Part 8
The present position of the Kiowas may not be exactly one of open hostility, but it is certainly nothing less than the most offensive insubordination. Their agent for the past three years, a sincere member of the Society of Friends, a man who has proved himself eminently fitted for the place, declares this tribe uncontrollable, and states his belief that nothing less than military authority, with perhaps some punishment by troops, will bring them into such subjection as to again render the services of a civil agent of benefit to them.
The Kiowas have no shadow of excuse for their conduct. For three years they have received their annuity goods, of proper quantity and quality; have drawn their rations regularly until their action last spring compelled their agent to refuse them; and in no way have they received any injury from the government troops or agents. The arrest of two of their chiefs under due process of law, with their subsequent trial and conviction in the state of Texas, must not be forgotten; but the government at once interceded and secured a commutation of their sentence, and the Kiowas were informed that the fate of their chiefs depended on the future action of the tribe. This can in no way be considered an excuse for them, uncivilized as they are, and as a pretext it but makes their conduct worse.
It is not only recommended, but strongly urged, that the United States government no longer receive their proffer, but dictate to this tribe its own terms of settlement, making sure guarantees of safety to the lives and property of its citizens in the future.
I recommend that the representatives of the Kiowas now in Washington be told, in the presence of the entire delegation, that the government proposes to dictate its own terms to that tribe, and that they be the following: The entire tribe to encamp before November 30 at some suitable point near Fort Sill (for instance, Crawford's creek), where every movement can be watched by troops. All horses or mules found in their herds, undoubtedly taken from the government and from private parties during the past two years, to be given up within the same time, and the tribe to make good from their other stock any such animals found with other tribes, by them obtained from the Kiowas--and the tribe to surrender to the proper authorities, for trial by United States courts, the three most prominent men of those engaged in the greatest atrocities during the past year. Also, that they be told that the recent conduct of the tribe prevents all present hope of the release of their two prisoner chiefs, and that the liberty of those and the others to be given up will depend entirely upon future good behavior. Also, that no annuity goods whatever be issued to them for the present year, and that hunting parties be allowed to leave camp only when accompanied by a proper detachment of troops.
It is recommended that the necessary arrangements be made at once to have a sufficient body of troops in readiness to enforce compliance with these terms. If such a force is known by the Indians to be prepared to move by the 20th of November, it is believed that the terms will be complied with on time. Otherwise the movement should take place promptly on the 1st day of December, and under a judicious officer the tribe can be reached and compelled to yield with very little probability of an actual conflict. As elsewhere suggested, it would be desirable to have a proper representative of the Indian office accompany the troops.
Should these recommendations be approved, it would be well also to notify them that, having come or been forced into camp as proposed, they will be closely watched, and any movement, great or small, not fully authorized by whoever has them in charge, will subject the movers to immediate attack.
It is deemed especially important that the decision of the department as to the course it will pursue toward the Kiowas be fully explained to them, and to the Apaches and Comanches, before the present delegation returns to the territory, and that all the other tribes be warned that, in case of any resistance on the part of the Kiowas, any Indians found aiding or communicating with them will be summarily dealt with (_Report, 31_).
[Illustration: Photo by Soule, about 1870
FIG. 49--"Ka-ati-wertz-ama-na--A brave man, not afraid of any Indian"[2]]
[Footnote 2: The name given is a Comanche corruption.]
