Chapter iii

on “Primitive Values.”

[16] E. A. Wallis Budge, _Egyptian Magic_, 1899, p. vii. Some other works on magic in Egypt are: Groff, _Études sur la sorcellerie, mémoires présentés à l’institut égyptien_, Cairo, 1897; G. Busson, _Extrait d’un mémoire sur l’origine égyptienne de la Kabbale_, in _Compte Rendu du Congrès Scientifique International des Catholiques, Sciences Religieuses_, Paris, 1891, pp. 29-51. Adolf Erman, _Life in Ancient Egypt_, English translation, 1894, “describes vividly the magical conceptions and practices.” F. L. Griffith, _Stories of the High Priests of Memphis_, Oxford, 1900, contains some amusing demotic tales of magicians. Erman, _Zaubersprüche für Mutter und Kind_, 1901. F. L. Griffith and H. Thompson, _The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden_, 1904. See also J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt_, New York, 1912.

The following later but briefer treatments add little to Budge: Alfred Wiedemann, _Magie und Zauberei im Alten Ægypten_, Leipzig, 1905, and _Die Amulette der alten Ægypter_, Leipzig, 1910, both in _Der Alte Orient_; Alexandre Moret, _La magie dans l’Egypte ancienne_, Paris, 1906, in _Musée Guimet, Annales, Bibliothèque de vulgarisation_. XX. 241-81.

[17] Budge (1899), p. 19. At pp. 7-10 Budge dates the Westcar Papyrus about 1550 B. C. and Cheops, of whom the tale is told, in 3800 B. C. It is now customary to date the Fourth Dynasty, to which Cheops belonged, about 2900-2750 B. C. Breasted, _History of Egypt_, pp. 122-3, speaks of a folk tale preserved in the Papyrus Westcar some nine (?) centuries after the fall of the Fourth Dynasty.

[18] Budge, p. ix.

[19] Budge, pp. xiii-xiv.

[20] For magical myths see E. Naville, _The Old Egyptian Faith_, English translation by C. Campbell, 1909, p. 233 _et seq._

[21] Budge, pp. 3-4; Lenormant, _Chaldean Magic_, p. 100; Wiedemann (1905), pp. 12, 14, 31.

[22] So labelled in the Egyptian Museum at Cairo.

[23] Budge, p. 185.

[24] Breasted (1912), pp. 84-5, 93-5. “Systematic study” of the Pyramid Texts has been possible “only since the appearance of Sethe’s great edition,”—_Die Altægyptischen Pyramidentexte_, Leipzig, 1908-1910, 2 vols.

[25] Budge, pp. 104-7.

[26] Many of them are to enable the dead man to leave his tomb at will; hence the Egyptian title, “The Chapters of Going Forth by Day,” Breasted, _History of Egypt_, p. 175.

[27] Budge, p. 28.

[28] _History of Egypt_, p. 175; pp. 249-50 for the further increase in mortuary magic after the Middle Kingdom, and pp. 369-70, 390, etc., for Ikhnaton’s vain effort to suppress this mortuary magic. See also Breasted (1912), pp. 95-6, 281, 292-6, etc.

[29] Breasted (1912), pp. 290-1.

[30] Budge, pp. xi, 170-1.

[31] Budge, p. 4.

[32] Budge, pp. 67-70, 73, 77.

[33] Budge, pp. 27-28, 41, 60.

[34] From the abstract of a paper on _The History of Egyptian Medicine_, read by T. Wingate Todd at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association, 1919. See also B. Holmes and P. G. Kitterman, _Medicine in Ancient Egypt; the Hieratic Material_, Cincinnati, 1914, 34 pp., reprinted from _The Lancet-Clinic_.

[35] See H. L. Lüring, _Die über die medicinischen Kenntnisse der alten Ægypter berichtenden Papyri_ _verglichen mit den medic. Schriften griech. u. römischer Autoren_, Leipzig, 1888. Also Joret, I (1897) 310-11, and the article there cited by G. Ebers, _Ein Kyphirecept aus dem Papyrus Ebers_, in _Zeitschrift f. ægypt. Sprache_, XII (1874), p. 106. M. A. Ruffer, _Palaeopathology of Egypt_, 1921.

[36] _History of Egypt_, p. 101.

[37] _Ibid_, p. 102.

[38] Budge, p. 206.

[39] _History of Egypt_, p. 101.

[40] _Archéologie et Histoire des Sciences_, Paris, 1906, pp. 232-3.

[41] Professor Breasted, however, feels that the contents of the new Edwin Smith Papyrus will raise our estimate of the worth of Egyptian medicine and surgery: letter to me of Jan. 20, 1922.

[42] Petrie, “Egypt,” in EB, p. 73.

[43] Berthelot (1885), p. 235. See E. B. Havell, _A Handbook of Indian Art_, 1920, p. 11, for a combination of “exact science,” ritual, and “magic power” in the work of the ancient Aryan craftsmen.

[44] Berthelot (1889), pp. vi-vii.

[45] Berthelot (1885), pp. 247-78; E. O. v. Lippmann (1919), pp. 118-43.

[46] Budge, pp. 19-20.

[47] Berthelot (1885), p. 10.

[48] Lippmann (1919), pp. 181-2, and the authorities there cited.

[49] Budge, pp. 214-5.

[50] Budge, pp. 225-8; Wiedemann (1905), p. 9.

[51] Wiedemann (1905), pp. 7, 8, 11. See also G. Daressy, _Une ancienne liste des décans égyptiens_, in _Annales du service des antiquités de l’Egypte_, I (1900), 79-90.

[52] F. Boll in _Neue Jahrb._ (1908), p. 108.

[53] Budge, pp. 222-3.

[54] Budge, p. 229.

[55] Some works on the subject of magic and religion, astronomy and astrology in Babylonia and Assyria will be found in Appendix I at the close of this chapter.

[56] Thompson, _Semitic Magic_, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii; Fossey, pp. 17-20.

[57] Farnell, _Greece and Babylon_, p. 102.

[58] Prince, “Sumer and Sumerians,” in EB.

[59] Webster, _Rest Days_, pp. 215-22, with further bibliography. See Orr (1913), 28-38, for an interesting discussion in English of the problem of the origin of solar and lunar zodiac.

[60] Lippmann (1919), pp. 168-9.

[61] Although Schiaparelli, _Astronomy in the Old Testament_, 1905, pp. v, 5, 49-51, 135, denies that “the frequent use of the number seven in the Old Testament is in any way connected with the planets.” I have not seen F. von Andrian, _Die Siebenzahl im Geistesleben der Völker_, in _Mitteil, d. anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien_, XXI (1901), 225-74; see also Hehn, _Siebenzahl und Sabbat bei den Babyloniern und im alten Testament_, 1907. J. G. Frazer (1918), I, 140, has an interesting passage on the prominence of the number seven “alike in the Jehovistic and in the Babylonian narrative” of the flood.

[62] Webster, _Rest Days_, pp. 211-2. Professor Webster, who kindly read this chapter in manuscript, stated in a letter to me of 2 July 1921 that he remained convinced that “the mystic properties ascribed to the number seven” can only in part be accounted for by the seven planets; “Our American Indians, for example, hold seven in great respect, yet have no knowledge of seven planets.” But it may be noted that the poet-philosophers of ancient Peru composed verses on the subject of astrology, according to Garcilasso (cited by W. I. Thomas, _Source Book for Social Origins_, 1909, p. 293).

[63] L. W. King, _History of Babylon_, 1915, p. 299.

[64] Fossey (1902), pp. 2-3.

[65] Farnell, _Greece and Babylon_, pp. 301-2. On liver divination see Frothingham, “Ancient Orientalism Unveiled,” _American Journal of Archaeology_, XXI (1917) 55, 187, 313, 420.

[66] Fossey, p. 66.

[67] Fossey, p. 16.

[68] Lenormant, pp. 35, 147, 158.

[69] Thompson, _Semitic Magic_, pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

[70] _Greece and Babylon_, p. 296.

[71] Lenormant, pp. 146-7.

[72] _Ibid._, p. 158.

[73] Jastrow, _Religion of Babylon and Assyria_, pp. 283-4.

[74] Zimmern, _Beiträge_, p. 173.

[75] _Ibid._, p. 161.

[76] Fossey, p. 399.

[77] Fossey, p. 83.

[78] _Ibid._, pp. 89-91. F. Küchler, _Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Assyr.-Babyl. Medizin; Texte mit Umschrift, Uebersetzung und Kommentar_, Leipzig, 1904, treats of twenty facsimile pages of cuneiform.

[79] Lenormant, p. 190.

[80] _Ibid._, p. 159.

[81] So enlightened in fact that they spoke with some scorn of the “levity” and “lies” of the Greeks.

[82] _Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism_, Chicago, 1911, p. 189.

[83] Thorndike (1905), p. 63.

[84] E. E. Sikes, _Folk-lore in the Works and Days of Hesiod_, in _The Classical Review_, VII (1893). 390.

[85] Freeman, _History of Sicily_, I, 101-3, citing Herodotus VII, 153.

[86] Butler and Owen, _Apulei Apologia_, note on 30, 30.

[87] For details concerning operative or vulgar magic among the ancient Greeks see Hubert, _Magia_, in Daremberg-Saglio; Abt, _Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei_, Giessen, 1908; and F. B. Jevons, “Græco-Italian Magic,” p. 93-, in _Anthropology and the Classics_, ed. R. Marett; and the article “Magic” in ERE.

[88] I think that this sentence is an approximate quotation from some ancient author, possibly Diogenes Laertius, but I have not been able to find it.

[89] J. E. Harrison, _Themis_, Cambridge, 1912. The chapter headings briefly suggest the argument: “1. Hymn of the Kouretes; 2. Dithyramb, Δρώμενον, and Drama; 3. Kouretes, Thunder-Rites and Mana; 4. a. Magic and Tabu, b. Medicine-bird and Medicine-king; 5. Totemism, Sacrament, and Sacrifice; 6. Dithyramb, Spring Festival, and Hagia Triada Sarcophagus; 7. Origin of the Olympic Games (about a year-daimon); 8. Daimon and Hero, with Excursus on Ritual Forms preserved in Greek tragedy; 9. Daimon to Olympian; 10. The Olympians; 11. Themis.”

[90] F. M. Cornford, _Origin of Attic Comedy_, 1914, see especially pp. 10, 13, 55, 157, 202, 233.

[91] A. B. Cook, _Zeus_, Cambridge, 1914, pp. 134-5, 12-14, 66-76.

[92] Rendel Harris, _Picus who is also Zeus_, 1916; _The Ascent of Olympus_, 1917.

[93] Farnell, _Greece and Babylon_, pp. 292, 178-9.

[94] See Ernest Riess, _Superstitions and Popular Beliefs in Greek Tragedy_, in _Transactions of the American Philological Association_, vol. 27 (1896), pp. 5-34; and _On Ancient superstition_, _ibid._ 26 (1895), 40-55. Also J. G. Frazer, _Some Popular Superstitions of the Ancients_, in _Folk-lore_, 1890, and E. H. Klatsche, _The Supernatural in the Tragedies of Euripides_, in _University of Nebraska Studies_, 1919.

[95] See Zeller, _Pre-Socratic Philosophy_, II (1881), 119-20, for further boasts by Empedocles himself and other marvels attributed to him by later authors.

[96] _Laws_, XI, 933 (Steph.).

[97] _Timaeus_, p. 71 (Steph.).

[98] _Symposium_, p. 188 (Steph.); in Jowett’s translation, I, 558.

[99] _Timaeus_, p. 40 (Steph.); Jowett, III, 459.

[100] _Ibid._, pp. 41-42 (Steph.).

[101] _Timaeus_, p. 39 (Steph.); Jowett, III, 458.

[102] W. Windelband, _History of Philosophy_, English translation by J. H. Tufts, 1898, p. 147.

[103] Windelband, _History of Ancient Philosophy_, English translation by H. E. Cushman, 1899.

[104] For a number of examples, which might be considerably multiplied if books VII-X are not rejected as spurious, see Thorndike (1905), pp. 62-3. T. E. Lones, _Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science_, London, 1912, 274 pp., discusses “Aristotle’s method of investigating the natural sciences,” and a large number of Aristotle’s specific statements showing whether they were correct or incorrect. The best translation of the _History of Animals_ is by D’Arcy W. Thompson, Oxford 1910, with valuable notes.

[105] See the edition of the _History of Animals_ by Dittmeyer (1907), p. vii, where various monographs will be found mentioned.

[106] Perhaps pure literature was over-emphasized in the Museum at Alexandria, and magic texts in the library of Assurbanipal.

[107] A list of magic papyri and of publications up to about 1900 dealing with the same is given in Hubert’s article on _Magia_ in Daremberg-Saglio, pp. 1503-4. See also Sir Herbert Thompson and F. L. Griffith, _The Magical Demotic Papyrus of London and Leiden_, 3 vols., 1909-1921; _Catalogue of Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, with facsimiles and complete translations_, 1909, 3 vols. Grenfell (1921), p. 159, says, “A corpus of the magical papyri was projected in Germany by K. Preisendanz before the war, and a Czech scholar, Dr. Hopfner, is engaged upon the difficult task of elucidating them.”

[108] W. C. Battle, _Magical Curses Written on Lead Tablets_, in _Transactions of the American Philological Association_, XXVI (1895), pp. liv-lviii, a synopsis of a Harvard dissertation. Audollent, _Defixionum tabulae_, etc., Paris, 1904, 568 pp. R. Wünsch, _Defixionum Tabellae Atticae_, 1897, and _Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln aus Rom_ (390-420 A. D.), Leipzig, 1898.

[109] Since 1898 various volumes and parts have appeared under the editorship of Cumont, Kroll, Boll, Olivieri, Bassi, and others. Much of the material noted is of course post-classical and Byzantine, and of Christian authorship or Arabic origin.

