Chapter 64

.

[2993] _Zeitsch. f. klass. Philol._ (1896), pp. 1098ff.

[2994] J. A. Endres, _Petrus Damiani und die weltliche Wissenschaft_, 1910, p. 35, in _Beiträge_, VIII, 3.

[2995] James (1903), p. 59, “Tractatus Alfani Salernitanus de quibusdam questionibus medicinalibus.”

[2996] CU Trinity 1365, early 12th century, fols. 155-162v, _Experimenta archiep. Salernitani_.

[2997] Judging from its opening and closing words as given by James.

[2998] _De coitu_, edition of 1536, p. 306.

[2999] _Viaticum_, VI, 19.

[3000] _Practica_, X, 1; in Isaac, _Opera_, 1515, II, fol. 126.

[3001] _Ibid._, VII, 31; fol. 111r.

[3002] _Ibid._, IV, 37; fol. 96r.

[3003] _Ibid._, V, 17; fol. 99r.

[3004] _De melancholia_ (1536), p. 290.

[3005] _Practica_, VIII, 40; ed. of 1515, fol. 118v.

[3006] _Practica_, IV, 39, and V, 7; ed. of 1515, fols. 96r and 98r.

[3007] Ed. of 1536, p. 358; also in the _Viaticum_, I, 22; p. 20.

[3008] _Viaticum_, I, 22; p. 21.

[3009] _Viaticum_, VII, 13: _De gradibus_ (1536), p. 377.

[3010] According to Steinschneider (1866), p. 402, it is only from the citations of Constantinus that we know of a work by Rufus on melancholy. See especially _De melancholia_ (1536), p. 285, “Invenimus Rufum clarissimum medicum de melancholia fecisse librum....”

[3011] _De gradibus_ (1536), p. 378.

[3012] Edition of 1536, pp. 20, 290, 356.

[3013] _Theorica_, X, 9; ed. of 1515, fol. 54.

[3014] _Practica_, VII, 59 (1515), fol. 114v.

[3015] Ed. of 1541, pp. 319-21.

[3016] _Spec. nat._, XVI, 49.

[3017] _De gradibus_ (1536), p. 360, “de quo Arabū (Aristotle?) in libro de lapidibus intitulato.”

[3018] _Manoscritto Salernitano dilucidato dal Prof. Henschel_, in Renzi (1853), II, 1-80, especially pp. 16, 41, 59.

[3019] _De aegritudinum curatione tractatus_, Renzi, II, 81-386; _De febribus tractatus_, II, 737-68.

[3020] The preface to Constantinus’ translation of Isaac on fevers is addressed to his “dearest son, John”: see Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 15489, 14th century, “Quoniam te karissime fili Iohanne”; Cambrai 914, 13-14th century; Cambrai 907, 14th century, fol. 1, Prefatio Constantini ad Johannem discipulum.

[3021] However, in an Oxford MS the _Liber aureus_ itself is ascribed to “John, son of Constantinus”: Bodleian 2060, #1, Joannis filii Constantini de re medica liber aureus.

[3022] Interest in such works was aroused by the almost simultaneous publication of R. Hendrie’s English translation of Theophilus, London, 1847; the publication of the _Mappe clavicula_ in a “Letter from Sir Thomas Phillipps to Albert Way” in _Archaeologia_, XXXII, 183-244, London, 1847; and the inclusion of Heraclius, _De coloribus et de artibus Romanorum_, in Mrs. Merrifield’s _Ancient Practice of Painting_, London, 1849. Hendrie printed the Latin text of Theophilus with his translation. A. Ilg published a revised Latin text with a German translation in 1874, with a fuller account of the MSS.

[3023] Merrifield (1849), I, 166-74.

[3024] Berthelot (1893), I, 29. He dated, however, Robert of Chester’s translation of Morienus thirty-eight years too late in that century, mistaking the Spanish for the Christian era.

[3025] _Ibid._, p. 18.

[3026] Berthelot (1893), I, 169.

[3027] Merrifield (1849), I, 183. See also pp. 189-91.

[3028] _Ibid._, p. 183, “Nil tibi scribo equidem quod non prius ipse probassem.”

[3029] _Ibid._, p. 187.

