into the province called now [1268]Judea._

When therefore we speak of the history of Greece as far back as we can carry it, and of the rites and religion introduced into that country, we may accede to the account given of them by Zonaras. [1269][Greek: Ek Chaldaiôn gar legetai phoitêsai tauta pros Aigupton kakeithen pros Hellênas.] _All these things came from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence were derived to the Greeks_. The same is attested by [1270]Josephus. What preceded the arrival of the Cadmians, and other Cuthites, in these parts, is utterly unknown. With them commences the history of the country. It is true, there are accounts concerning Erectheus, Ericthonius, Cecrops, and other antient kings: but they were superadded to the history of Attica, just as the names of Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, were to that of Argos. It was therefore matter of great surprise to Solon, when he was informed by the Egyptian priests of the antient occurrences of their country, and of the wars of the Atlantians, to find the same names stand at the head of their histories, as were observable in those of Greece: [1271][Greek: Kekropos te, kai Erechtheôs, kai Erichthoniou, kai Erisichthonos, tôn te allôn.] _For instance, the names of Cecrops, Erectheus, Ericthonius, Erisicthon, and others._ [Greek: Kai ta tôn Gunaikôn kai tauta.] _The names also of their women were the same._ In reality, they were all titles of the Deity, as might be easily shewn. Erectheus for instance was the God of the sea, and as such worshipped by the very people who enlisted him among their kings. This may be proved from Athenagoras. [1272][Greek: Athênaios Erechthei Poseidôni thuei.] _The Athenian sacrifices to Erectheus the same as Poseidon_. Strabo seems to think, that most of the antient names were foreign; [1273]such as Cecrops, and Codrus, and Arclus, and Cothus: and he is certainly right in his opinion.

What I have here said, may in some degree prove a basis for the history of Greece. We may indeed talk of Xuthus, Ion, and Hellen: also of the Leleges, and Pelasgi, and thus amuse ourselves in the dark: but no real emolument can possibly arise, till the cloud, with which history has been so long obscured, be done away. This cannot well be effected, till some of the first principles, upon which we are to proceed, be made out, and these great truths determined.

This inquisition I have been obliged to make concerning some of the principal personages in the annals of Greece. For it is impossible to lay a foundation for a future history unless what is true, and what is false, be previously determined. All those, of whom I have been treating, stand foremost in the lists of antiquity, and have been admitted with too little consideration. Many of the first Fathers in the Christian church, seeing the high pretensions of the Grecians, tried to invalidate their claim, by shewing that all their antient heroes were subsequent to Moses. This was the repeated labour of Clemens of Alexandria, Theophilus, Eusebius, Tatianus, and others. It was a point urged by them continually in their recommendation of the Scriptures, as if priority of time were necessarily a mark of truth. The best chronologers likewise admit these personages in their computations; and great pains have been used to reconcile the contradictions in their histories, and to ascertain the æra when they flourished. These learned men acted upon a very laudable principle, but failed in the very beginning of their process. For, as I have before taken notice, the question should not have been about the time when these persons lived, but whether they ever existed. The fathers proceeded upon very precarious grounds, and brought their evidence to a wrong test. They indeed state things very fairly, and have authorities for all that they advance. But the traditions of the Greeks were not uniform. And if any Gentile writer, instead of carrying the æra of Inachus and Phoroneus, or of Dionusus and Perseus, towards the time of Moses, had extended it to the times of the first kings in Egypt, I do not see what they could have done; for this person, in his turn, could have produced authorities. They might indeed have disputed the point, and have opposed evidence to evidence, but nothing certain could have ensued.

END OF VOL. II.

W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.

[1] In all antient accounts of the Romans the term was expressed Poini, and Poinicus. Poinei stipendia pendunt. Poinei sunt soliti suos sacrificare puellos. Ennius. Annal. vii. Afterwards it was changed to Poenus, and Punicus.

[2] Simon the Canaanite. Matth. c. 10. v 4. Also the woman of Canaan. Matthew. c. 15. v. 22.

[3] Ausonius. Epigram. 25. Ph'Anac, the Great Lord.

[4] Apuleius. l. xi. p. 246.

[5] Zachlas adest Ægyptius, propheta primarius,--et cum dicto juvenem quempiam linteis amiculis intectum, pedesque palmeis baxeis indutum, et adusque deraso capite, producit in medium. Apuleius. l. 2. p. 39.

[6] Pedes ambrosios tegebant soleæ, palmæ victricis foliis intextæ. Ibid. l. 11. p. 241.

[7] Euripides in Ione. v. 920.

[8] Cantic. c. 7. v. 6.

[9] Psalm 93. v. 12.

[10] Plutarch Symposiac. l. 8. c. 4. Adversus pondera resurgit. Gellius. l. 3. c. 6.