[110] For example, see R. Wünsch, _Antikes Zaubergerät aus Pergamon_, in _Jahrb. d. kaiserl. deutsch. archæol. Instit., suppl._ VI (1905), p. 19.

[111] T. L. Heath, _The Works of Archimedes_, Cambridge, 1897, pp. xxxix-xl.

[112] On “Aristotle as a Biologist” see the Herbert Spencer lecture by D’Arcy W. Thompson, Oxford, 1913, 31 pp. Also T. E. Lones, _Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science_, London, 1912. Professor W. A. Locy, author of _Biology and Its Makers_, writes me (May 9, 1921) that in his opinion G. H. Lewes, _Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science_, London, 1864, “dwells too much on Aristotle’s errors and imperfections, and in several instances omits the quotation of important positive observations, occurring in the chapters from which he makes his quotations of errors.” Professor Locy also disagrees with Lewes’ estimate of _De generatione_ as Aristotle’s masterpiece and thinks that “naturalists will get more satisfaction out of reading the _Historia animalium_” than either the _De generatione_ or _De

## partibus_. Thompson (1913), p. 14, calls Aristotle “a very great

naturalist.”

[113] This quotation is from Professor Locy’s letter of May 9, 1921.

[114] The quotations are from a note by Professor D’Arcy W. Thompson on his translation of the _Historia animalium_, III, 3. The note gives so good a glimpse of both the merits and defects of the Aristotelian text as it has reached us that I will quote it here more fully:

“The Aristotelian account of the vascular system is remarkable for its wealth of details, for its great accuracy in many particulars, and for its extreme obscurity in others. It is so far true to nature that it is clear evidence of minute inquiry, but here and there so remote from fact as to suggest that things once seen have been half forgotten, or that superstition was in conflict with the result of observation. The account of the vessels connecting the left arm with the liver and the right with the spleen ... is a surviving example of mystical or superstitious belief. It is possible that the ascription of three chambers to the heart was also influenced by tradition or mysticism, much in the same way as Plato’s notion of the three corporeal faculties.”

[115] Professor Locy called my attention to it in a letter of May 17, 1921. See also Thompson (1913), p. 14.

[116] Thompson (1913), p. 19.

[117] L. C. Karpinski, “Hindu Science,” in _The American Mathematical Monthly_, XXVI (1919), 298-300.

[118] Sir Thomas Heath, _Aristarchus of Samos, the Ancient Copernicus: a history of Greek astronomy to Aristarchus together with Aristarchus’s treatise, “On the Sizes and Distances of the Sun and Moon,” a new Greek text with translation and notes_, Oxford, 1913, admits that “our treatise does not contain any suggestion of any but the geocentric view of the universe, whereas Archimedes tells us that Aristarchus wrote a book of hypotheses, one of which was that the sun and the fixed stars remain unmoved and that the earth revolves round the sun in the circumference of a circle.” Such evidence seems scarcely to warrant applying the title of “The Ancient Copernicus” to Aristarchus. And Heath thinks that Schiaparelli (_I precursori di Copernico nell’antichità_, and other papers) went too far in ascribing the Copernican hypothesis to Heraclides of Pontus. On Aristotle’s answer to Pythagoreans who denied the geocentric theory see Orr (1913), pp. 100-2.

[119] “Farewell, Nature, parent of all things, and in thy manifold multiplicity bless me who, alone of the Romans, has sung thy praise.”

[120] For the Latin text of the _Naturalis Historia_ I have used the editions of D. Detlefsen, Berlin, 1866-1882, and L. Janus, Leipzig, 1870, 6 vols. in 3; 5 vols. in 3. There is, however, a good English translation of the _Natural History_, with an introductory essay, by J. Bostock and H. T. Riley, London, 1855, 6 vols. (Bohn Library), which is superior to both the German editions in its explanatory notes and subject index, and which also apparently antedates them in some readings suggested for doubtful passages in the text. Three modes of dividing the _Natural History_ into chapters are indicated in the editions of Janus and Detlefsen. I shall employ that found in the earlier editions of Hardouin, Valpy, Lemaire, and Ajasson, and preferred in the English translation of Bostock and Riley.

[121] Bostock and Riley (1855), I, xvi.

[122] NH, Preface.

[123] NH, Preface.

[124] NH, XXII, 7.

[125] NH, II, 6.

[126] NH, II, 46.

[127] NH, II, 5. “Deus est mortali iuvare mortalem....”

[128] NH, VII, 56.

[129] Letter to Macer, Ep. III, 5, ed. Keil. Leipzig, 1896.

[130] NH, VII, 1; XXIII, 60; XXV, 1; XXVII, 1.

[131] XXVI, 76.

[132] XXXVII, 11.

[133] XXI, 88.

[134] XXXII, 24.

[135] Yet C. W. King, _Natural History of Precious Stones_, p. 2, deplores the loss of Juba’s treatise, which he says, “considering his position and opportunities for exact information, is perhaps the greatest we have to deplore in this sad catalogue of _desiderata_.”

[136] NH, XXXII, 4.

[137] XXX, 30.

[138] Bouché-Leclercq (1899), p. 519, notes, however, that Aulus Gellius (X, 12) protested against Pliny’s credulity in accepting such works as genuine and that “Columelle (VII, 5) cite un certain Bolus de Mendes comme l’auteur des ὑπομνήματα attribués à Démocrite.” Bouché-Leclercq adds, however, “Rien n’y fit: Démocrite devint le grand docteur de la magie.”

[139] NH, VII, 21.

[140] G. H. Lewes, _Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science_, London. 1864.

[141] _Letters of Pliny the Younger_, III, 5, ed. Keil, Leipzig, 1896.

[142] NH, VIII, 34.

[143] XXVIII, 1.

[144] Rück, _Die Naturalis Historia des Plinius im Mittelalter_, in _Sitzb. Bayer. Akad. Philos-Philol. Classe_ (1908) pp. 203-318. For citations of Pliny by writers of the late Roman empire and early middle ages, see Panckoucke, _Bibliothèque Latine-Française_, vol. CVI.

[145] Concerning the MSS see Detlefsen’s prefaces in each of his first five volumes and his fuller dissertations in Jahn’s _Neue Jahrb._, 77, 653ff, _Rhein. Mus._, XV, 265ff; XVIII, 227ff, 327.

Detlefsen seems to have made no use of English MSS, but a folio of the close of the 12th century at New College, Oxford, contains the first nineteen books of the _Natural History_ and is described by Coxe as “very well written and preserved.”

Nor does Detlefsen mention Le Mans 263, 12th century, containing all 37 books except that the last book is incomplete, and with a full page miniature (fol. 10v) showing Pliny in the act of presenting his work to Vespasian. Escorial Q-I-4 and R-I-5 are two other practically complete texts of the fourteenth century which Detlefsen failed to use.

[146] See M. R. James, Eton Manuscripts, p. 63, MS 134, Bl. 4. 7., Roberti Crikeladensis Prioris Oxoniensis excerpta ex Plinii Historia Naturali, 12-13th century, in a large English hand, giving extracts extending from Book II to Book IX.

Of Balliol 124, fols. 1-138, _Cosmographia mundi_, by John Free, born at Bristol or London, fellow at Balliol College, Oxford, later professor of medicine at Padua and a doctor at Rome, also well instructed in civil law and Greek, Coxe writes, “This work is nothing but a series of excerpts from Pliny’s _Natural History_, beginning with the second and leaving off with the twentieth.” I wonder if John Free may not have used the very MS of the first nineteen books mentioned in the foregoing note, since the second book of the _Natural History_ is often reckoned as the first.

In Balliol 146A, 15th century, fol. 3-, the _Natural History_ appears in epitome, with a prologue opening, “I, Reginald (_Retinaldus_), servant of Christ, perusing the books of Pliny....”

[147] Bologna, 952, 15th century, fols. 157-60, “Tractatus optimus in quo exposuit et aperte declaravit plinius philosophus quid sit lapis philosophicus et ex qua materia debet fieri et quomodo.”

[148] Fossi, _Catalogus codicum saeculo XV impressorum qui in publica Bibliotheca Magliabechiana Florentiae adservantur_, 1793-1795, II, 374-81.

[149] _De erroribus Plinii et aliorum in medicina_, Ferrara, 1492.

[150] _Pliniana defensio_, 1494.

[151] Escorial Q-I-4, and R-I-5, both of the 14th century.

[152] NH, V, 1, 12.

[153] XXVI, 6, “usu efficacissimo rerum omnium magistro”; XVII, 2, 12, “quare experimentis optime creditur.”

[154] II, 66.

[155] XXIX, 23.

[156] XXIX, 11.

[157] XXV, 54, “coramque nobis”; XXV, 106, “nos eam Romanis experimentis per usus digeremus.”

[158] Sometimes another term, as _usus_ in note 2 above, is employed.

[159] See II, 41, 1-2; II, 108; VII, 41; VII, 56; VIII, 7; XIV, 8; XVI, 1; XVI, 64; XVII, 2; XVII, 35; XXII, 1; XXII, 43; XXII, 49; XXII, 51; XXV, 7; XXXIV, 39 and 51. Experience is also the idea in the two following passages, although the word _experimentum_ could not smoothly be rendered as “experience” in a literal translation: VII, 50, “Accedunt experimenta et exempla recentissimi census ...”; XXVIII, 45, “Nec uros aut bisontes habuerunt Graeci in experimentis.”

[160] XVI, 24; XXII, 57; XXVI, 60.

[161] X, 75.

[162] XXXV, 30.

[163] VII, 35

[164] XIII, 3.

[165] XIV, 25.

[166] XVII, 4; XX, 3 and 76; XXII, 23; XXIX, 12; XXXIII, 19 and 43 and 44 and 57; XXXIV, 26 and 48; XXXVI, 38 and 55; XXXVII, 22 and 76; such phrases as _sinceri experimentum_ and _veri experimentum_ are used for “test of genuineness.”

[167] XXIII, 31; XXXI, 28.

[168] XXXI, 27.

[169] XVII, 26.

[170] II, 75.

[171] IX, 7.

[172] XXVIII, 6.

[173] XXVIII, 14.

[174] XXIX, 8. “Discunt periculis nostris et experimenta per mortes agunt.” Bostock and Riley translate the last clause, “And they experimentalize by putting us to death.” Another possible translation is, “And their experiments cost lives.“

[175] XXV, 17. ” ... adeo nullo omnia experiendi fine ut cogerentur etiam venena prodesse.“

[176] XXIX, 4 ” ... ab experimentis se cognominans empiricen.“

[177] IX, 86.

[178] XXXVII, 15.

[179] According to Galen, as we shall hear later, the Empirics relied a good deal upon chance experience and dreams.

[180] XXV, 6.

[181] XX, 52.

[182] XXV, 20.

[183] XXIII, 27.

[184] Among other virtues of vinegar, besides its supposed property of breaking rocks, Pliny mentions that if one holds some in the mouth, it will prevent one from feeling the heat in the baths.

[185] XXV, 6 and 21 and 50; XXVII, 2.

[186] XVI, 24; XXVI, 60.

[187] XXIII, 59.

[188] XXVIII, 7.

[189] In the opening chapters of Book XXX, unless otherwise indicated by specific citation.

[190] Aulus Gellius, X, 12, and Columella, VII, 5, dispute this (Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, p. 519). Berthelot (_Origines de l’alchimie_, p. 145) believes in a Democritan school at the beginning of the Christian era which wrote the works of alchemy attributed to Democritus as well as the books of medical and magical recipes which are quoted in the _Geoponica_ and the _Natural History_.

[191] XVI, 95.

[192] XXX, 2. ” ... quamquam animadverto summam litterarum claritatem gloriamque ex ea scientia antiquitus et paene semper petitam.”

[193] Examples are: XXV, 59, “Sed magi utique circa hanc insaniunt”; XXIX, 20, “magorum mendacia”; XXXVII, 60, “magorum inpudentiae vel manifestissimum ... exemplum”; XXXVII, 73, “dira mendacia magorum.”

[194] See XXII, 9; XXVI, 9; XXVII, 65; XXVIII, 23 and 27; XXIX, 26; XXX, 7; XXXVII, 14.

[195] XXXVII, 40.

[196] XXX, 5-6.

[197] XXX, 6. “Proinde ita persuasum sit, intestabilem, inritam, inanem esse, habentem tamen quasdam veritatis umbras, sed in his veneficas artis pollere, non magicas.”

[198] XXV, 7.

[199] XXVIII, 23.

[200] XXVIII, 2.

[201] XXX, 4.

[202] XXVIII, 19; XXX, 6.

[203] XXVIII, 29.

[204] XXX, 7.

[205] XXIX, 26.

[206] For instance, XXX, 27, he mentions the magi, but not in XXX, 28. Nor are they mentioned in XXX, 29, but in XXX, 30 “plura eorum remedia ponemus” seems to refer to them, although we must look back three chapters for the antecedent of _eorum_.

[207] XXXVII, 14, he says that he is going to confute “the unspeakable nonsense of the magicians” concerning gems, but makes no specific citation from them until the thirty-seventh chapter on jasper.

[208] XXX, 47.

[209] XXXVII, 11.

[210] XX, 30; XXI, 38, 94, 104; XXII, 24, 29.

[211] XXI, 36; XXIV, 99.

[212] XXV, 5.

[213] XXIV, 99-102.

[214] See XX, 30; XXI, 36, 38, 94, 104; XXII, 9, 24, 29; XXIV, 99, 102; XXV, 59, 65, 80-81; XXVI, 9.

[215] XXI, 38.

[216] XXI, 104; XXII, 24.

[217] XXI, 94.

[218] XXII, 29.

[219] XX, 30.

[220] XXI, 38.

[221] XXIV, 99 and 102.

[222] XXV, 5.

[223] XXV, 59.

[224] XXVI, 9.

[225] XXX, 6.

[226] XXX, 7.