[3030] _Traité des Arts Céramiques_, p. 304, cited by Merrifield, I, 177. This is not, however, to be regarded as the invention of lead glazing, since, as William Burton writes (“Ceramics” in EB, p. 706), “lead glazes were extensively used in Egypt and the nearer East in Ptolemaic times.” He adds, “And it is significant that, though the Romans made singularly little use of glazes of any kind, the pottery that succeeded theirs, either in western Europe or in the Byzantine Empire, was generally covered with glazes rich in lead.”

[3031] For these works see Berthelot (1893), III, or Lippmann (1919), who follows him. I have not had access to E. Wiedemann, _Zur Chemie bei den Arabern_, in _Sitzungsberichte der physikalisch-medizinischen Societät in Erlangen_, XLIII (1911); and his _Die Alchemie bei den Arabern_, in _Journal für praktische Chemie_, LXXVI (1907), 85-87, 105-23.

[3032] The full title is “Compositiones ad tingenda musiva, pelles et alia, ad deaurandum ferrum, ad mineralia, ad chrysographiam, ad glutina quaedam conficienda, aliaque artium documenta.” The MS, Bibliotheca capituli canonicorum Lucensium, Arm. I, Cod. L, was printed in Muratori, _Antiquitates Italicae_, II (1739), 364-87. It is described by Berthelot (1893), I, 7-22, whose comparison of it with previous treatises I follow.

[3033] Berthelot (1888), I, 12, note.

[3034] Text and some discussion thereof in _Archaeologia_, XXXII (1847), 183-244. Analyzed by Berthelot (1893), I, 23-65. On the Schlestadt MS of the 10th century, see Giry in _Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études_, XXXV (1878), 209-27.

[3035] See recipes 105-93.

[3036] Berthelot (1893), I, 57.

[3037] _Ibid._, 61. Others, however, would trace the discovery of alcohol back to Hippolytus. See above, p. 468.

[3038] “Accipies ad experimentum donec primitus discas non multum cum semel facias.”

[3039] “Absconde sanctum et nulli tradendum secretum neque alicui dederis propheta.”

[3040] Berthelot (1893), I, 303-4.

[3041] Item 265.

[3042] Item 290.

[3043] Item 289.

[3044] _De coloribus et artibus Romanorum_, I, iv. I have somewhat altered Mrs. Merrifield’s translation (I, 186).

[3045] _Ibid._, I, xi; Mrs. Merrifield (1849), I, 189-91.

[3046] _Ibid._, I, xii:

“Sed vim cristalli cruor antea temperet hirci Sanguis enim facilem ferro facit his adamantem.”

Mrs. Merrifield (I, 194) has incorrectly rendered this passage, “But let the blood of a goat first temper it, for this blood makes the iron so hard that even adamant is soft compared to it.” What Heraclius says is,

“But first let the blood of a he-goat temper the force of the crystal, For this blood makes adamant soft to the iron.”

[3047] _Schedula diversarum artium_, III, 98.

[3048] _Ibid._, III, 94.

[3049] _Ibid._, III, 21.

[3050] Berthelot (1893), I, 63. His French translation omits some of the Latin text as published in _Archaeologia_, cap. 288.

[3051] “Cardan’s concentric circles,” according to Berthelot (1893), I, 64.

[3052] Berthelot (1893), I, 55.

[3053] II, prologus (closing passage). “Huius ergo imitator desiderans fore, apprehendi atrium agiae Sophiae conspicorque cellulam diversorum colorum omnimodo varietate refertam et monstrantem singulorum utilitatem ac naturam. Quo mox inobservato pede ingressus, replevi armariolum cordis mei sufficienter ex omnibus, quae diligenti experientia sigillatim perscrutatus, cuncta visu manibusque probata satis lucide tuo studio commendavi absque invidia. Verum quoniam huiusmodi picturae usus perspicax non valet esse, quasi curiosus explorator omnibus modis elaboravi cognoscere, quo artis ingenio et colorum varietas opus decoraret, et lucem diei solisque radios non repelleret. Huic exercitio dans operam vitri naturam comprehendo, eiusque solius usu et varietate id effici posse considero, quod artificium, sicut visum et auditum didici, studio tuo indagare curavi.” Ilg’s Latin text (1874).

[3054] III, 47.

[3055] I have followed Ilg’s rather than Hendrie’s text; III, 48.

[3056] Hendrie (1847), pp. 432-3.