RELEASE OF SET-T'AIÑTE AND BIG-TREE, 1873
[Illustration: Photo by Soule, about 1870
FIG. 50--T'ené-angópte or Kicking-bird]
The principal event of 1873 was the release and return to their people of the chiefs Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, who had been imprisoned in Texas under jurisdiction of the state authorities (see the calendar). On the assurance given to the delegates in Washington that their chiefs would be restored to them in the spring, provided the tribe remained peaceably on the reservation in the meantime, the Kiowa had conducted themselves properly through the winter. With spring, however, came the Modok war, with the killing of General Canby, which created such a distrust of Indians in general that the people of Texas were unwilling to surrender the prisoners, whom they regarded as hostages for the safety of the frontier. Notwithstanding their disappointment, the Kiowa remained quietly at home, patiently waiting until the government should bring influence to bear on the governor of Texas to redeem its promise. The prisoners, accompanied by Governor Davis of Texas and the Indian Commissioner, were at last brought to Fort Sill, where a council was held with the Kiowa in October. At the opening of the council the governor of Texas made a number of hard demands as preliminary to the surrender of the chiefs, although the government had already promised their unconditional release in consideration of the good conduct of the tribe during the last year. Some of these conditions were practically impossible, and for a time it seemed as if the whole purpose of the negotiations would be defeated, Kicking-bird, the leader of the friendly element, declaring that the government had lied and that the white man was no longer his friend, while Lone-wolf threatened war even though it should mean the destruction of their people. It became evident that there would be a desperate encounter if the chiefs were not now set free as promised, and on the earnest representations of the Indian Commissioner the governor finally yielded in his demands, and Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree were released from custody on October 8, 1873, subject, however, to rearrest by the state of Texas whenever it should appear that any of the Kiowa had again been raiding there. Although this condition was in violation of the promises made by the government, the Indians were compelled to be satisfied. An unsuccessful attempt was made by the governor to force the Comanche, by the delivery of hostages, to similar conditions. To show their good will, however, a party of Comanche volunteered to assist a detachment of troops in bringing in any of their young men who might then be raiding in Texas. During their absence on this errand a party of Texans visited the reservation and ran off two hundred horses and mules _(Report, 32_; _Battey, 1_).
The Quaker teacher, Battey, who was present during the council, thus describes the release of the chiefs:
Satanta and Big Tree, after embracing the governor, proceeded to embrace the chiefs present, and immediately returned with them to the agent's office, from whence they went to their rude home in their camps. The reunion of these chiefs with their tribe and families was impressive and affecting in the extreme. Joy beamed upon every countenance, and their happiness was exhibited, as might be expected, in the most wild and natural manner.
Reports continued to fill the newspapers of renewed raids into Texas by Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, when Battey asserts--
To my certain knowledge the latter was at home, sick in his lodge, and the former enjoying, after two years' confinement in prison, the pleasures of the buffalo chase, on territory assigned for the purpose (_Battey, 2_).
HAWORTH'S ADMINISTRATION--1873-78
At this time the various agencies were in charge of agents nominated by different religious bodies in accordance with the "peace policy" inaugurated by President Grant. The agent for the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache was J. M. Haworth, nominated by the Society of Friends, of which body his acts show him to have been a consistent member, who held charge for five years, from April, 1873, to April, 1878, including the troublous period of the outbreak and subsequent readjustment. In spite of the many difficulties at the time, he soon gained the confidence of these wild and warlike people, and conceived and successfully inaugurated the first substantial work of civilization among them in the way of schools, farming and stock raising, and the building up of friendly relations with the whites. He is held in grateful memory among the Kiowa, who know him as _Sénpo gúadal_, "Red-beard." An extract from his first report shows the spirit in which he met them and their quick response:
When I took charge, I told the Indians in council that I had come among them as their friend and desired us to live together as friends. As a proof of my confidence in them, I had the soldiers whom I found on duty removed, and relied upon them to conduct themselves in a peaceable and friendly manner; told them with their help we could make this a peaceable country to live in. I desired them to refrain from raiding or stealing. The chiefs promised me assistance; said if their young men would not listen, but ran off and stole horses, they would bring in to me all they brought back, and I could restore them to their owners. A short time ago I reminded the Comanches of their promise--told them I had heard some of their young men had been in Texas and brought back a number of horses. Within two weeks from the time I spoke to them fifty-two head of horses and mules were delivered to me as having been stolen from Texas since I came in charge as agent. I did not make any threats of stopping rations, or anything of the kind; simply reminded them of their promises and appealed to their better natures, with the very satisfactory result referred to (_Report, 33_).
FIRST SCHOOL ESTABLISHED BY BATTEY
Early in 1873 also, another Quaker, Thomas C. Battey, attempted the first school work among the Kiowa, as already noted. Although a conscientious worker, the force of their wandering habits and Indian beliefs was still too strong, and the effort in its direct purpose was a failure. He remained with them some months, however, and the good impression he made had much to do with keeping the larger portion of the tribe from the warpath in the subsequent outbreak. He thus sums up his school experiment:
Having erected a tent and fitted it up, I commenced a school with twenty-two children in attendance, which continued for something over a week, during which time the children manifested their aptitude to learn by the progress they made. The elder people also manifested much interest in it by their frequent visits, their attention to the exercises, and their encouraging words to the children. About this time, much sickness prevailing among the children in the camp, some superstitious Caddoes who happened there attributed the sickness among them to me, telling them I was a bad medicine man and had made some of their children sick when I was with them, two of whom died. This had the effect to entirely break up the school, though I continued my efforts to renew it for nearly two months. Sometimes when I would get a few children collected, they would be driven out by their old men. Sometimes young men would come in, laugh at them, and abuse them until they would leave. After about two months they became more unsettled, moving from place to place almost continually, searching for better grass for their stock, better water, more wood, to get buffalo, etc. As we were seldom but a day or two in a place, I gave up all effort to sustain a school (_Battey, 3_).
