chapter 15

, p. 365.

[1840] Tertullian, _De anima_, cap. 57, in PL, II, 794; _De idolatria_, cap. 9.

[1841] _Philosophumena_, VI, 2-15.

[1842] F. X. Funk, _Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum_, 1905, I, 320-1.

[1843] τὰ δὲ ἔθνη ἐξιστῶν μαγικῇ ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ δαιμόνων ἐνεργείᾳ.

[1844] “ ... in una die procedens vidi illum per aera volantem et ferebatur. Et subsistens dixi: In virtute sancti nominis Iesu excido virtutes tuas. Et sic ruens femur pedis sui fregit.”

[1845] Arnobius, _Adversus gentes_, II, 12.

[1846] Cyril, _Cathechesis_, VI, 15, in PG 33, 564.

[1847] _Filastrii diversarum hereseon liber_, cap. 23, ed. F. Marx, 1898, in CSEL; also in PL, vol. 12.

[1848] Sulpicius Severus, 363-420, _Chron._, II, 28, and Theodoret, c386-456, _Haereticarum fabularum compendium_, I, 1 (PG 83, 344) have nothing new to say.

[1849] AN, VIII, 673-5.

[1850] _Ibid._, 477-85; Greek text in Tischendorf, _Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha_, 1851, pp. 1-39. The Greek scholar, Constantine Lascaris, translated part of the work into Latin in 1490.

[1851] Mead (1892), p. 37, notes that Dr. Salmon (article _Simon Magus_ in _Dict. Chris. Biog._ IV, 686) “connects this with the story, told by Suetonius and Dio Chrysostom, that Nero caused a wooden theater to be erected in the Campus, and that a gymnast who tried to play the part of Icarus fell so near the emperor as to bespatter him with blood.” Hegesippus (_De bello judaico_, III, 2), Abdias (_Hist._ 1), and Maximus Taurinensis (_Patr._ VI, _Synodi ad Imp. Const. Act._ 18) compare Simon’s flight with that of Icarus.

[1852] Tischendorf (1851), p. xix.

[1853] “De mirificis rebus et actibus beatorum Petri et Pauli, et de magicis artibus Simonis:” Fabricius, _Cod. apocr._, III, 632; Florentinus, _Martyrologium Hieronymi_, 103.

[1854] A slightly different version of the dog incident is found in the _Acts of Nereus and Achilles_ (AS, May III, 9).

[1855] _Hegesippus_, III, 2 ed. C. F. Weber and J. Caesar, Marburg, 1864, “et statim in voce Petri implicatis remigiis alarum quas sumserat corruit, nec exanimatus est, sed fracto debilitatus crure Ariciam concessit atque ibi mortuus est.” I earnestly recommend this passage to those who delight in finding ancient precursors of modern inventions as an example of remarkable insight into the effect of air-waves upon delicate mechanisms.

[1856] ed. Fabricius, _Cod. apocr._, I, 411; AS, June V, 424.

[1857] _Biblioth. Patrum_, Cologne, 1618, I, 70.

[1858] Printed PL, 39, 2121-2, among the works of Augustine, _Sermones Supposititi_, CCII. The greater number of MSS assign it to Maximus.

[1859] Mâle, _Religious Art in France_, 1913, p. 297, notes 3 and 4; p. 298, note 1.

[1860] The two representations are essentially identical. Simon falls head first, and the accompanying legend reads, “_Hic praecepto Petri oratione Pauli Simon Magus cecidit in terram_,”—“Here at Peter’s command and Paul’s prayer Simon Magus falls to earth.”

[1861] Greek and Latin text in parallel columns in AS, Sept. VII (1867), pp. 204ff. For an account of previous editions see _Ibid._, p. 182. Bishop John Fell published a Latin text from three Oxford MSS. In Digby 30, 15th century, fol. 29-, which I have examined, the wording differed considerably from that of the Latin text in AS. The brief _Martyrium_ of Cyprian and Justina follows in the same volume of AS at pp. 224-6. _Sahidische Bruchstücke der Legende von Cyprian von Antiochen_, ed. O. v. Lamm, 1899, Ethiopic, Greek, and German, in _Petrograd Acad. Scient. Imper. Mémoires, VIII série, Cl. hist. philol._, IV, 6. Πρᾶξις τῶν ἁγίων μαρτύρων Κυπριανοῦ καὶ Ἰουστίνης, with an Arabic version, ed. Margaret D. Gibson, 1901, in _Studia Sinaitica_, No. 8.