[227] XXVIII, 27.

[228] XXVIII, 25.

[229] XXX, 24.

[230] XXIX, 39.

[231] XXIX, 12.

[232] XXX, 6.

[233] XXVIII, 57; XXX, 17.

[234] Use of goat, XXVIII, 56, 63, 78-79; cat, XXVIII, 66; puppy, XXIX, 38; dog, XXX, 24.

[235] XXVIII, 60, 66, 77; XXIX, 26.

[236] XXVIII, 66; XXIX, 15; XXX, 7; XXX, 27; XXXII, 38.

[237] XXX, 8 and 36; see also XXVIII, 60; XXXII, 19 and 24.

[238] XXIX, 23; XXX, 18, 20, 30, 49; XXXII, 14, 18, 24.

[239] XXX, 27.

[240] XXX, 24.

[241] XXX, 24.

[242] XXVIII, 27.

[243] XXVIII, 66; and see XXIX, 12.

[244] XXVIII, 60.

[245] XXVIII, 68.

[246] XXVIII, 78.

[247] XXX, 17.

[248] XXX, 18.

[249] XXXII, 38.

[250] XXIX, 26.

[251] XXVIII, 63.

[252] XXVIII, 56; XXIX, 15.

[253] XXIX, 19.

[254] XXIX, 20.

[255] XXIX, 26; XXX, 7.

[256] Pliny ascribes statements concerning stones to the _magi_ in the following chapters: XXXVI, 34; XXXVII, 37, 40, 49, 51, 54, 56, 60, 70, 73.

[257] XXXVII, 54 and 40.

[258] XXXVII, 40, 60, 56, 73.

[259] XXVIII, 12, “Magorum haec commenta sunt....“

[260] XXVIII, 23.

[261] Some works upon animals in antiquity and Greece are:

Aubert und Wimmer, _Aristoteles Thierkunde_, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1868.

Baethgen, _De vi et significatione galli in religione et artibus Graecorum et Romanorum_, Diss. Inaug., Göttingen, 1887.

Bernays, _Theophrasts Schrift über Frömmigkeit_.

Bikélas, O., _La nomenclature de la Faune grecque_, Paris, 1879.

Billerbeck, _De locis nonnullis Arist. Hist. Animal. difficilioribus_, Hildesheim, 1806.

Dryoff, A., _Die Tierpsychologie des Plutarchs_, Progr. Würzburg, 1897. _Über die stoische Tierpsychologie_, in _Bl. f. bayr. Gymn._, 33 (1897) 399ff.; 34 (1898) 416.

Erhard, _Fauna der Cykladen_, Leipzig, 1858.

Fowler, W. W., _A Year with the Birds_, 1895.

Hopf, L., _Thierorakel und Orakelthiere in alter und neuer Zeit_, Stuttgart, 1888.

Hopfner, T., _Der Tierkult der alten Ægypter nach den griechisch-römischen Berichten und den wichtigen Denkmälern_, in _Denkschr. d. Akad. Wien_, 1913, ii Abh.

Imhoof-Blumer, F., und Keller, O., _Tier-und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums_. illustrated, 1889.

Keller, O., _Thiere des class. Altertums_.

Krüper, _Zeiten des Gehens und Kommens und des Brütens der Vögel in Griechenland und Ionien_, in Mommsen’s _Griech. Jahreszeiten_, 1875.

Küster, E., _Die Schlange in der griechischen Kunst und Religion_, Giessen, 1913.

Lebour, _Zoologist_, 1866.

Lewysohn, _Zoologie des Talmuds_.

Lindermayer, A., _Die Vögel Griechenlands_, Passau, 1860.

Locard, _Histoire des mollusques dans l’antiquité_, Lyon, 1884.

Lorenz, _Die Taube im Alterthume_, 1886.

Marx, A., _Griech. Märchen von dankbaren Tieren_, Stuttgart, 1889.

Mühle, H. v. d., _Beiträge zur Ornithologie Griechenlands_, Leipzig, 1844.

Sundevall, _Thierarten des Aristoteles_, Stockholm, 1863.

Thompson, D’Arcy W., _A Glossary of Greek Birds_, 1895. _Aristotle as a Biologist_, 1913. Also the notes to his translation of the _Historia animalium_.

Westermarck, E., _The Origin and Development of Moral Ideas_, I (1906) 251-60, gives further bibliography on the subjects of animals as witnesses and the punishment of animal culprits.

[262] VIII, 1-12.

[263] VIII, 17-21.

[264] XXXII, 5.

[265] VIII, 37.

[266] VIII, 11-12.

[267] XXVII, 2; XVIII, 1.

[268] XXVII, 2; VIII, 41.

[269] XX, 51 and 61; XXII, 37 and 45.

[270] XX, 26.

[271] VIII, 41; XX, 95.

[272] XXIX, 39.

[273] XXV, 50.

[274] XXV, 5.

[275] VIII, 40; XXVIII, 31.

[276] For further remedies used by animals see VIII, 41; XXIX, 14, 38; XXV, 52-53; XXVIII, 81.

[277] XXVII, 2. “ ... quod certe casu repertum quis dubitet et quotiens fiat etiam nunc ut novom nasci quoniam feris ratio et usus inter se tradi non possit?” Perhaps Pliny would have denied the inheritance of acquired characteristics.

[278] XXV, 51.

[279] XXXVII, 57.

[280] VIII, 4.

[281] VIII, 33.

[282] XXIX, 34; XXX, 10, 19; XXVIII, 46; XXIX, 11; XXX, 16.

[283] XXX, 46.

[284] XXXII, 14.

[285] XXVIII, 37.

[286] A recent work on the general theme is Joret, _Les plantes dans l’antiquité_, Paris, 1904; see also F. Mentz, _De plantis quas ad rem magicam facere crediderunt veteres_, Leipzig, 1705, 28 pp.; F. Unger, _Die Pflanze als Zaubermittel_, Vienna, 1859.

[287] XXII, 3; XXV, 59; XXVII, 28.

[288] XXI, 105. “Halicacabi radicem bibunt qui vaticinari gallantesque vere ad confirmandas superstitiones aspici se volunt.”

[289] XXV, 43-44.

[290] XXI, 21, 84.

[291] XXV, 5.

[292] XXIII, 64.

[293] XXV, 35.

[294] XXII, 36.

[295] XXIV, 94.

[296] XXV, 46.

[297] XXV, 54.

[298] XXV, 78.

[299] XXIII, 75.

[300] XXIV, 56-57.

[301] XXV, 18; XXVII, 100.

[302] XX, 14; XXIV, 82; XXV, 92.

[303] XXV, 10; XXVII, 60.

[304] XXIV, 6, 93.

[305] XXV, 6.

[306] XX, 49; XXI, 83; XXIII, 54; XXIV, 63; XXV, 59; XXVI, 12.

[307] XXIII, 59.

[308] XXIV, 62.

[309] XXV, 21, 94.

[310] XXIV, 63 and 118.

[311] XXI, 19.

[312] XXIV, 62; XXIII, 59.

[313] XXIII, 81; XXIV, 6, 62, 116.

[314] XXVI, 12.

[315] XXI, 19; XXV, 21, 94.

[316] XXIII, 71, 81; XXIV, 6; XXVII, 62.

[317] XXI, 83; XXV, 109; XXVI, 12.

[318] XXII, 16; XXIII, 54; XXIV, 82; XXVII, 113.

[319] XXIV, 116.

[320] XXV, 92.

[321] XXI, 19; XXV, 11.

[322] XXIV, 62; XXV, 21.

[323] XXIV, 62-63.

[324] XVI, 95.

[325] See XXIV, 6, for other methods of plucking the mistletoe.

[326] XVIII, 45.

[327] See also XXV, 6.

[328] XIX, 58.

[329] XVIII, 70.

[330] XVIII, 73.

[331] XXVIII, 81.

[332] XVIII, 8.

[333] XXXVII, 14, 73.

[334] XXXVII, 55-56.

[335] XXXVII, 13.

[336] For instance, XXXVII, 12 amber, 37 jasper, 39 aetites, 55 “baroptenus.”

[337] XXXVI, 31.

[338] XXXVII, 15, 58, 67.

[339] XXXVI, 25, 39.

[340] XVI, 20.

[341] XXXIII, 25.

[342] XXX, 12, 25.

[343] XX, 3; XXVIII, 6, 9; etc.

[344] II, 63; XXIX, 23.

[345] XXXIII, 34

[346] XX, 51; XXVIII, 21.

[347] VII, 13; XXVIII, 23.

[348] XX, 33; XXII, 30; XXVIII, 18-19.

[349] XXVIII, 8.

[350] XXVIII, 9.

[351] XXVIII, 9-11.

[352] XXVIII, 7.

[353] VII, 2.

[354] XXVIII, 6.

[355] XXII, 49.

[356] XXIV, 102.

[357] In this paragraph I have combined views expressed by Pliny in three different passages: XXII, 49 and 56; XXIV, 1.

[358] IX, 88; XXIV, 1; XXVIII, 23; XXXII, 12; XXXVII, 15; etc.

[359] XXIV, 1; XXIX, 17.

[360] VIII, 50; XXVIII, 42.

[361] XXIX, 17 and 23.

[362] XXVIII, 43.

[363] XX, 1. “Odia amicitiaque rerum surdarum ac sensu carentium ... quod Graeci sympathiam appellavere.” XXIV, 1. “Surdis etiam rerum sua cuique sunt venena ac minimis quoque ... Concordia valent.”

[364] XXVIII, 41; XXXVII, 15. Yet a note in Bostock and Riley’s translation, IV, 207, asserts, “Pliny is the only author who makes mention of this singularly absurd notion.”

[365] “Nunc quod totis voluminibus his docere conati summus de discordia rerum concordiaque quam antipathiam Graeci vocavere ac sympathiam non aliter clarius intelligi potest.”

[366] XXIV, 41.

[367] XXI, 47.

[368] XX, 36.

[369] XVI, 24.

[370] XXV, 55.

[371] XXXVII, 54.

[372] XXIII, 62; XXIV, 1.

[373] XXVIII, 41.

[374] XXIX, 32.

[375] XXVIII, 61.

[376] XXIX, 27.

[377] XXVII, 74.

[378] XXXVI, 11.

[379] XXV, 3.

[380] XXII, 29.

[381] XXVIII, 9.

[382] XXVIII, 17.

[383] XXVIII, 47.

[384] XXIX, 38.

[385] XXX, 20.

[386] XXVIII, 49.

[387] XXXII, 52.

[388] XXIX, 27.

[389] XXX, 7.

[390] XXXII, 14.

[391] XXX, 20 and 14.

[392] XXXII, 29; XXX, 11.

[393] XXVIII, 42.

[394] XXII, 65.

[395] XXII, 72.

[396] XXII, 32.

[397] XXX, 12.

[398] XXV, 106.

[399] XX, 81.

[400] XXVIII, 47.

[401] XXX, 12, 15.

[402] XXVII, 62.

[403] XXIX, 17.

[404] XXIX, 24.

[405] XXVI, 89.

[406] XXXII, 16; also XX, 39.

[407] XXII, 30.

[408] XXIV, 32, 38.

[409] XX, 72, 82.

[410] XXVI, 69.

[411] XXIX, 36.

[412] XXX, 8.

[413] XXVIII, 10.

[414] XXXII, 24.

[415] XXX, 18.

[416] See also XXX, 8.

[417] XXIV, 106 and 109.

[418] XXIV, 107 and 110.

[419] Some examples are: XVIII, 75, 79; XXII, 72; XXIII, 71; XXVIII, 47; XXIX, 36; XXXII, 14, 25, 38, 46.

[420] XXXII, 14.

[421] XXX, 12.

[422] XXIV, 112.

[423] VIII, 50.

[424] XXVIII, 6.

[425] XXIV, 17.

[426] XXX, 15.

[427] XXIX, 34.

[428] XXXII, 24.

[429] XXXII, 38.

[430] XVII, 47.

[431] XIX, 36.

[432] XVIII, 35.

[433] XXVI, 60.

[434] XXVIII, 7.

[435] XXVII, 75.

[436] XXVII, 106.

[437] XXVIII, 3-4.

[438] XXVII, 35. “Catanancen Thessalam herbam qualis sit describi a nobis supervacuum est, cum sit usus eius ad amatoria tantum.” XXVII, 99. “Phyteuma quale sit describere supervacuum habeo cum sit usus eius tantum ad amatoria.”

[439] XXV, 7. “Ego nec abortiva dico ac ne amatoria quidem, memor Lucullum imperatorem clarissimum amatorio perisse....”

[440] A few examples are: XX, 15, 84, 92; XXIV, 11, 42; XXVI, 64; XXVII, 42, 99; XXVIII, 77, 80; XXX, 49; XXXII, 50.

[441] XXII, 9.

[442] XXV, 7.

[443] XXIX, 27.

[444] XXX, 1. On the general attitude to astrology of the preceding Augustan Age and its poets see H. W. Garrod, _Manili Astronomicon Liber II_, Oxford, 1911, pp. lxv-lxxiii, but I think he overestimates the probable effect of the edict of 16 A. D. upon the poem of Manilius.

[445] II, 5. “Astroque suo eventus adsignat nascendi legibus semelque in omnes futuros umquam deo decretum in reliquom vero otium datur.”

[446] VII, 37.

[447] VII, 50.

[448] VII, 57.

[449] II, 24.

[450] II, 6, “Non tanta caelo societas nobiscum est ut nostro fato mortalis sit ibi quoque siderum fulgor.”

[451] II, 9.

[452] II, 18.

[453] II, 23.

[454] II, 30.

[455] XXV, 5.

[456] II, 1.

[457] II, 4.

[458] II, 16.

[459] II, 13.

[460] II, 6; and see II, 39.

[461] II, 6. “Potentia autem ad terram magnopere eorum pertinens.”

[462] II, 6.