[3057] Ernst von Meyer, _History of Chemistry_, 1906.

[3058] Migne, PL 146, 583-4. Some accused the bishop of resort to magic arts: _Ibid._, 606.

[3059] W. Stubbs, in RS LXIII, p. cix. C. L. Barnes, _Science in Early England_, in Smithsonian Report for 1895, p. 732. Of the alchemy ascribed to Dunstan, Elias Ashmole remarked in his _Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum_, 1652, “He who shall have the happiness to meet with St. Dunstan’s work _De occulta philosophia_ ... may therein read such stories as will make him amazed to think what stupendous and immense things are to be performed by virtue of the Philosopher’s Mercury, of which a taste only and no more.”

[3060] Berthelot (1893), I, 234.

[3061] Karpinski (1915), pp. 26-30; Haskins, EHR, XXX (1915), 62-5.

[3062] Berlin 956, 12th century, “Hic incipit alchamia. Accipe CCCC ova gauline que generata sunt et facta in mense martii .../ ... ut recentiora sint semper et calidiora. Explicit alchamia.” The titles of the last three chapters are, “de iiii ollis, de cognitione, de observatione stestarum.” I have not seen the MS but follow Rose’s description in the Berlin MSS catalogue.

[3063] I have used the edition of Marbod’s poems in Migne, PL vol. 171, which also contains a life of Marbod. Two secondary accounts of Marbod are C. Ferry, _De Marbodi Rhedonensis Episcopi vita et carminibus_, Nemansi, 1877; L. V. E. Ernault, _Marbode, Évêque de Rennes, Sa vie et ses Œuvres_, in _Bull. et Mém. de la Société Archéologique du dept. d’Ille-et-Vilaine_, XX, 1-260, Rennes, 1889. See also V. Rose, _Aristoteles De Lapidibus und Arnoldus Saxo_, in _Zeitsch. f. deutsches Alterthum_, XVIII (1875), p. 321, _et seq._; L. Pannier, _Les lapidaires français du moyen âge_, Paris, 1882. C. W. King, _The Natural History, Ancient and Modern, of Precious Stones and Gems_, London, 1865.

[3064] CLM 23479, 11th century, fols. 4-10, Carmina de lapidibus eadem quae Marbodo tribuuntur sed alio ordine. Of CUL 768, 15th century, fols. 67-80, “Marbodi liber lapidum,” the Catalogue says, “This Latin poem has been often printed but it does not appear that the editors have collated this MS. The order of the sections is different from all those of which Beckmann speaks in his edition (Göttingen, 1799), answering, however, most nearly to his own.”

[3065] The full name of Tiberius was, of course, Tiberius Claudius Nero Caesar.

[3066] Library of Dukes of Burgundy 8890, 12th century, Evacis regis. BN 2621, 12th and 15th centuries, #6, Poemation de gemmis cuius author dicitur Evax, Rex Arabiae.

Montpellier 277, Liber lapidum preciosorum Evax rex Arabum.

Riccard. 1228, 12th century, fols. 41-54; Incipit prologus Evacis regis Arabie ad Neronem Tyberium de lapidibus. Incipit lapidarius Evacis habens nomina gemmarum lx.

BL Hatton 76 contains two letters of Evax, king of the Arabs, to Tiberius Caesar, on the virtues of stones, according to Cockayne (1864), I, xc and lxxxiv.

[3067] Printed by J. B. Pitra, III (1855), 324-35.

[3068] BN 7418, 14th century, fol. 116-, (D)amigeronis peritissimi de lapidibus. Since this is the sole MS known of the prose version (Rose, 1875, p. 326) and is of the 14th century, whereas we have numerous early MSS of Marbod’s poem, it would seem that this may be derived from Marbod rather than even from the earlier and fuller work which he is supposed to have used.

[3069] Namely, Leo, Cancer, Aries, Sagittarius, Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn.

[3070] See page 775, note 2.

[3071] King (1865), p. 7; Rose (1875), p. 335.

[3072] Ferry (1887), p. 69.

[3073] NH XXXVI, 56. Pliny, however, makes these statements about chelonia and not chelonitis which follows it.

[3074] The stones which I have taken as examples are numbers 1, 3, 5, 18, 19, 39, and 57 respectively.

[3075] See above, chapter 29 , page 689.