[1862] _Ibid._, p. 180, “ipsa S. Cypriana nomine vulgata Confessio quam ante Constantini aetatem scriptam esse critici plurimi etiam rigidiores fatentur.”

[1863] _Ibid._, p. 205, “et initiatus sum sonis sermonum ac strepitum narrationibus.” L. Preller in _Philologus_, I (1846), 349ff., and A. B. Cook, _Zeus_, 110-1, suggest that these rites on Mount Olympus were Orphic.

[1864] “Et aliorum insidiantium decipientium permiscentium....”

[1865] Shelley, it may be recalled, in 1822 translated some scenes, published in 1824, from Calderón’s _Magico Prodigioso_, in which Cyprian, Justina, and the demon figure.

[1866] Bouchier, _Syria as a Roman Province_, p. 237.

[1867] Bouchier, _Spain Under the Roman Empire_, p. 123, citing AS, July 19.

[1868] Epiphanius, _Panarion_, ed. Dindorf, II, 97-104; ed. Petavius, 131A-137C.

[1869] _Idem._ The attempt to bewitch the furnaces reminds one of the fourteenth Homeric epigram, in which the bard threatens to curse the potters’ furnaces if they do not pay him for his song, and to summon “the destroyers of furnaces,”—Σύντριβ’ ὁμῶς Σμάραγόν τε καὶ Ἄσβετον ἠδὲ Σαβάκτην,—words usually interpreted as names for mischievous Pucks and brawling goblins who smash pottery. But the two middle names suggest the stones, smaragdus or emerald, and asbestos. The poet also invokes “Circe of many drugs” to cast injurious spells, and appeals to Chiron to complete the work of destruction. He further prays that the face of any potter who peers into the furnace may be burned. This epigram is probably of late date. See A. Abel, _Homeri Hymni, Epigrammata, Batrachomyomachia_, Lipsiae, 1886, pp. 123-4.

[1870] Mâle, _Religious Art in France_, 1913, pp. 304-6.

[1871] Mâle (1913), p. 306.

[1872] _Ibid._, p. 307.

[1873] Greek text in Migne PG, Vol. XI. English translation in the _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, of which I generally make use in quotations from the work. On the MSS of the _Against Celsus_ see Paul Koetschau, _Die Textüberlieferung der Bücher des Origenes gegen Celsus in den Handschriften dieses Werkes und der Philokalia. Prolegomena zu einer kritischen Ausgabe_, 1889, 157 pp., (TU, VI, 1).

[1874] I, 71; also II, 32.

[1875] I, 38; also VIII, 9; II, 48.

[1876] I, 68; III, 52.

[1877] II, 49.

[1878] VII, 36.

[1879] I, 6.

[1880] VI, 40.

[1881] V, 51.

[1882] I, 26.

[1883] IV, 33.

[1884] V, 6.

[1885] V, 9.

[1886] VII, 9.

[1887] VII, 11.

[1888] VII, 3.

[1889] III, 1.

[1890] III, 5.

[1891] III, 46; IV, 51.

[1892] I, 28.

[1893] I, 38.

[1894] I, 60.

[1895] I, 38.

[1896] II, 49.

[1897] II, 51.

[1898] I, 68.

[1899] VII, 25.

[1900] V, 42.

[1901] I, 68.

[1902] VI, 41.

[1903] III, 52.

[1904] See cap. 21.

[1905] Kühn, XIX, 48 (_de libris propriis_). Μετροδώρου ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Κέλσον Ἐπικούρειον.

[1906] VI, 39.

[1907] IV, 86.

[1908] VII, 67.

[1909] VI, 39.

[1910] VI, 40.

[1911] VII, 3 and 35.

[1912] Ps. XCVI, 5.

[1913] VII, 69.

[1914] V, 42.

[1915] II, 51. See also V, 38; VI, 45; VII, 69; VIII, 59; I, 60.

[1916] See VII, 67, “demons ... and their several operations, whether led on to them by the conjurations of those who are skilled in the art, or urged on by their own inclinations....”

Also VII, 5, “those spirits that are attached for entire ages, as I may say, to particular dwellings and places, whether by a sort of magical force or by their own natural inclinations.”