[11] Pliny. Hist. Nat. l. 13. c. 4. [Greek: Hieron Heliou to phuton, agêrôn te on]. Juliani Imp. Orat. v. p. 330.

[12] Revelations. c. 7. v. 9. [Greek: Peribeblêmenoi stolas leukas, kai Phoinikes en tais chersin autôn.]

[13] John. c. 12. v. 13.

[14] [Greek: Hekkaidekatê dunasteia Poimenes Hellênes Basileis.] Syncellus. p. 61.

[15] The Lords of the Philistines; and the Princes of the Philistines. 1 Samuel. c. 29. v. 2, 3, 4.

[16] Ezekiel. c. 26. v. 16.

[17] Isaiah. c. 23. v. 8.

Ezekiel. c. 28. v. 2.

[18] Herodotus brings the Phoenicians from the Mare Erythræum; by which he means the Sinus Persicus. l. 7. c. 89. l. 1. c. 1.

[19] Philo, mentioning the march of the Israelites towards the Red Sea, and the Amalekites, adds: [Greek: nemontai d' autên Phoinikes]. De V. Mosis. vol. 2. p. 115.

[Greek: Phoinikôn kômê], in Edom. Procopius. Persic. l. 1. c. 19.

[20] Phoenicus, in Crete. Steph. Byzant.

[21] [Greek: Aphroi Phoinikes]. Glossæ.

[22] [Greek: Kata Bouthrôton Phoinikê]. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499.

Mount Olympus, in Lycia, was styled, by way of eminence, Phoinic. [Greek: Olumpos polis megalê kai oros homônumon, ho kai Phoinikous kaleitai]. Strabo. l. 14. p. 982. Bochart supposes Phoenic and Phoenices ([Greek: Phoinikes]) to be derived from Beni Anac, changed to Pheni Anac, i.e. the sons of Anac: but how can this be applicable to a mountain, or to the Palm tree? I am happy, however, that in a part of my etymology, and that a principal part, I am countenanced by that learned man.

Bishop Cumberland derives it from Anac torquis. Orig. p. 302.

[23] Hesychius.

[24] A city and mountain in Boeotia, called Phoenice: the natives, Phoenicians. Strabo. l. 9. p. 629.

[25] Chron. p. 27.

[26] Syncellus. p. 126. from Eusebius.

[27] [Greek: Bêlos ap' Euphrêtao. ktl.] Nonnus.

[28] Bochart. Hierazoican. l. 2. c. 7.

[29] Gellius. l. 2. c. 26.

[30] Gellius. Ibidem.

[31] Iliad [psi]. v. 454.

[32] John. c. 12. v. 13.

[33] 1 Maccab. c. 13. v. 51.

[34] Ibidem. c. 13. v. 37.

[35] Varro apud Nonium Marcellum.

[36] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 7. p. 11.

[37] Ælian de Animalibus. l. 7. c. 60.

He cites Hermippus and Aristotle for vouchers.

[38] [Greek: Ethnos einai phasin Aithiopôn, hopou, kuôn basileuei, kai basileus prosagoreutai, kai hiera kai timas echei basileôn. Andres de prassousin, haper hêgemosi poleôn prosêchei, kai archousin.] Plutarch adversus Stoïcos. vol. 2. p. 1064.

[39] Ibid.

[40] Lycophron. v. 439.

[41] Comment. upon Lycophron. p. 68.

[42] Lucan. Pharsalia. l. 9. v. 787.

[43] Ausa Jovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubim. Propert. l. 3. El. 11.

[Greek: Hexês de estin ho kunopolitis nomos, kai Kunôn polis, en hêi Anoubis timaitai, kai tois kusi timê, kai sitis tetaktai tis hiera.] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1166.

[44] [Greek: Selênên de graphontes, Ê OIKOUMENÊN, ê grammatea, ê hierea, ê orgên, ê kolumbon, kunokephalon zôgraphousi.] l. 1. c. 14. p. 26.

[45] [Greek: Hierogrammatea te palin, ê prophêtên, ê osphrêsin, ê ptarmon, ê archên, ê dikastên, boulomenoi graphein kuna zôgraphousin.] l. 1. c. 39. p. 52.

[46] [Greek: Eô gar tous Aiguptious, hoiper kai deisidaimonestatoi eisi pantôn; homôs tois theiois onomasin eis koron epichrômenous; schedon gar ta pleista EX OURANOU estin.] Lucian de imaginibus.

See Observations on Antient History. p. 166.

Solebant autem Ægyptii sibi suisque Deorum patriorum nomina plerumque imponere.--Moremque hunc gens illa servare perrexit, postquam salutari luce Evangelicâ diu fruita esset. Jablonsky. v. 1. l. 1. c. 5. p. 105.

[47] It is possibly alluded to in Psalm 80. v. 16. and in Jeremiah. c. 6. v. 20.

[48] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 365. [Greek: Chenosiris].