[463] XVIII, 5, 57, 69.

[464] XVIII, 68. Other authorities tell the story of Thales; see Cicero, _De divinatione_, II, 201; Aristotle, _Polit._ I, 7; and Diogenes Laertius.

[465] XVIII, 78.

[466] II, 81.

[467] XXXVII, 28.

[468] XXXVII, 59.

[469] XXIX, 5.

[470] XXX, 29.

[471] II, 40.

[472] II, 102.

[473] II, 41.

[474] XXXII, 19.

[475] _L. Annaei Senecae Naturalium Quaestionum Libri Septem_, VI, 4, “Aliquando de motu terrarum volumen iuvenis ediderim.” The edition by G. D. Koeler, Göttingen, 1819, devotes several hundred pages to a _Disquisitio_ and _Animadversiones_ upon Seneca’s work. I have also used the more recent Teubner edition, ed. Haase, 1881, and the English translation in Clark and Geikie, _Physical Science in the Time of Nero_, 1910. In Panckoucke’s _Library_, vol. 147, a French translation accompanies the text.

[476] VII, 25.

[477] VII, 31.

[478] III, 26.

[479] V, 6, for animals generated in flames; II, 31, for snakes struck by lightning; III, _passim_ for marvelous fountains.

[480] III, 25.

[481] IV, 7.

[482] II, 32.

[483] II, 46.

[484] I, 1.

[485] VII, 30.

[486] II, 10.

[487] VII, 28.

[488] That is to say, five in addition to the sun and the moon.

[489] II, 32.

[490] III, 29.

[491] II, 31-50.

[492] II, 32.

[493] A complete edition of Ptolemy’s works has been in process of publication since 1898 in the Teubner library by J. L. Heiberg and Franz Boll. They are also the authors of the most important recent researches concerning Ptolemy. See Heiberg’s discussion of the MSS in the volumes of the above edition which have thus far appeared; his articles on the Latin translations of Ptolemy in _Hermes_ XLV (1910) 57ff, and XLVI (1911) 206ff; but especially Boll, _Studien über Claudius Ptolemäus. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der griechischen Philosophie und Astrologie_, 1894, in _Jahrb. f. Philol. u. Pädagogik_, Neue Folge, Suppl. Bd. 21. A recent summary of investigation and bibliography concerning Ptolemy is W. Schmid, _Die Nachklassische Periode der Griechischen Litteratur_, 1913, pp. 717-24, in the fifth edition of Christ, _Gesch. d. Griech. Litt._

[494] Some strictures upon Ptolemy as a geographer are made by Sir W. M. Ramsay, _The Historical Geography of Asia Minor_, 1890, pp. 69-73.

[495] Schmid would appear to be mistaken in saying that the _Geography_ was already known in Latin and Arabic translation in the time of Frederick II (p. 718, “Seine in erster Linie die Astronomie, dann auch die Geographie und Harmonik betreffenden Schriften haben sich nicht bloss im Originaltext erhalten; sie wurden auch frühzeitig von den Arabern übersetzt und sind dann, ähnlich wie die Werke des Aristoteles, schon zur Zeit des Kaisers Friedrich II, noch ehe man sie im Urtext kennen lernte, durch lateinische, nach dem Arabischen gemachte Übersetzungen ins Abendland gelangt”), for in his own bibliography (p. 723) we read, “_Geographie_ ... Frühste latein. Übersetzung des Jacobus Angelus gedruckt Bologna, 1462.” Apparently Schmid did not know the date of Angelus’ translation.

However, Duhem, III (1915) 417, also speaks as if the _Geography_ were known in the thirteenth century: “les considérations empruntées à la Géographie de Ptolémée fournissent à Robert de Lincoln une objection contre le mouvement de précession des équinoxes tel qu’il est définé dans l’Almageste.” See also C. A. Nallino, _Al-Huwarizmi e il suo rifacimento della geografia di Tolomeo_, 1894, cited by Suter (1914) viii-ix, for a geography in Arabic preserved at Strasburg which is based on Ptolemy’s _Geography_.

[496] In this Latin translation it is often entitled _Cosmographia_. Some MSS are: CLM 14583, 15th century, fols. 81-215, Cosmographia Ptolomei a Jacobo Angelo translata. Also BN 4801, 4802, 4803, 4804, 4838. Arsenal 981, in an Italian hand, is presumably incorrectly dated as of the 14th century.

This Jacobus Angelus was chancellor of the faculty of Montpellier in 1433 and is censured by Gerson in a letter for his superstitious observance of days.

[497] The several editions printed before 1500 seem to have consisted simply of this Latin translation, such as that of Bologna, 1462, and Vincentiae, 1475, and the Greek text to have been first published in 1507. See Justin Winsor, _A Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_, 1884, in _Library of Harvard University, Bibliographical Contributions_, No. 18:—a bibliography which deals only with printed editions and not with the MSS. According to Schmid, however, the _editio princeps_ of the Greek text was that of Basel, 1533. C. Müller’s modern edition (Didot, 1883 and 1901) gives an unsatisfactory bare list of 38 MSS. See also G. M. Raidel, _Commentatio critico-literaria de Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia eiusque codicibus_, 1737.

[498] _L’ottica di Claudio Tolomeo da Eugenio ammiraglio di Sicilia ridotta in latino_, ed. Gilberto Govi, Turin, 1885.

[499] Schmid (1913) still cites it without qualification. Hammer-Jensen has an article, _Ptolemaios und Heron_, in _Hermes_, XLVIII (1913) 224, _et seq._

[500] Haskins and Lockwood, _The Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth Century_, in _Harvard Studies in Classical Philology_, XXI (1910), 89.

[501] _Ibid._, 89-94.

[502] A. Heller, _Geschichte der Physik von Aristoteles bis auf die neueste Zeit_, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1882-1884. The statement sounds a trifle improbable in view of the number of MSS still in existence.

[503] _Opus Maius_, II, 7.

[504] The _Dioptra_ of Hero is really geodetical.

[505] Govi (1885), p. 151.

[506] _Ptolemy_ in Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography_.

[507] It was also so printed in _Sphera cum commentis_, 1518: “Explicit secundus et ultimus liber Ptolomei de Speculis. Completa fuit eius translatio ultimo Decembris anno Christi 1269.”

[508] C. H. Haskins and D. P. Lockwood, _The Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth Century and the First Latin Version of Ptolemy’s Almagest_, in _Harvard Studies in Classical Philology_, XXI (1910) 75-102.

C. H. Haskins, _Further Notes on Sicilian Translations of the Twelfth Century_, _Ibid._, XXIII, 155-66.

J. L. Heiberg, _Eine mittelalterliche Uebersetzung der Syntaxis des Ptolemaios_, in _Hermes_ XLV (1910) 57-66; and _Noch einmal die mittelalterliche Ptolemaios-Uebersetzung_, _Ibid._, XLVI, 207-16.

[509] Digby 51, 13th Century, fols. 79-114, “Liber iiii tractatuum Batolomei Alfalisobi in sciencia judiciorum astrorum.... Et perfectus est eius translatio de Arabico in Latinum a Tiburtino Platone cui Deus parcat die Veneris hora tertia XXa die mensis Octobris anno Domini MCXXVIII (_sic_) XV die mensis Saphar anno Arabum DXXXIII (_sic_) in civitate Barchinona....” The date of translation is given as October 2, 1138, in CUL 1767, 1276 A. D., fols. 240-76, “Liber 4 Partium Ptholomei Auburtino Palatone.”

[510] It is found in an edition printed at Venice in 1493, “per Bonetum locatellum impensis nobilis viri Octaviani scoti civis Modoetiensis.”

[511] In the British Museum are editions of Venice, 1484, 1493, 1519; Paris, 1519; Basel, 1533; Louvain, 1548; it was also printed in 1551, 1555, 1578.

[512] In the British Museum are but three editions of the Greek text, all with an accompanying Latin translation: Nürnberg, 1535; Basel, 1553; and 1583.

[513] _Studien über Claudius Ptolemäus_, 1894.

[514] “C’était la capitulation de la science.” Bouché-Leclercq in _Rev. Hist._, LXV, 257, note 3.

[515] In the medieval Latin translation the Slavs replace the Scythians of Ptolemy’s text.

[516] Indeed, Hephaestion’s first two books are nothing but Ptolemy repeated. About contemporary with Ptolemy seems to have been Vettius Valens whose astrological work is extant: Vettius Valens, _Anthologiarum libri primum edidit_ Guilelmus Kroll, Berlin, 1908. See also CCAG _passim_ concerning both Hephaestion and Vettius Valens, and Engelbrecht, _Hephästion von Theben und sein astrologisches Compendium_, Vienna, 1887.

[517] James Finlayson, _Galen: Two Bibliographical Demonstrations in the Library of the Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow_, 1895. Since then I believe that the only work of Galen to be translated into English is _On the Natural Faculties_, ed. A. J. Brock, 1916 (Loeb Library).

[518] J. F. Payne, _The Relation of Harvey to his Predecessors and especially to Galen_: Harveian Oration of 1896, in _The Lancet_, Oct. 24, 1896, p. 1136.

[519] In the Teubner texts: _Scriptora minora_, 1-3, ed. I. Marquardt, I. Mueller, G. Helmreich, 1884-1893; _De victu_, ed. Helmreich, 1898; _De temperamentis_, ed. Helmreich, 1904; _De usu partium_, ed. Helmreich, 1907, 1909.

In _Corpus Medicorum Graecorum_, V, 9, 1-2, 1914-1915, _The Hippocratic Commentaries_, ed. Mewaldt, Helmreich, Westenberger, Diels, Hieg.

[520] Carolus Gottlob Kühn, _Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia_, Leipzig, 1821-1833, 21 vols. My citations will be to this edition, unless otherwise specified. An older edition which is often cited is that of Renatus Charterius, Paris, 1679, 13 vols.

[521] The article on Galen in PW regards some of the treatises as printed in Kühn as almost unreadable.

[522] Although Kühn’s Index fills a volume, it is far from dependable.

[523] Liddell and Scott often fail to allude to germane passages in Galen’s works, even when they include, with citation of some other author, the word he uses.

[524] Perhaps at this point a similarly candid confession by the present writer is in order. I have tried to do a little more than Dr. Payne in his modesty seems ready to admit of himself, and to look over carefully enough not to miss anything of importance those works which seemed at all likely to bear upon my particular interest, the history of science and magic. In consequence I have examined long stretches of text from which I have got nothing. For the most part, I thought it better not to take time to read the Hippocratic commentaries. At first I was inclined to depend upon others for Galen’s treatises on anatomy and physiology, but finally I read most of them in order to learn at first hand of his argument from design and his attitude towards dissection. Further than this the reader can probably judge for himself from my citations as to the extent and depth of my reading. My first draft was completed before I discovered that Puschmann had made considerable use of Galen for medical conditions in the Roman Empire in his _History of Medical Education_, English translation, London, 1891, pp. 93-113. For the sake of a complete and well-rounded survey I have thought it best to retain those passages where I cover about the same ground. I have been unable to procure T. Meyer-Steineg, _Ein Tag im Leben des Galen_, Jena, 1913. 63 pp.

[525] For an account of the MSS see H. Diels, _Berl. Akad. Abh._ (1905), 58ff. Some fragments of Galen’s work on medicinal simples exist in a fifth century MS of Dioscorides at Constantinople and have been reproduced by M. Wellmann in _Hermes_, XXXVIII (1903), 292ff. The first two books of his περὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς τροφαῖς δυνάμεων were discovered in a Wolfenbüttel palimpsest of the fifth or sixth century by K. Koch; see _Berl. Akad. Sitzb._ (1907), 103ff.

[526] _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1135.

[527] For these see V. Rose, _Analecta Graeca et Latina_, Berlin, 1864. As a specimen of these medieval Latin translations may be mentioned a collection of some twenty-six treatises in one huge volume which I have seen in the library of Balliol College, Oxford: Balliol 231, a large folio, early 14th century (a note of ownership was added in 1334 at Canterbury) fols. 437, double columned pages. For the titles and _incipits_ of the individual treatises see Coxe (1852).

[528] A. Merx, “Proben der syrischen Uebersetzung von Galenus’ Schrift über die einfachen Heilmittel,” _Zeitsch. d. Deutsch. Morgendl. Gesell._ XXXIX (1885), 237-305.

[529] Payne, _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1136.

[530] Ch. V. Daremberg, _Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux_, Paris, 1841.

[531] _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1140.

[532] Brock (1916), p. xvi, says in 131 A. D. Clinton, _Fasti Romani_, placed it in 130.

[533] These details are from the _De cognoscendis curandisque animi morbis_, cap. 8, Kühn, V, 40-44.

[534] _De naturalibus facultatibus_, III, 10, Kühn, II, 179.

[535] Kühn, X, 609 (_De methodo medendi_); also XVI, 223; and XIX, 59.

[536] _De anatom. administ._, Kühn, II, 217, 224-25, 660. See also XV, 136; XIX, 57.

[537] His recorded astronomical observations extend from 127 to 151 A. D.

[538] Kühn, X, 16.

[539] _Fragments du commentaire de Galien sur le Timée de Platon_, were published for the first time, both in Greek and a French translation, together with an _Essai sur Galien considéré comme philosophe_, by Ch. Daremberg, Paris, 1848.

[540] Kühn, XIII, 599-600.

[541] Clinton, _Fasti Romani_, I, 151 and 155, speaks of a first visit of Galen to Rome in 162 and a second in 164, but he has misinterpreted Galen’s statements. When Galen speaks of his second visit to Rome, he means his return after the plague.

[542] Kühn, XIX, 15.

[543] Kühn, XIV, 622, 625, 648; see also I, 54-57. and XII, 263.

[544] Kühn, XIV, 649-50.