THE OUTBREAK OF 1874-75
CAUSES OF THE DISSENSION
But events were steadily drifting toward war again and the truce was of brief duration, the unrest culminating in the general revolt commonly known as the outbreak of 1874. As this was the last, and will forever remain the last, combination of the southern plains tribes against the power of the white man, resulting in their complete and final subjection, it merits somewhat detailed attention.
In late raids into Texas several of the Comanche had been killed by the hated Tonkawa, a small cannibal tribe, in their capacity of government scouts (see the calendar, 1873-74). The wailing laments of the Comanche women for their dead, and their appeals for vengeance, urged the warriors to go down once more into Texas and exterminate the remnants of the man-eaters who had escaped the massacre of twelve years before. To add to their discontent, a lawless band of hunters organized in Dodge City, Kansas, had, in the spring of 1873, established an adobe fort, known as the "Adobe Walls," on the South Canadian, in the panhandle of Texas, from which headquarters they were making inroads on the guaranteed hunting grounds of the Indians and were slaughtering the buffalo by thousands, in defiance of the government promises that such intrusion would be prevented. It was also charged that they directly incited disorder by selling whisky, arms, and ammunition to the Indians in return for stolen stock. In his official report on the outbreak, General Pope states emphatically that the unlawful intrusion and criminal conduct of the white hunters were the principal cause of the war (_War, 1_). This is confirmed by the testimony of white men employed at the Cheyenne agency at the time, who stated to the author that just before going out the Cheyenne chiefs rode down and assured them that they need have no fear, as the Indians considered them as friends and would not molest them, but were compelled to fight the buffalo hunters, who were destroying their means of subsistence. "Then they shook hands with us and rode off and began killing people."
Shortly before this the son and nephew of Lone-wolf, the principal chief of the Kiowa, had been killed in Mexico. He went down with a party in the summer of 1874 and buried their bodies, making a solemn vow at the same time to kill a white man in retaliation, and thus communicating to his people the bitterness which he felt himself (see the calendar, 1873-74). Lone-wolf is described by Battey about this time as being several years older than Kicking-bird, not so far seeing, more hasty and rash in his conclusions, as well as more treacherous and cunning, but with less depth of mind. He was the acknowledged leader of the war element in the tribe.
While lawless white men were thus destroying the buffalo, the Indians themselves were suffering for food. The agent for the Cheyenne reports that for nearly four months preceding the outbreak the rations had fallen short, and expresses the opinion that if there had been a full supply he could have held the tribe from the warpath. At the same time they were being systematically robbed of their stock by organized bands of horse thieves. The immediate cause of the outbreak by the Cheyenne in May, 1874, was the stealing by these men of forty-three valuable ponies belonging to the chief, Little-robe. In attempting to recover them Little-robe's son was dangerously wounded, in revenge for which the Cheyenne soon after killed a member of a surveying party in the Kiowa country and at once began open hostilities (_Report, 34_; _Battey, 4_).
[Illustration: Photo by Bell, 1888
FIG. 51--Gui-pägo or Lone-wolf, present head-chief of the Kiowa]
Agent Miles thus tersely sums up the provocation:
The lack of power to administer the law--to remove improper characters from this reservation, to break up the various bands of dissolute white men, horse and cattle thieves, known to be operating in our vicinity--is the prime cause that may be assigned for the serious outbreak among the Cheyennes on this reservation. As elsewhere stated, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were assured by the President, on their recent visit to Washington, that improper white men and buffalo hunters should be kept from their country at all hazards, and they very naturally expected that some effort would be made to keep that promise; but they have looked in vain, and the Cheyennes, being the most restless of the two tribes, grew tired and endeavored to avenge their own wrongs. The result of such a proceeding could have but one ending, and that was to bring them into conflict with the general government (_Report, 35_).