Also VII, 64, “... the demons choose certain forms and places, whether because they are detained there by virtue of certain charms, or because for some other possible reason they have selected those haunts....”

[1917] VII, 4. ὡς ἐπίπαν γὰρ ἰδιῶται τὸ τοιοῦτον πράττουσι.

[1918] V, 38.

[1919] VIII, 61.

[1920] VI, 80.

[1921] I, 58.

[1922] I, 60.

[1923] I, 58. The Magi had been confused with the Chaldeans several centuries before by Ctesias in his _Persica_, cap. 15; see D. F. Münter, _Der Stern der Weisen: Untersuchungen über das Geburtsjahr Christi_, Kopenhagen (1827), p. 14.

[1924] Balaam himself was something of an astrologer according to Münter, _Der Stern der Weisen_, 1827, p. 31. “Die sieben Altäre die der moabitische Seher Bileam an verschiedenen Orten errichtete (IV B. Mose, XXIII) waren gewiss den sieben Planetfürsten gewidmet.”

[1925] Numbers, XXIV, 17.

[1926] Similarly an English version (in an Oxford MS of the early 15th century, Laud Misc., 658) of _The History of the Three Kings of Cologne_, or medieval account of the translation of the relics of the Magi, in forty-one chapters with a preface, opens its first chapter with the words, “The mater of these three worshipful and blissid kingis token the begynnyng of the prophecye of Balaam.”

[1927] _In Numeros Homilia XIII_, in Migne, PG, XII, 675.

[1928] _In Numeros Homilia XV_, col. 689.

[1929] _In Genesim Homilia XIV_, 3, in PG, XII, 238.

[1930] _Origenis in Numeros Homiliae, Prologus Rufini Interpretis ad Ursacium._ Migne, PG, XII, 583-86.

[1931] _Origenis in Numeros Homilia XIII_, Migne, PG, XII, 670-677. In at least one medieval manuscript we find the homily upon Balaam preserved separately, BN 13350, 12th century, fol. 92v, et omeliae de Balaham et Balach.

[1932] W. H. Bennett, _Balaam_, in EB, 11th edition.

[1933] One cannot help wondering whether Pharaoh’s magicians lost their rods for good as a result of this manœuvre, but it is a point upon which the Scriptural narrative fails to enlighten us.

[1934] II, 15-16.

[1935] _Antiq._, IV, 6.

[1936] Johannis Hildeshemensis, _Liber de trium regum translatione_, 1478, cap. 2.

[1937] E. W. Hengstenberg, _Die Geschichte Bileams und seine Weissagungen_, Berlin, 1842. Hengstenberg tried to take middle ground between Philo Judaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory of Nyssa, Theodoret, and others who regarded Balaam as a godless false prophet and magician, and the contrary opinion of Tertullian, Jerome, and some moderns who hold that Balaam was originally a devout man and true prophet who fell through his covetousness.

[1938] “Et ideo quasi expertus in talibus in opinione erat omnibus qui erant in Oriente ... Certus ergo Balach de hoc et frequenter expertus.”

[1939] In Homily XIV.

[1940] Migne, PG, XII, 1011-28.

[1941] J. G. Frazer (1918), II, 522, note, however, says of I. Samuel, XXVIII, 12: “It seems that we must read, ‘And when the woman saw Saul,’ with six manuscripts of the Septuagint and some modern critics, instead of, ‘And when the woman saw Samuel.’”

[1942] VI, 41.

[1943] V, 48.

[1944] I, 30.

[1945] II, 34.

[1946] IV, 33, and I, 22.

[1947] IV, 33. On the use of mystic names of God among the Jews of this period and “the new and greatly developed angelology that flourished at that time in Egypt and Palestine” see the Introduction to M. Gaster’s edition of _The Sword of Moses_, 1896,—a book of magic found in a 13-14th century Hebrew MS, but which is mentioned in the 11th century and which he would trace back to ancient times.

[1948] I, 6. It also, however, suggests the efficacy ascribed by the Mandaeans to the repetition of passages from their sacred books.

[1949] II, 49.

[1950] I, 25; V, 45.

[1951] V, 45.

[1952] I, 24.

[1953] IV, 33; I, 22, etc.

[1954] _In Math._ XXVI, 23 (Migne, PG, XIII, 1757).

[1955] See p. 366 in