[545] R. M. Briau, _L’Archiatrie Romaine_, Paris, 1877, however, held that Galen never received the official title, _archiater_; see p. 24, “il est difficile de comprendre pourquoi le médecin de Pergame qui donnait des soins à l’empereur Marc Aurèle, ne fut jamais honoré de ce titre.” But he is given the title in at least one medieval MS—Merton 219, early 14th century, fol. 36_v_—“Incipit liber Galieni archistratos medicorum de malitia complexionis diversae.”

[546] _De venae sectione_, Kühn, XIX, 524.

[547] Kühn, XIII, 362-63; for another allusion to this fire see XIV, 66. Also II, 216; XIX, 19 and 41.

[548] For the statements of this paragraph see Kühn, XIV, 603-5, 620-23.

[549] Kühn, X, 114.

[550] Kühn, XIV, 599-600.

[551] Kühn, X, 1, 76.

[552] Kühn, X, 609.

[553] Kühn, X, 4-5.

[554] Kühn, X, 10.

[555] Kühn, XII, 909, 916, and in vol. XIV the entire treatise _De remediis parabilibus_.

[556] Kühn, X, 560.

[557] Kühn, X, 1010-11.

[558] Kühn, XIII, 571-72.

[559] Kühn, XIV, 62, and see Puschmann, _History of Medical Education_ (1891), p. 108.

[560] Kühn, XIV, 10, 30, 79; and see Puschmann (1891), 109-11, where there is bibliography of the subject.

[561] Kühn, X, 792.

[562] Kühn, XIV, 26.

[563] The meaning of the word “apothecary” is explained as follows in a fourteenth century manuscript at Chartres which is a miscellany of religious treatises with a bestiary and lapidary and bears the title, “Apothecarius moralis monasterii S. Petri Carnotensis.”

“Apothecarius est, secundum Hugucium, qui nonnullas diversarum rerum species in apothecis suis aggregat.. .. Apothecarius dicitur is qui species aromaticas et res quacunque arti medicine et cirurgie necessarias habet penes se et venales exponit,” fol. 3. “According to Hugutius an apothecary is one who collects samples of various commodities in his stores. An apothecary is called one who has at hand and exposes for sale aromatic species and all sorts of things needful in medicine and surgery.”

[564] The nest of the fabled cinnamon bird was supposed to contain supplies of the spice, which Herodotus (III, 111) tells us the Arabian merchants procured by leaving heavy pieces of flesh for the birds to carry to their nests, which then broke down under the excessive weight. In Aristotle’s _History of Animals_ (IX, 13) the nests are shot down with arrows tipped with lead. For other allusions to the cinnamon bird in classical literature see D’Arcy W. Thompson, _A Glossary of Greek Birds_, Oxford, 1895, p. 82.

[565] Kühn, XIV, 64-66.

[566] _Ad Pisonem de theriaca_, Kühn, XIV, 217.

[567] Kühn, XIII, 704.

[568] Kühn, XII, 168-78.

[569] M. Berthelot, “Sur les voyages de Galien et de Zosime dans l’Archipel et en Asie, et sur la matière médicale dans l’antiquité,” in _Journal des Savants_ (1895), pp. 382-7. The article is chiefly devoted to showing that an alchemistic treatise attributed to Zosimus copies Galen’s account of his trips to Lemnos and Cyprus. Of such future copying of Galen we shall encounter many more instances.

As for the _terra sigillata_, C. J. S. Thompson, in a paper on “Terra Sigillata, a famous medicament of ancient times,” published in the _Proceedings of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medical Sciences_, London, 1913, Section XXIII, pp. 433-44, tells of various medieval substitutes for the Lemnian earth from other places, and of the interesting religious ceremony, performed in the presence of the Turkish officials on only one day in the year by Greek monks who had replaced the priestess of Diana. Pierre Belon witnessed it on August 6th, 1533. By that time there were many varieties of the tablets, “because each lord of Lemnos had a distinct seal.” When Tozer visited Lemnos in 1890 the ceremony was still performed annually on August sixth and must be completed before sunrise or the earth would lose its efficacy. Mohammedan khodjas now shared in the religious ceremony, sacrificing a lamb. But in the twentieth century the entire ceremony was abandoned. Through the early modern centuries the _terra sigillata_ continued to be held in high esteem in western Europe also, and was included in pharmacopeias as late as 1833 and 1848. Thompson gives a chemical analysis of a sixteenth century tablet of the Lemnian earth and finds no evidence therein of its possessing any medicinal property. Agricola in the sixteenth century wrote in his work on mining (_De re metal._, ed. Hoover, 1912, II, 31), “It is, however, very little to be wondered at that the hill in the Island of Lemnos was excavated, for the whole is of a reddish-yellow color which furnishes for the inhabitants that valuable clay so especially beneficial to mankind.”

[570] Kühn, XIV, 72.

[571] Kühn, XII, 226-9. See the article of Berthelot just cited in a preceding note for an explanation of the three names and of Galen’s experience. Mr. Hoover, in his translation of Agricola’s work on metallurgy (1912), pp. 573-4, says, “It is desirable here to enquire into the nature of the substances given by all of the old mineralogists under the Latinized Greek terms, chalcitis, misy, sory, and melanteria.” He cites Dioscorides (V, 75-77) and Pliny (NH, XXXIV, 29-31) on the subject, but not Galen. Yule (1903) I, 126, notes that Marco Polo’s account of _Tutia_ and _Spodium_ “reads almost like a condensed translation of Galen’s account of _Pompholyx_ and _Spodos_.”

[572] Kühn, XIV, 7-8; XIII, 411-2; XII, 215-6.

[573] Kühn, XIV, 22-23, 77-78; XIII, 119.

[574] Kühn, XIV, 255-56. The beasts of course were also in demand for the arena.

[575] Kühn, X, 456-57, opening passage of the seventh book.

[576] περὶ τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων, Kühn, XIX, 8ff.; and περὶ τῆς τάξεως τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων, XIX, 49 ff.

[577] See, for instance, in the _De methodo medendi_ itself, X, 895-96 and 955.

[578] Kühn, XIV, 651: henceforth this text will generally be cited without name.

[579] XIX, 8.

[580] II, 217.

[581] XIX, 9.

[582] XIX, 41.

[583] II, 283.

[584] XIV, 630.

[585] XIX, 34.

[586] XV, 109.

[587] XIII, 995-96; XIV, 31-32.

[588] X, 633. Duruy refers to the passage in his _History of Rome_ (ed. J. P. Mahaffy, Boston, 1886, V, i, 273), but says, “Extensive sanitary works were undertaken throughout all Italy, and the celebrated Galen, who was almost a contemporary, extols their happy effects upon the public health.” But Galen does not have sanitary considerations especially in mind, since he mentions Trajan’s road-building only by way of illustration, comparing his own systematic treatment of medicine to the emperor’s great work in repairing and improving the roads, straightening them by cut-offs that saved distance, but sometimes abandoning an old road that went straight over hills for an easier route that avoided them, filling in wet and marshy spots with stone or crossing them by causeways, bridging impassable rivers, and altering routes that led through places now deserted and beset by wild beasts so that they would pass through populous towns and more frequented areas. The passage thus bears witness to a shifting of population.

[589] V, 49.

[590] V, 17-19.

[591] Mentioned in _Acts_, xviii, 18, “ ... having shorn his head in Cenchrea: for he had a vow.”

[592] V, 46-47.

[593] X, 3-4.

[594] X, 831-36; XIII, 513; XIV, 27-29, and 14-19 on the heating and storage of wine.

[595] IV, 777-79.

[596] Similarly Milward (1733), p. 102, wrote of Alexander of Tralles, “He has in most distempers a separate article concerning wine and I much doubt whether there be in all nature a more excellent medicine than this in the hands of a skillful and judicious practitioner.”

[597] IV, 821.

[598] Kühn, VIII, 579, ὡς εἰς Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ διατριβὴν ἀφιγμένος νόμων ἀναποδεἍκίτων ἀκούη

[599] _Ibid._, p. 657, θᾶττον γὰρ ἄν τις τοὺς ἀπὸ Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ μεταδιδάξειεν I have been unable to find a passage in which, according to Moses Maimonides of the twelfth century in his _Aphorisms_ from Galen, Galen said that the wealthy physicians and philosophers of his time were not prepared for discipline as were the followers of Moses and Christ. Perhaps it is a mistranslation of one of the above passages. Particula 24 (56), “medici et philosophi cum aere augmentati non sunt preparati ad disciplinam sicut parati fuerunt ad disciplinam moysis et christi socii predictorum. decimotercio megapulsus.”

[600] Kühn, III, 905-7.

[601] Kühn, XI, 690-4; XII, 372-5.

[602] Finlayson (1895); pp. 8-9; Harnack, _Medicinisches aus der ältesten Kirchengeschichte_, Leipzig, 1892.

[603] Wellmann (1914), p. 16 note.

[604] Kühn, IV, 816.

[605] Kühn, IV, 815.

[606] Quoted by Eusebius, V, 28, and reproduced by Harnack, _Medicinisches aus der ältesten Kirchengeschichte_, 1892, p. 41, and by Finlayson (1895), pp. 9-10.

[607] Kühn, X, 16-17. J. Leminne, _Les quatre éléments_, in _Mémoires couronnés par l’Académie de Belgique_, vol. 65, Brussels, 1903, traces the influence of the theory in medieval thought.

[608] Kuhn, XIII, 763-4.

[609] Kühn, I, 428.

[610] Kühn, X, 111.

[611] Kühn, XII, 166.

[612] I, 417.

[613] XIV, 250-53.

[614] XIII, 948.

[615] X, 657.

[616] X, 872.

[617] XIX, 344-45.

[618] More recently Galen’s _Materia medica_ has been treated of in a German doctoral dissertation by L. Israelson, _Die materia medica des Klaudios Galenos_, 1894, 204 pp.

[619] X, 624.

[620] XIV, 253-54.

[621] V, 911.

[622] X, 817-19.

[623] X, 843.

[624] XIV, 281.

[625] XII, 270-71.

[626] X, 368-71.

[627] Kühn, VIII, 363. Finlayson (1895), pp. 39-40, gives an English translation of Galen’s full account of the case.

[628] Puschmann (1891), pp. 105-6. Vitruvius, too, however (V, iii), states that sound spreads in waves like eddies in a pond.

[629] XIII, 435, 893, are two instances.

[630] V, 80; XIV, 670.

[631] Various treatises on the pulse by Galen will be found in vols. V, IX, and X of Kühn’s edition.

[632] Galen’s contributions to the arts of clock-making and time-keeping have been dealt with in an article which I have not had access to and of which I cannot now find even the author and title.

[633] XIV, 631-34.

[634] C. V. Daremberg, _Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux_, Paris, 1841. J. S. Milne discussed “Galen’s Knowledge of Muscular Anatomy” at the International Congress of Medical Sciences held at London in 1913; see pp. 389-400 of the volume devoted to the history of medicine, Section XXIII.

[635] _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1139.

[636] I have failed to obtain K. F. H. Mark, _Herophilus, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Medizin_, Carlsruhe, 1838.

[637] D’Arcy W. Thompson (1913), 22-23, thinks that the precedence of the heart over all other organs in appearing in the embryo of the chick led Aristotle to locate in it the central seat of the soul.

[638] XIV, 626-30.

[639] II, 683, 696. This and the other quotations in this paragraph are from Dr. Payne’s Harveian Oration as printed in _The Lancet_ (1896), pp. 1137-39.

[640] Kühn, V, 216, cited by Payne.

[641] Kühn, II, 642-49; IV, 703-36, “An in arteriis natura sanguis contineatur.” J. Kidd, _A Cursory Analysis of the Works of Galen so far as they relate to Anatomy and Physiology_, in _Transactions of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association_, VI (1837), 299-336.

[642] _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1137, where Payne states that Colombo (_De re anatomica_, Venet. 1559, XIV, 261) was the first to prove by experiment on the living heart that these veins conveyed blood from the lungs.

[643] II, 146-47.

[644] II, 384-86.

[645] II, 220-21.

[646] Augustine testifies in two passages of his _De anima et eius origine_ (Migne PL 44, 475-548), that vivisection of human beings was practiced as late as his time, the early fifth century: IV, 3, “Medici tamen qui appellantur anatomici per membra per venas per nervos per ossa per medullas per interiora vitalia etiam vivos homines quamdiu inter manus rimantium vivere potuerunt dissiciendo scrutati sunt ut naturam corporis nossent”; and IV, 6 (Migne, PL 44, 528-9).

[647] II, 537.

[648] II, 619-20.

[649] II, 701.

[650] II, 631 ff.

[651] XIII, 599-600. Galen states that the pontifex’s term of office was seven months, a fact which perhaps had some astrological bearing.

[652] X, 454-55.

[653] II, 682.

[654] II, 291.

[655] IV, 360, _et passim_.

[656] IV, 687.

[657] IV, 694, 696.

[658] IV, 688.

[659] IV, 700.

[660] IV, 692; II, 537. Others contend, he says (IV, 693), that one soul constructs the parts and another soul incites them to voluntary motion.

[661] IV, 701.

[662] II, 28.

[663] XVIII B, 17ff.

[664] _De usu partium_, XI, 14 (Kühn, III, 905-7). The passage seems to me an integral part of the work and not a later interpolation. Moses Maimonides in the twelfth century took exception at some length, in the 25th _Particula_ of his _Aphorisms_ from Galen, to this criticism of his national law-giver.

[665] IV, 513; see also II, 55, ὡς ἔγωγε πρῶτον μὲν ἀκούσας τὸ γινόμενον, ἐθαύμασα καὶ αὐτὸς ἐβουλήθην αὐτόπτης αὐτοῦ καταστῆναι.

[666] X, 608; XIII, 887-88.

[667] XIII, 964.

[668] II, 136; X, 385; XII, 311; he credited Plato with the same attitude, see II, 581.

[669] II, 659-60.

[670] XII, 446.

[671] II, 141, 179.