THE COMANCHE MEDICINE-MAN
At this critical juncture a young medicine-man named Ĭ´sätaí arose among the Kwáhadi Comanche--the wildest and most intractable portion of the tribe--with claims of supernatural powers. He asserted his ability to cure all diseases and to restore the dead to life, and said that he had been taken up repeatedly into the home of the Father of the Indians, above the sun and far above the abode of the white man's God, and that there he had been given control of the elements, with power to send rain, wind, thunder, lightning, or drought upon the earth as he pleased. What was most to the purpose, he promised to protect all who should believe in him, as he could produce cartridges in unlimited quantities from his stomach for his friends, and could so influence the guns of the whites, and particularly of the soldiers, that they would not shoot Indians, even though the latter stood in front of the muzzles. It was the old story of the Indian medicine-man that has been familiar from the time of the Shawano prophet to the messiah of the ghost dance.
His words created great excitement among the Comanche, nearly all of whom believed him. Some of his deluded followers asserted that they had themselves seen him ascend into the sky and again descend to earth, and at another time had seen him produce from his stomach nearly a wagon load of cartridges. Finally he commanded the tribe to assemble in May, 1874, at the junction of Elk creek (_Donä´i P'a_, "Pecan river") with the North fork of Red river, to see the proofs of his mission and to hear his message to the people. So great an impression had his fame produced by this time that even the friendly chiefs attended, as well as the main body of the Cheyenne and a part of the Kiowa. This was a new departure for the Comanche, who, according to all authorities, had never before "made medicine" as a tribe (_Report, 36_; _Battey, 5_).
On assembling at the designated spot the Indians were harangued by the medicine-man, who told them that their god commanded them to avenge their murdered kindred. Accordingly a party was made up to go to Texas and kill the Tonkawa, who, as has been stated, were cannibals, for which reason, and for the additional one that they constantly served as scouts against the other Indians, they were regarded with common hatred by all the tribes. Learning of the proposed expedition, Agent Haworth warned the commander of Fort Griffin, near which post the Tonkawa were located, who had them removed to the post for safety. This being reported to the confederate tribes by their spies, they changed their program and decided to go out on the plains and kill the buffalo hunters at Adobe Walls.
Finding that the whole purpose of the gathering was warlike, those who desired to avoid trouble determined to return to the agency, but found that such a move had been anticipated by the hostiles, who declared that they would prevent any return, even if they had to kill the ponies of the friendlies to do it. Notwithstanding, a number of the Comanche, chiefly of the Penätĕka band, made the attempt and succeeded in getting away to the agency. The main body of the tribe, the warlike Kwáhadi, and all the Cheyenne, decided for war (_Report, 37_). A few of the Kiowa were also among them, but as yet only one chief, Woman-heart, had smoked the war-pipe with the Comanche and Cheyenne, the rest of the tribe being still near the agency (_Battey, 6_). During all the subsequent troubles the Apache remained quiet and peaceable in the friendly camp at Fort Sill.
APACHE AND ARAPAHO FRIENDLINESS
During the whole period of the outbreak the Arapaho also remained loyal and friendly, in accordance with their treaty pledges and their general character, although the Cheyenne, with whom they were confederated, were the most determined of the hostiles. As soon as it became manifest that trouble was at hand, the Arapaho came in to the agency of the two tribes at Darlington to warn the agent and his employés, and, as a proof of their friendship, furnished an Indian police force, who stood guard over the agency every night until all danger was past. The sole exception to their uniform friendly conduct was the assassination of an employé named Frank Hollowell (or Holloway), in July, 1874, by two young Arapaho, the principal of whom was afterward convicted of the crime and died in prison. This was the only hostile act committed at the Cheyenne and Arapaho agency during the outbreak (_Report, 38_).
FURTHER DEFIANCE
The hostile Comanche and Kiowa now began to steal stock from around the agency at Fort Sill, and in response to a message sent to their camp by the agent, defiantly replied that they would not return the stock now, but would keep it to make peace with when they came back in the fall. They added that they would not molest the agency further if not interfered with by the soldiers, but if the soldiers came upon them they intended to come in and kill anyone they met (_Battey, 7_).
One or two trifling encounters occurred in May between the troops and Indians, presumably Comanche and Kiowa, in western Texas, and others more serious in June farther north, in Indian Territory and the adjoining part of Kansas, the Indians concerned being probably chiefly Cheyenne.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXI
PHOTO ENG CO. N.Y.
PHOTO BY LANNEY 1892
QUANAH PARKER, PRINCIPAL CHIEF OF THE COMANCHE]
BATTLE OF ADOBE WALLS