[49] The purport of the term Cahen, or Cohen, was not totally unknown in Greece. They changed it to [Greek: koês], and [Greek: koiês]; but still supposed it to signify a priest. [Greek: Koiês, hiereus Kabeirôn, ho kathairômenos phonea.] Hesychius. [Greek: Koiaitai hieraitai.] Ibid.

It was also used for a title of the Deity. [Greek: Koias, ho strongulos lithos]; scilicet [Greek: Baitulos]. Moscopulus. p. 5. The Bætulus was the most antient representation of the Deity. See Apollon. Rhod. Schol. ad. l. 1. v. 919.

[50] [Greek: Ou, kathaper ta loipa zôa en hêmerai miai teleutai, houtô kai toutous: alla meros autôn kath' hekastên hêmeran nekroumenon hupo tôn Hiereôn thaptesthai. ktl.]

[Greek: Heôs d' an hai hebdomêkonta kai duo plêrôthôisin hêmeras, tote holos apothnêskei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 2.

[51] [Greek: Eis hieron epeidan prôta komisthê Kunokephalos, delton autôi paratithêsin ho Hiereus, kai schoinion, kai melan, peirazôn, ei ek tês epistamenês esti sungeneias grammata, kai ei graphei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 28.

[52] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16 p. 30. [Greek: Dôdekatis tês hêmeras kath' hekastên hôran ourei; tode auto kai tais dusi nuxi poiei. ktl.] Speaking of the two Equinoxes.

[53] Hoffman: Cunocephalus.

Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 78.

[54] What Orus Apollo attributes to the Cunocephalus, Damascius (in Vitâ Isidori) mentions of the Cat. Photii Bibliotheca. c. 242. p. 1049.

[55] By Strabo expressed [Greek: Keipos], who says, that it was reverenced by the people at Babylon, opposite to Memphis. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek: Keipon de Babulônioi hoi kata Memphin (sebousi)].

[56] Babun, [Greek: Babun], of Hellanicus Lesbius. Athenæus. l. 15. p. 680. called Bebon, [Greek: Bebôn], by Manethon. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 371, 376. Babon was thought to have been the same as Typhon: by some esteemed a female, and the wife of that personage. Plutarch. ibid.

The Ape and Monkey were held sacred, not in Egypt only, but in India, and likewise in a part of Africa. Diodorus Sicul. l. 20. p. 793. Maffeus mentions a noble Pagoda in India, which was called the monkeys' Pagoda. Historia Ind. l. 1. p. 25: and Balbus takes notice of Peguan temples, called by the natives Varelle, in which monkeys were kept, out of a religious principle. See Balbi Itinerarium.

[57] Martianus Capella. l. 4. sub initio.

Astronomia is made to speak to the same purpose.--Per immensa spatia seculorum, ne profanâ loquacitate vulgarer, Ægyptiorum clausa adytis occulebar. Martianus Capella. l. 8.

[58] Johannes Sarisburiensis Metalogic. l. 2. p. 787. Editio Lugd. Bat. anno 1639.

He speaks of Parmenides as if he were a native of Egypt; and seems to have understood that Parmenides took up his residence in the Egyptian seminary, in order to obtain a thorough knowledge in science. Et licet Parmenides Ægyptius in rupe vitam egerit, ut rationem Logices inveniret, tot et tantos studii habuit successores, ut ei inventionis suæ totam fere præripuerint gloriam.

[59] Hermes was the same as Anubis Latrator. Jablonsky. l. 5. c. 1.

[Greek: Kuna sebeis; tuptô d' egô.] Anaxandrides apud Athenæum. l. 7. p. 300.

[Greek: Hermên kuna.] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris.

[60] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek: Kunokephalon de (timôsin) Hermopolitai.]

[61] [Greek: Hermopolitikê phulakê]. Strabo. ibid.

[62] Analogous to this we read in Herodotus, that the Persian brigade, whose deficiencies were supplied by continual recruits, was styled [Greek: athanatos], immortalis. Herodotus. l. 7. c. 83.

It consisted of ten thousand men.

[63] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 37.

[64] [Greek: Dôdekatis hêmeras kath' hekastên hôran OUREI Kunokephalos.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16.

[65] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.

Upon the Mare Erythræum, [Greek: hidruma Kunoskephalôn kaloumenon]. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1120. Also Pliny. l. 6. c. 30. and l. 7. c. 2. of Cunocephali in Ethiopia and India.

[66] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.

[67] Many places were named Cunocephale: all which will be found upon inquiry to have been eminences, or buildings situated on high, agreeably to this etymology. [Greek: Kunoskephalê, LOPHOS tis Thessalias.] Stephanus Byzant. from Polybius. l. 17.

[Greek: Kunônkephalai] near Scotiussa. [Greek: LOPHÔN puknôn parallêlôn AKRAI.] Plutarch in Flaminino, of the same place.