[672] II, 179; X, 609.

[673] II, 621.

[674] XIII, 891.

[675] XIII, 430-31.

[676] XIII, 717.

[677] XI, 794; also XIII, 658; XIV, 61-62, and many other passages of the _Antidotes_.

[678] XII, 203. Pliny, NH XXXVI, 34, makes the same statement as Dioscorides.

[679] XII, 272.

[680] Pliny, NH XXVIII, 35, however, both tells how butter is made and of its use as food among the barbarians.

[681] X, 40-41.

[682] X, 127, 962.

[683] X, 31.

[684] X, 29.

[685] X, 668.

[686] X, 123.

[687] X, 915-16.

[688] I, 75-76; XIV, 367.

[689] I, 145; II, 41-43; X, 30-31, 782-83; XIII, 188, 366, 375, 463, 579, 594, 892; XIV, 245, 679.

[690] X, 159.

[691] XIV, 675-76.

[692] I, 144-55.

[693] XVI, 82.

[694] I, 135.

[695] XIV, 680.

[696] I, 131.

[697] I, 134.

[698] XVI, 82.

[699] II, 288.

[700] IX, 842; XIII, 887.

[701] XIII, 116-17.

[702] X, 28-29.

[703] X, 684.

[704] X, 454-55.

[705] XI, 420.

[706] XI, 434-35.

[707] XI, 456.

[708] XII, 246.

[709] XII, 336.

[710] XII, 365.

[711] XII, 258, 262, 269, 331.

[712] XII, 334.

[713] VI, 453-55.

[714] XIII, 463.

[715] XII, 895.

[716] XIV, 222.

[717] XIII, 700-701.

[718] XIII, 706-707.

[719] XIII, 467.

[720] XIII, 867.

[721] XII, 392-93, 884; XIII, 116-17, 123, 125, 128-29, 354, 485, 502-503, 582, 656.

[722] XII, 968, 988.

[723] See XII, 988; XIII, 960-61; XIV, 12, 60, 341.

[724] XIV, 82.

[725] XIII, 570.

[726] XII, 350.

[727] XVI, 86-87; XI, 518.

[728] XI, 485.

[729] XVI, 85.

[730] IX, 842.

[731] II, 206.

[732] I, 138.

[733] XVI, 80.

[734] There would seem to be something wrong, at least with its arrangement as it now stands, for the first book ends (XIV, 389) with the words, “This my fourth book, O Glaucon, ends thus. If it has been useful to you, you will readily follow what I’ve written to Salomon the archiater.” But then the present second book opens with the words (XIV, 390), “Since you’ve asked me to write you about easily procurable remedies, O dearest Solon,” and goes on to say that the author will state what he has learned from experience beginning with the hair and closing with the feet.

[735] XIV, 378.

[736] XIV, 462.

[737] XIV, 534.

[738] XI, 205.

[739] John of St. Amand, _Expositio in Antidotarium Nicolai_, fol. 231, in _Mesuae medici clarissimi opera_, Venice, 1568. Pietro d’Abano, _Conciliator_, Venice, 1526, Diff. X, fol. 15; Diff. LX, fol. 83. Arnald of Villanova, _Repetitio super Canon “Vita brevis,”_ fol. 276, in his _Opera_, Lyons, 1532.

[740] Gilbertus Anglicus, _Compendium medicinae_, Lyons, 1510, fol. 328v., “Experimenta ex libro experimentorum Gal. experta.”

[741] In his _Expositio in Antidotarium Nicolai_, as cited above (note 5).

[742] J. L. Pagel, _Die Concordanciae des Johannes de Sancto Amando_, Berlin, 1894, pp. 102-104. John also wrote commentaries on Galen, (_Histoire Littéraire de la France_, XXI, 263-65).

[743] ed. Lyons, 1515, fols. 19v-2Ov.

[744] Berlin, 902, 14th century, fol. 175; Berlin 903, 1342 A. D., fol. 2.

[745] Boncompagni (1851), pp. 3-4.

[746] Moses ben Maimon, _Aphorisms_, 1489. “Incipiunt aphorismi excellentissimi Raby Moyses secundum doctrinam Galieni medicorum principis ... collegi eos ex verbis Galieni de omnibus libris suis.... Et ego protuli super his afforismis quedam dicta que circumspexi et ea meo nomine nominavi et similiter protuli aliquos aphorismos aliquorum modernorum quos denominavi eorum nomine.”

[747] Ed. C. V. Daremberg, _Notices et Extraits des manuscrits médicaux_, 1853, pp. 44-47, Greek text; pp. 229-33, French translation.

[748] Garrison, _History of Medicine_, 2nd edition, 1917, p. 141. But at p. 151 Garrison would seem mistaken in stating that Gentile died in 1348, for in the MS of which I shall speak in the next footnote his treatise on critical days is dated back in the year 1362: “Tractatus de enumeratione dierum creticorum m’i Gentilis anni 1362,” at fol. 125; while at fol. 162 we read, “Explicit questio ... m’i Zentilis anno Domini 1359 de mense marcii, et scripta Pisis de mense octobris 1359.” It is possible but rather unlikely that the dates later than 1348 refer to the labors of copyists. Venetian MSS contain not only a _De reductione medicinarum ad actum_ by Gentile, written at Perugia in April, 1342 (S. Marco, XIV, 7, 14th century, fols. 44-48); but also “Suggestions concerning the pestilence which was at Genoa in 1348,” by him (S. Marco, XIV, 26, 15th century, fols. 99-100, consilia de peste quae fuit Ianuae anno 1348). Valentinelli’s catalogue of the MSS in the Library of St. Mark’s does not help, however, to clear up the question when Gentile died, since in one place (IV, 235) Valentinelli assures us that he died at Bologna in 1310, and in another place (V, 19) says that he died at Perugia in 1348.

[749] Cortona 110, early years of 15th century, fol. 128, Rationes Gentilis contra Galenum in quinto aphorismi. This MS contains several other works by Gentile da Foligno.

[750] XIV, 601.

[751] XIV, 605.

[752] XIV, 615.

[753] XIV, 625.

[754] XIV, 655.

[755] I, 54-55.

[756] XII, 263.

[757] XII, 306.

[758] XII, 307.

[759] XI, 792-93.

[760] XII, 283.

[761] XII, 251-53.

[762] IV, 688.

[763] _Natural History_, XXVIII, 2.

[764] XII, 248, 284-85, 290.

[765] XII, 293.

[766] XIV, 255. (_To Piso on theriac._)

[767] XII, 291-92.

[768] XII, 298.

[769] XII, 304.

[770] XII, 342.

[771] XII, 276-77.

[772] XII, 367-69.

[773] XIII, 949-50, 954-55.

[774] XII, 343. These form the titles of four successive chapters, _De simplic._, XI, i, caps. 19-22.

[775] XII, 359, 942-43, 977.

[776] XII, 856.

[777] XII, 860.

[778] XII, 360.

[779] XII, 366-67.

[780] XII, 335.

[781] A fact which—one cannot help remarking—considering the character of most ancient remedies for hydrophobia, only tends to make their recovery seem the more marvelous.

[782] XIV, 233.

[783] XII, 250-51.

[784] XIV, 224-25.

[785] II, 45-48.

[786] XII, 358-59. Concerning the virtue of river crabs we may also quote from a story told in Nias Island, west of Sumatra: “for had he only eaten river crabs, men would have cast their skin like crabs, and so, renewing their youth perpetually, would never have died.”—From J. G. Frazer (1918), I, 67. The belief that the serpent annually changes its skin and renews its youth may account for the virtues ascribed to the flesh of vipers and to theriac in the following paragraphs.

[787] περὶ τῶν ἰδιότητι τῆς ὅλης οὐσίας ἐνεργοῦντων.

[788] IV, 760-61, ἐνεργεῖν τὰς οὐσίας κατ’ ἰδίαν ἑκάστην φύσιν.

[789] XII, 311-15.

[790] _Ad Pisonem de theriaca_; _De theriaca ad Pamphilianum_.

[791] XIV, 2-3.

[792] XIV, 217.

[793] XIV, 271-80.

[794] XIV, 283.

[795] XIV, 294.

[796] XII, 317-18; XIV, 45-46, 238.

[797] XIV, 238-39.

[798] XIII, 371, 374.

[799] XIII, 134.

[800] XIII, 242.

[801] XI, 859.

[802] XII, 573; see also XIII, 256.

[803] XI, 860.

[804] XII, 295-96.

[805] XII, 207.

[806] A representation of the Agathodaemon; see C. W. King, _The Gnostics and their Remains_, London, 1887, p. 220.

[807] XII, 288-89. At II, 163, Galen again accepts the notion that human saliva is fatal to scorpions.

[808] XIV, 321.

[809] XIV, 349.

[810] XIV, 386-87.

[811] XIV, 343.

[812] XIV, 413.

[813] XIV, 427.

[814] XIV, 430.

[815] XIV, 471.

[816] XIV, 472.

[817] XIV, 476. And others, “Ut ne cui penis arrigi possit,” and “Ad arrectionem pudendi.”

[818] “The _Psoranthea bituminosa_ of Linnaeus. It is found on declivities near the sea-coast in the south of Europe,” says a note in Bostock and Riley’s _The Natural History of Pliny_ (Bohn Library), IV, 330. Pliny, too (XXI, 88), states that trefoil is poisonous itself and to be used only as a counter-poison.

[819] XIV, 491; a good example of the power of suggestion.

[820] XIV, 498.

[821] XIV, 502.

[822] XIV, 505.

[823] XIV, 517.

[824] XIV, 567ff.

[825] I, 305-412.

[826] _Galen_ in PW.

[827] I, 325-6.

[828] XVII B, 212 and 834.

[829] Partic. 6, Kühn, XIV, 253.

[830] Kühn, XIV, 255.

[831] These passages all come from the 24th _Particula_ of Maimonides’ _Aphorisms_, which is devoted especially to marvels:—“Incipit particula xxiiii continens aphorismos dependentes a miraculis repertis in libris medicorum,” from an edition of the _Aphorisms_ dated 1489 and numbered IA.28878 in the British Museum. The same section contains still other marvels from the works of Galen.

[832] Kühn, VI, 832-5.

[833] VI, 833.

[834] XVI, 222-23.

[835] I, 53.

[836] _Coeli status_, or ἡ κατάστασις. X, 593-96, 625, 634, 645, 647-48, 658, 662, 685, 737, 759-60, 778, 829, etc.

[837] X, 688; XIII, 544; XIV, 285.

[838] XII, 356.

[839] XIV, 298.

[840] XI, 798.

[841] II, 26-28.

[842] XIX, 529-30.

[843] XIX, 534-73.

[844] IX, 794.

[845] IX, 901-2.

[846] IX, 904.

[847] IX, 908-10.

[848] IX, 913.

[849] IX, 922.

[850] IX, 935.

[851] Kühn, XIX, 22-345. Plutarch, _Opera_, ed. Didot, _De placitis philosophorum_, pp. 1065-1114; in _Plutarch’s Miscellanies and Essays_, English translation, 1889, III, 104-92. The wording of the two versions differs somewhat and in Galen’s works it is divided simply into 37 chapters, whereas in Plutarch’s works it is divided into five books and many more chapters.

[852] XIX, 320-21; _De plac. philos._, V, 1-2.

[853] XIX, 253; _De plac. philos._, I, 8.

[854] Kühn, XIX, 261-62; _De placitis philosophorum_, I, 28; “ἡ δὲ εἱμαρμένη ἐστὶν αἰθέριον σῶμα. σπέρμα τῆστῶν πάντων γενέσεως.“

[855] XIX, 333.

[856] XIX, 274; _De plac. philos._, II, 19.

[857] XIX, 265; _De plac. philos._, II, 5.

[858] As much can hardly be said of our present day architects, whose fantastic tin cornices projecting far out from the roofs of high buildings and rows of stones poised horizontally in mid-air, with no other visible support than a plate glass window beneath, remind one forcibly and painfully of the deceits and levitations of magicians.

[859] _De architectura_, ed. F. Krohn, Leipzig, Teubner, 1912, VIII, iii, 24. A recent English translation of Vitruvius is by M. H. Morgan, Harvard University Press, 1914.

[860] VIII, iii, 16, 20-21, 24-5.

[861] III, i.

[862] V, Introduction, 3-4.

[863] V, vi, 1. The wording is that of Morgan’s translation.

[864] VI, i, 3-4, 9-10.

[865] IX, vi, 2-3, Morgan’s translation.

[866] III, Introduction, 3, ” ... There should be the greatest indignation when, as often, good judges are flattered by the charm of social entertainments into an approbation which is a mere pretence.”

[867] _Idem._

[868] VI, Introduction, 5.

[869] II, Introduction. Vitruvius continues, “But as for me, Emperor, nature has not given me stature, age has marred my face, and my strength is impaired by ill health. Therefore, since these advantages fail me, I shall win your approval, as I hope, by the help of my knowledge and my writings.”

[870] III, Introduction, 2.

[871] VII, Introduction, 1-10.

[872] VI, Introduction, 2. Also IX, Introduction, where authors are declared superior to the victorious athletes in the Olympian, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean games.

[873] VII, Introd., 11-14; IX, Introd.

[874] IX, Introd., 17.

[875] VII, Introd., 10.

[876] VIII, iii, 27.

[877] IX, vii, 7.

[878] IX, Introd.

[879] VII, v.

[880] VII, Introd., 18.

[881] V, i, 6-10.

[882] X, i, 4.

[883] X, vii.

[884] IX, viii.

[885] IX, viii, 2 and 4; X, vii, 4.

[886] NH, VII, 38.

[887] The work of Martin, _Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d’Héron d’Alexandrie_, Paris, 1854, and the accounts of Hero in histories of physics and mathematics such as those of Heller and Cajori, must now be supplemented by the long article in Pauly and Wissowa, _Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, (1912), cols. 992-1080. A recent briefer summary in English is the article by T. L. Heath, EB, 11th edition, XIII, 378. See also Hammer-Jensen, _Ptolemaios und Heron_, in _Hermes_, XLVIII (1913), p. 224, _et seq._

The writings ascribed to Hero, hitherto scattered about in various for the most part inaccessible editions and MSS, are now appearing in a single Teubner edition, of which five vols. have appeared, 1899, 1900, 1903, 1912, 1914, including respectively, the _Pneumatics_ and _Automatic Theater_, the _Mechanics_ and _Mirrors_, the _Metrics_ and _Dioptra_, the _Definitions_ and geometrical remains, _Stereometrica_ and _De mensuris_ and _De geodaesia_. For the _Belopoiika_ or work on military engines see C. Wescher, _Poliorcétique des Grecs_, Paris, 1867. In English we have _The Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria_, translated for Bennet Woodcroft by J. G. Greenwood, London, 1851. A number of articles on Hero by Heiberg, Carra de Vaux, Schmidt, and others will be found in _Bibliotheca Mathematica_ and Sudhoff’s _Archiv f. d. Gesch. d. Naturwiss. u. d. Technik_.

[888] παρὰ Ἥρωνος Κτησιβίου.

[889] Heath in EB, XIII, 378; Heiberg (1914), V, ix.

[890] PW, _Heron_.

[891] Baur (1912), p. 417.

[892] In the first chapter of the _Automatic Theater_ he says, “The ancients called those who constructed such things thaumaturges because of the astounding character of the spectacle.”

[893] PW, 1045.

[894] But perhaps this is a medieval interpolation in the nature of a crude Christian attempt to depict “the firmament in the midst of the waters” (Genesis, I, 6). However, it also somewhat resembles the universe of the Greek philosopher, Leucippus, who “made the earth a hemisphere with a hemisphere of air above, the whole surrounded by the supporting crystal sphere which held the moon. Above this came the planets, then the sun”—Orr (1913), p. 63 and Fig. 13. See also K. Tittel, “Das Weltbild bei Heron,” in _Bibl. Math._ (1907-1908), pp. 113-7.

[895] Berthelot (1885), pp. 68-9. For the following account of Greek alchemy I have followed Berthelot’s three works, _Les Origines de l’Alchimie_, 1885; _Collection des anciens Alchimistes Grecs_, 3 vols., 1887-1888; _Introduction à l’Étude de la Chimie_, 1889. Berthelot made a good many books from too few MSS; went over the same ground repeatedly; and sometimes had to correct his previous statements; but still remains the fullest account of the subject. E. O. v. Lippmann, _Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie_, 1919, is still based largely on Berthelot’s publications. In English see C. A. Browne, “The Poem of the Philosopher Theophrastos upon the Sacred Art: A Metrical Translation with Comments upon the History of Alchemy,” in _The Scientific Monthly_, September, 1920, pp. 193-214.

[896] The earliest of them is John of Antioch of the reign of Heraclius, about 620 A. D., although they seem to use Panodorus, an Egyptian monk of the reign of Arcadius. Even he would be a century removed from the event.

[897] Berthelot (1885), pp. 26, 72, etc., took this story about Diocletian far too seriously.

[898] Berthelot (1885), 192-3.

[899] But the _Labyrinth of Solomon_, which Berthelot (1885), p. 16, had cited as an example of the sort of ancient magic figures which had been largely obliterated by Christians, and of the antiquity of alchemy among the Jews (_ibid._, p. 54), although he granted (_ibid._, p. 171) that it might not be as old as the Papyrus of Leyden of the third century, later when he had secured the collaboration of Ruelle (1888), I, 156-7, and III, 41, he had to admit was not even as old as the eleventh century MS in which it occurred but was an addition in writing of the fourteenth century and “a cabalistic work of the middle ages which does not belong to the old tradition of the Greek alchemists.”

[900] Berthelot (1885), p. 59.

[901] _Ibid._, p. 53.

[902] Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[903] Berthelot (1885), p. 56.

[904] Berthelot (1888), III, 23.

[905] Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[906] Berthelot (1885), p. 164.

[907] _Ibid._, pp. 179-80.

[908] _Ibid._, p. 60.

[909] Berthelot (1888), II, 115-6; III, 125.

[910] Berthelot (1885), pp. 211-2.

[911] Berthelot (1889), p. vi.

[912] _De institutione principis epistola ad Traianum_, a treatise extant only in Latin form.

[913] IV, 72. On the biography and bibliography of Plutarch consult Christ, _Gesch. d. Griechischen Litteratur_, 5th ed., Munich, 1913, II, 2, “Die nachklassische Periode,” pp. 367ff.

[914] See also the essay, “Whether an old man should engage in politics,” cap. 16.

[915] See R. Schmertosch, in _Philol.-Hist. Beitr. z. Ehren Wachsmuths_, 1897, pp. 28ff.

[916] Language and literary form are surer guides and have been applied by B. Weissenberger, _Die Sprache Plutarchs von Chäronea und die pseudoplutarchischen Schriften_, II Progr. Straubing, 1896, pp. 15ff. In 1876 W. W. Goodwin, editing a revised edition of the seventeenth century English translation of the _Morals_, declared that no critical translation was possible until a thorough revision of the text had been undertaken with the help of the best MSS. Since then an edition of the text by G. N. Bernadakes, 1888-1896, has appeared, but it has not escaped criticism.

[917] The English translation of Plutarch’s _Morals_ “by several hands,” first published in 1684-1694, sixth edition corrected and revised by W. W. Goodwin, 5 vols., 1870-1878, IV, 10, renders a passage in the seventh chapter of _De defectu oraculorum_, in which complaint is made of the “base and villainous questions” which are now put to the oracle of Apollo, as follows: “some coming to him as a mere paltry astrologer to try his skill and impose upon him with subtle questions.” But the corresponding clause in the Greek text is merely οἱ μὲν ὡς σοφιστοῦ διάπειραν λαμβάνοντες, and there seems to be no reason for taking the word “sophist” in any other than its usual meaning. The passage therefore cannot be interpreted as an attack upon even vulgar astrologers.

[918] _De defectu oraculorum_, 13.

[919] Cap. 12.

[920] Cap. 7.

[921] Cap. 8.

[922] Cap. 9.

[923] Cap. 10.

[924] _De genio Socratis_, 21-22.

[925] _Ibid._, 24.

[926] _De defectu oraculorum_, 40.

[927] _De genio Socratis_, 12.

[928] _Sympos._, VIII. 10.

[929] _De defectu oraculorum_, 44.

[930] _Ibid._, 48.

[931] _Ibid._, 13.

[932] _Ibid._, 10.

[933] _Ibid._, 13.

[934] _De genio Socratis_, 22.

[935] Cap. 26.

[936] Cap. 29.

[937] Cap. 30.

[938] Cap. 24.

[939] Cap. 22.

[940] _De defectu oraculorum_, 10.

[941] _Ibid._, 18.

[942] _Ibid._, 13-14.

[943] _De defectu oraculorum_, 21.

[944] _De genio Socratis_, 11.

[945] _Ibid._, 20.

[946] _Romulus_, cap. 12.

[947] Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ ξένῳ καὶ περιτ τῷ προσάξεται μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ μυθῶδες ἐνοχλήσει τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐτοῖς.

[948] Cap. 2.

[949] Cap. 22.

[950] Cap. 3.

[951] Caps. 5-8.

[952] Cap. 9.

[953] _De facie in orbe lunae_, 28.

[954] VIII, 9.

[955] _De defectu oraculorum_, 31-32. The resemblance of the stranger’s tale to the vision of Er in Plato’s _Republic_ is also evident.

[956] _Ibid._, 34.

[957] _Ibid._, 37.

[958] _Ibid._, 36; and see 11-12.

[959] Caps. 8-16.

[960] Cap. 17.

[961] Cap. 31.

[962] Cap. 33.

[963] _Symposiacs_, II, 7. D’Arcy W. Thompson in his translation of Aristotle’s _History of Animals_ comments on II, 14, “The myth of the ‘ship-holder’ has been elegantly explained by V. W. Elkman, ‘On Dead Water,’ in the Reports of Nansen’s North Polar Expedition, Christiania, 1904.”

[964] See above p. 77 for the somewhat different statement of Pliny (NH, XXIII, 64).

[965] _Symposiacs_, V, 10.

[966] _De sera numinis vindicta_, 14.

[967] _De defectu oraculorum_, 43.

[968] X, 1 (Casaub., 446); for this and some other source citations and a brief bibliography of modern discussions on the subject see the article, “Amiantus” (3) in Pauly-Wissowa.

[969] Article on “Asbestos” in the _Encyclopedia Britannica_, 11th edition, which further states that Charlemagne was said to own a tablecloth which was cleaned by throwing it into the fire, and that in 1676 a merchant from China exhibited to the Royal Society a handkerchief of “salamander’s wool” or _linum asbesti_ (asbestos linen). See also Marco Polo, I, 42, and Cordier’s note in Yule (1903), I, 216.

[970] XIX, 4. In Bostock and Riley’s English translation, note 44 states that “the wicks of the inextinguishable lamps of the middle ages, the existence of which was an article of general belief, were said to be made of asbestus.” On its use in lamp-wicks see also Pausanias, I, 26, 7.

[971] “In the year 1702 there was found near the Naevian Gate at Rome a funeral urn, in which there was a skull, calcined bones, and other ashes, enclosed in a cloth of asbestus of a marvelous length. It is still preserved in the Vatican,” (Bostock and Riley, note 45).

[972] “On the contrary, it is found in the Higher Alps in the vicinity of glaciers, in Scotland, and in Siberia even” (Bostock and Riley, note 46). The article on “Amiantus (3)” in Pauly-Wissowa incorrectly assumes that in XIX, 4, Pliny has it in mind. In XXXVI, 31, however, Pliny briefly describes the stone amianthus, which Bostock and Riley (note 52) call “the most delicate variety of asbestus,” as “losing nothing in fire” and “resisting all potions (or, spells) even of the _magi_,”—“Amiantus alumini similis nihil igni deperdit. Hic veneficis resistit omnibus privatim magorum.” In XXXVII, 54, in an alphabetical list of stones, he briefly states that asbestos is iron-colored and found in the mountains of Arcadia,—“Asbestos in Arcadiae montibus nascitur coloris ferrei.”

[973] Ed. by R. Hercher, Lipsiae, 1851; and by C. Müller in _Geograph. Graeci Minores_, II, 637ff.

[974] In Christ’s _Gesch. d. Griech. Litt._, not only is the _On Rivers and Mountains_ itself called a “Schwindelbuch,” but these citations are rejected as fraudulent.

[975] Cap. 5.

[976] Cap. 18.

[977] Cap. 21.

[978] Cap. 6.

[979] Cap. 1.

[980] Cap. 7.

[981] Caps. 9, 10, 12.

[982] Caps. 16, 18, 24.

[983] Cap. 17.

[984] V, 7.

[985] _Bruta animalia ratione uti_, cap. 9; also _Quaest. Nat._, cap. 26, “Why certain brutes seek certain remedies.”

[986] _De solertia animalium._

[987] _Ibid._, 36-37; also the closing chapters of _The Banquet of the Seven Sages_.

[988] Cap. 31.

[989] Cap. 25.

[990] Cap. 12.

[991] Cap. 10.

[992] Cap. 29.

[993] _Isis and Osiris_, 10.

[994] VIII, 9, ἴδια δὲ σπέρματα νόσων οὐκ ἔστιν.

[995] _Nat. Quaest._, caps. 6, 14, 22, 24, 36.

[996] _Symposiacs_, II, 9; IV, 2; III, 10; IV, 5.

[997] _De facie in orbe lunae_, 9-10; also the opening chapters of _De defectu oraculorum_.

[998] Cap. 7.

[999] Cap. 18.

[1000] “Tam graece quam latine, gemino voto, pari studio, simili studio.”

[1001] _Florida_, cap. 9.

[1002] _Apologia_, cap. 4.

[1003] Caps. 73 and 55.

[1004] Caps. 55-56.

[1005] Cap. 17.

[1006] _Apologia_, cap. 70.

[1007] Cap. 89.

[1008] To Professor Butler (_Apulei Apologia_, ed. H. E. Butler and A. S. Owen, Oxford, 1914) this difficulty seems so insurmountable that he places the _Apology_ earlier. But for the reasons already given I agree with the article on Apuleius in Pauly and Wissowa and its citations that the _Metamorphoses_ is Apuleius’s first work.

[1009] The work opens with the statement that the author “will stitch together varied stories in the so-called Milesian manner,” and that “we begin with a Grecian story.”

[1010] I, 3.

[1011] II, 1.

[1012] I, 8.

[1013] II, 5.

[1014] III, 15. The wording of the translated passages throughout this

## chapter is mainly my own, but I have made some use of existing English

translations.

[1015] III, 16.

[1016] I, 8.

[1017] I, 9-10.

[1018] I, 11-13.

[1019] II, 22 and 25.

[1020] II, 20 and 30; IX, 29.

[1021] I, 11; II, 11.

[1022] II, 20, 22; III, 18.

[1023] Very similar practices are recounted by A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 355-96; “the medicine-men of hostile tribes sneak into the camp in the night, and with a net of a peculiar construction garotte one of the tribe, drag him a hundred yards or so from the camp, cut up his abdomen obliquely, take out the kidney and caul-fat, and then stuff a handful of grass and sand into the wound.”

[1024] VI, 26.

[1025] II, 22.

[1026] I, 10; VII, 14; IX, 23, 29.

[1027] II, 28.

[1028] II, 6; III, 19.

[1029] III, 29.

[1030] III, 17.

[1031] III, 21.

[1032] I, 10; II, 20-21.

[1033] III, 16.

[1034] II, 23-30.

[1035] I, 13.

[1036] II, 5. “Surculis et lapillis et id genus frivolis inhalatis.”

[1037] III, 18.

[1038] III, 21.

[1039] III, 23.

[1040] III, 25.

[1041] II, 28.

[1042] Examples are: I, 3, magico susurramine; II, 1, artis magicae nativa cantamina; II, 5, omnis carminis sepulchralis magistra creditur; II, 22, diris cantaminibus somno custodes obruunt; III, 18, tunc decantatis spirantibus fibris; III, 21, multumque cum lucerna secreta collocuta.

[1043] I, 11, quo numinis ministerio.

[1044] I, 8, saga, inquit, et divina; IX, 29, saga illa et divini potens.

[1045] III, 19.

[1046] II, 12-14.

[1047] VIII, 26-27; IX, 8.

[1048] I, 4.

[1049] X, 11, 25.

[1050] VIII, 24; XI, 22, 25.

[1051] I, 5.

[1052] II, 26.

[1053] IX, 33-34.

[1054] II, 11-12.

[1055] X, 11. For bibliography on the mandragora see Frazer (1918) I, 377 note 2 in his chapter “Jacob and the Mandrakes.”

[1056] VIII, 21.

[1057] XI, 1.

[1058] Macdonald (1909), p. 128.

[1059] VIII, 9.

[1060] Cap. 1.

[1061] _Florida_, caps. 24-26.

[1062] Caps. 61-63. The following passages from E. A. W. Budge, _Egyptian Magic_ (1899), perhaps furnish an explanation of the true purpose and character of Apuleius’s wooden figure: p. 84, “Under the heading of ‘Magical Figures’ must certainly be included the so-called Ptah-Seker-Ausar figure, which is usually made of wood; it is often solid, but is sometimes made hollow, and is usually let into a rectangular wooden stand which may be either solid or hollow.” To get the protection of Ptah, Seker, and Osiris, says Budge at p. 85, “a figure was fashioned in such a way as to include the chief characteristics of the forms of these gods, and was inserted in a rectangular wooden stand which was intended to represent the coffin or chest out of which the trinity Ptah-Seker-Ausar came forth. On the figure itself and on the sides of the stand were inscribed prayers....” Such a figure in a coffin might well be described by the accusers as the horrible form of a ghost or skeleton.

[1063] Cap. 31.

[1064] Cap. 42.

[1065] Cap. 43.

[1066] Caps. 1-3.

[1067] Cap. 2.

[1068] Caps. 27 and 31. For the same thought applied in the case of medieval men see Gabriel Naudé, _Apologie pour tous les grands personages qui out esté faussement soupçonnez de Magie_, Paris, 1625.

[1069] Cap. 25.

[1070] Cap. 47.

[1071] Cap. 25.

[1072] Caps. 9, 42, 61, 63.

[1073] Cap. 28.

[1074] Cap. 48.

[1075] Cap. 25.

[1076] Cap. 26.

[1077] Cap. 31.

[1078] Cap. 6.

[1079] Cap. 13.

[1080] Caps. 30, 33.

[1081] Cap. 61.

[1082] Cap. 53.

[1083] Cap. 58.

[1084] Cap. 41.

[1085] Nicander lived in the second century B.C. under Attalus III of Pergamum. Of his works there are extant the _Theriaca_ in 958 hexameters and another poem, the _Alexipharmaca_, of 630 lines; ed. J. G. Schneider, 1792 and 1816; by O. Schneider, 1856. There is an illuminated eleventh century manuscript of the _Theriaca_ in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, which O. M. Dalton (_Byzantine Art and Archaeology_, p. 483) says “is evidently a painstaking copy of a very early original, perhaps almost contemporary with Nicander himself.”

[1086] Cap. 40.

[1087] Caps. 49-51.

[1088] Caps. 15-16.

[1089] Cap. 40.

[1090] Cap. 36.

[1091] Cap. 8.

[1092] Cap. 85.

[1093] Cap. 38.

[1094] Cap. 45.

[1095] Cap. 51.

[1096] Caps. 30, 42.

[1097] Cap. 40.

[1098] P. 98.

[1099] Cap. 35.

[1100] So Abt has pointed out: _Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei_, Giessen, 1908, p. 224.

[1101] Caps. 42-43.

[1102] Cap. 38.

[1103] Cap. 90.

[1104] Cap. 97.

[1105] Cap. 84.

[1106] _De mundo_, cap. 1; _De deo Socratis_, cap. 4.

[1107] _De mens._, IV., 7, 73; _De ostent._, 3, 4, 7, 10, 44, 54.

[1108] Cap. 43.

[1109] Cap. 6.

[1110] _De deo Socratis_, cap. 8.

[1111] _Hist. Anim._, V, 19.

[1112] _De deo Socratis_, cap. 13.

[1113] _Ibid._, caps. 9-10.

[1114] XVIII, 18.

[1115] VIII, 14-22.

[1116] Epistles 102, 136, 138, in Migne, PL, vol. 33.

[1117] _Divin. Instit._, V, 3.

[1118] Codex Laurentianus, plut. 68, 2. The same MS contains the _Histories_ and _Annals_ (XI-XVI) of Tacitus. A subscription to the ninth book of the _Metamorphoses_ indicates that the original manuscript from which this was derived or copied was produced in 395 A. D. and 397 A. D. G. Huet, “Le roman d’Apulée était-il connu au moyen âge,” _Le Moyen Age_ (1917), 44-52, holds that the _Metamorphoses_ was not known directly to the medieval vernacular romancers. See also B. Stumfall, _Das Märchen von Amor und Psyche in Seinem Fortleben_, Leipzig, 1907.

[1119] CLM 621.

[1120] Harleian 3969.

[1121] VII, 5.

[1122] Ep. 136.

[1123] _Divin. Instit._, V, 2-3.

[1124] Concerning other writers named Philostratus and which works should be assigned to each, see Schmid (1913) 608-20.

[1125] See article on Apollonius of Tyana in Pauly-Wissowa. Priaulx, _The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana_, London, 1873, p. 62, found the geography of Apollonius’s Indian travels so erroneous that he came to the conclusion that either Apollonius never visited India, or, if he did, that Damis “never accompanied him but fabricated the journal Philostratus speaks of.”

[1126] Priaulx, however, regarded its statements concerning India as such as might have been “easily collected at that great mart for Indian commodities and resort for Indian merchants—Alexandria,” or from earlier authors.

[1127] III, 23, 35; IV, 9, 32; V, 20; VI, 12, 16; VII, 10, 12, 15-16.

[1128] See the treatise of Eusebius _Against Apollonius_. Lactantius (_Divin. Inst._, V, 2-3) probably had reference to Hierocles in speaking of a philosopher who had written three books against Christianity and declared the miracles of Apollonius as wonderful as those of Christ.

[1129] So Origen says (_Against Celsus_, VI, 41) and Philostratus implies (I, 3).

[1130] See the _Against Apollonius_, caps. 31, 35.

[1131] Ἀλέξανδρος, ἢ ψευδόμαντις, cap. 5. In the passage quoted I have used Fowler’s translation.

[1132] In other respects, however, I have usually found this translation, which accompanies the Greek text in the recent Loeb Classical Library edition, both racy and accurate, and have employed it in a number of the quotations which follow.

[1133] I, 32.

[1134] I, 29.

[1135] I, 26.

[1136] I, 40.

[1137] V, 12.

[1138] VII, 39.

[1139] V, 12.

[1140] IV, 18.

[1141] VIII, 19.

[1142] VIII, 30.

[1143] VIII, 7.

[1144] VII, 20.

[1145] VII, 34.

[1146] VII, 39.

[1147] VI, 11; III, 43.

[1148] VI, 41.

[1149] I, 2.

[1150] V, 12.

[1151] VI, 11.

[1152] J. E. Harrison, _Themis_, Cambridge, 1912, p. 72. “The Buddha himself condemned as worthless the whole system of Vedic sacrifices, including in his ban astrology, divination, spells, omens, and witchcraft; but in the earliest Buddhist stupas known to us, the symbolism is entirely borrowed from the sacrificial lore of the Vedas:” E. B. Havell, _A Handbook of Indian Art_, 1920, p. 6, and see p. 32 for the birth of Buddha under the sign Taurus.

[1153] VI, 10.

[1154] III, 12.

[1155] III, 16.

[1156] III, 13.

[1157] III, 12. But perhaps the translation should be, “men who are exceedingly wise.”

[1158] III, 15.

[1159] III, 46-47.

[1160] III, 17.

[1161] III, 27.

[1162] III, 38-40.

[1163] III, 44.

[1164] III, 41.

[1165] III, 21.

[1166] III, 41.

[1167] V, 37.

[1168] V, 37.

[1169] III, 34.

[1170] III, 37.

[1171] VI, 38.

[1172] III, 34.

[1173] V, 17.

[1174] I, 22.

[1175] NH, VIII, 17; _Hist. Anim._, VI, 31.

[1176] VI, 37.

[1177] The ancient authorities, pro and con, will be found listed in D. W. Thompson, _Glossary of Greek Birds_, 106-107. He adds: “Modern naturalists accept the story of the singing swans, asserting that though the common swan cannot sing, yet the Whooper or whistling swan does so. It is certain that the Whooper sings, for many ornithologists state the fact, but I do not think that it can sing very well; at the very best, _dant sonitum rauci per stagna loquacia cygni_. This concrete explanation is quite inadequate; it is beyond a doubt that the swan’s song (like the halcyon’s) veiled, and still hides, some mystical allusion.”

[1178] II, 14.

[1179] I, 22. Pliny, NH, VIII, 17, repeats a slightly different popular notion that the lioness tears her womb with her claws and so can bear but once; against this view he cites Aristotle’s statement that the lioness bears five times, as described above.

[1180] III, 2.

[1181] III, 47; VI, 25. Scylax was a Persian admiral under Darius who traveled to India and wrote an account of his voyages. The work extant under his name is of doubtful authorship (Isaac Vossius, _Periplus Scylacis Caryandensis_, 1639), but some date it as early as the fourth century B.C.

[1182] II, 11-16.

[1183] II, 2; III, 4.

[1184] II, 28.

[1185] III, 1. Greek fire?

[1186] III, 48-9.

[1187] III, 6; II, 17.

[1188] III, 7.

[1189] NH, VIII, 11.

[1190] III, 8.

[1191] III, 9.

[1192] III, 7.

[1193] III, 8.

[1194] II, 14.

[1195] II, 40.

[1196] III, 27.

[1197] III, 21.

[1198] III, 1.

[1199] VIII, 7.

[1200] III, 30.

[1201] III, 42.

[1202] VIII, 7.

[1203] IV, 44.

[1204] VIII, 7.

[1205] VIII, 7.

[1206] VIII, 26; VI, 43. The historian, Dio Cassius, a contemporary of Philostratus, also states that Apollonius announced the assassination of Domitian and even named the assassin in Ephesus on the very day that the event occurred at Rome. His account differs too much from that by Philostratus to have been copied from it. He concludes it with the positive assertion, “This is really what took place, though there should be ten thousand doubters.” (LXVII, 18.)

[1207] III, 42.

[1208] VI, 11.

[1209] I, 23.

[1210] IV, 34.

[1211] VIII, 7.

[1212] IV, 37.

[1213] I, 22.

[1214] V, 13.

[1215] VIII, 7.

[1216] I, 20.

[1217] I, 31.

[1218] V, 25.

[1219] IV, 4.

[1220] IV, 24.

[1221] IV, 43.

[1222] V, 18.

[1223] VII, 18.

[1224] IV, 10.

[1225] VIII, 7.

[1226] IV, 44.

[1227] II, 4.

[1228] VI, 27.

[1229] IV, 20.

[1230] IV, 25.

[1231] I, 4.

[1232] I, 19.

[1233] Epist. 50.

[1234] VII, 32.

[1235] VI, 27.

[1236] IV, 11, 15-16.

[1237] VI, 43.

[1238] IV, 45.

[1239] IV, 44.

[1240] VIII, 8.

[1241] VII, 38.

[1242] VIII, 30.

[1243] The passages are not listed in Liddell and Scott, nor mentioned by Professor Bury in his note on “The ἴυγξ in Greek Magic,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_ (1886), pp. 157-60. Hubert’s article on “Magia” in Daremberg-Saglio cites only one passage and seems to regard the _iunx_ solely as a magic wheel. D’Arcy W. Thompson, _A Glossary of Greek Birds_, Oxford, 1895, also cites but one passage from Philostratus. A. B. Cook, _Zeus_, Cambridge, 1914, I, 253-65, notes both main passages but tries to interpret the _iunges_ as solar wheels rather than birds. But the _iunx_ is found as a bird on several Greek vases of the latest period; see _British Museum Catalogue of Vases_, vol. IV, figs. 94, 98, 342, 163, 331b; magic wheels are also represented on the vases, but are not described as _iunges_ in the catalogue; see vol. IV, figs. 331a, 373, 385, 399, 409, 436, 450, 458, and vol. III, E 774, F 223, F 279.

[1244] VI, 10; see also VIII, 7.

[1245] I, 25.

[1246] VI, 11.

[1247] Cited by Cook, _Zeus_, I, 266, who, however, fails to connect it with the _iunx_.

[1248] Newton’s _Dictionary of Birds_; a reference supplied me by the kindness of my colleague, Professor F. H. Herrick.

[1249] Professor Bury’s theory that “the bird was called ἴυγξ from its call which sounded like ἰώ ἰώ; and it was used in lunar enchantments because it was supposed to be calling on Io, the moon”: and that “ἴυγξ originally meant a moon-song independently of the wryneck,” which came to be employed in magic moon-worship on account of its cry, has already been refuted by Professor Thompson, who pointed out that “the bird does not cry ἰώ,, ἰώ, and the suggested derivation of its name and sanctity from such a cry cannot hold.”

[1250] See Chapter 49 for a fuller account of it.

[1251] See