Chapter VI

, line 21, ff.

[405] _I. e._, the sun.

[406] See p. 277.

[407] Translated from Langdon, _The Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man_, Philadelphia, 1915, Plates I and II. Langdon, as his title shows, regards the text as a description of Paradise, the flood, and the fall of man,--a view that the present writer cannot share. Dilmun is the name of the Babylonian Paradise, but the signs rendered Dilmun are not the ones employed to express that name. For the rest the text seems to describe the coming of rains, the beginnings of irrigation and agriculture, and the revelation of the medicinal qualities of certain plants. See _The Nation_, New York, November 18, 1915, pp. 597, ff. (For the tablet, see Fig. 294.)

[408] Apparently another name of Ninshar.

[409] In Sumerian the goddess Nintulla.

[410] In Sumerian the goddess Ninkasi.

[411] In Sumerian the goddess Dazima.

[412] In Sumerian, Nintil.

[413] In Sumerian, Enshagme.

[414] See his _Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man_, p. 56.

[415] Translated from _Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen Museen zu Berlin_, VII. No. 92.

[416] _Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen Museen zu Berlin_, VII, No. 198.

[417] _Ibid._, VII, No. 97.

[418] Since this manuscript was sent to the printer, another Abraham has been found in some tablets in the Yale University Collection.

[419] Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, IV, pp. 352, 353. (See p. 360.)

[420] See _Beiträge zur Assyriologie_, V, p. 498, no. 23; cf. p. 429, ff.

[421] King, _Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi_, Vol. I, No. 66.

[422] Some scholars suppose that the writer of the account in Genesis had before him a source in the cuneiform writing in which the “pi” at the end of Hammurapi’s name was spelled with a sign that could be read either “pi” or “pil” (see Barton, _Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing_, Leipzig, 1913, No. 185), and that the _l_ was attached in consequence of a misreading of this sign. That, however, admits corruption, though it attempts to explain its cause.

[423] _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum_, XXI, 33.

[424] It was until recently not known that Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin were different persons, and some thought the king might be called either Rim-Sin or Eri-aku (Arioch, Gen. 14:1). It is possible that Arad-Sin may have been called Ari-aku in Sumerian, but it is improbable. It is now known that Arad-Sin died 30 years before Hammurapi came to the throne. With our present knowledge it is difficult to see how Arioch could be the name of Rim-Sin unless Rim-Sin be read partly as Semitic and partly as Sumerian and then considerably corrupted.

[425] The text was published by Pinches in the _Journal of Transactions of the Victoria Institute_, Vol. XXIX, 82, 83; cf. emendations by L. W. King, _Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi_, Vol. I, p. li, ff. Sayce has also translated them, filling out the lacunæ by freely exercising the imagination, in the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, XXVIII, 203-218, 241-251, and XXIX, 7-17.

[426] This could be read _Kudurkumal_.

[427] _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in British Museum_, IV, 33, 22b.

[428] Meissner, _Altbabylonisches Privatrecht_, 36, 25.

[429] _Cuneiform Texts_, VIII, 25, 22.

[430] _Ibid._, II, 9, 26.

[431] Cf. _Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1907, p. 27.

[432] _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum_, II, 23, 15.

[433] _Mittheilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1907, p. 23.

[434] Taken from Griffith’s translation in Petrie’s _Egyptian Tales_, second series, London, 1895, p. 36, ff.

[435] The sun-god.

[436] Cf. Part I, p. 35.

[437] Winckler und Abel, _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 40. Cf. Knudtzon, _Die El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 158.

[438] Winckler und Abel, _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 38. See also Knudtzon, _Die El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 164.

[439] Translated from the German rendering of Ranke in Gressmann’s _Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Allen Testament_, Tübingen, 1909, p. 223.

[440] See his _Sieben Jahre der Hungersnot_, 1891.

[441] From Brugsch’s _Egypt under the Pharaohs_, London, 1881, I, 303, ff.

[442] From Breasted’s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, I, p. 237, ff.

[443] An Egyptian name of the northern extension of the Gulf of Suez.

[444] Some Egyptian trading-post in Asia.

[445] An early name for the region east of the Jordan and the Dead Sea. It is called Kedemah in Gen. 25:15 and 1 Chron. 1:30; Kedemoth in Deut. 2:26, and translated “East” in Judges 6:3, 33; 7:12; 8:10, 11. In Gen. and Chron. the name is applied to a person.

[446] This is an Amorite name, Ammi-anshi. It shows that the Amorites were already in this region. Later the Hebrews found Sihon, the Amorite here; see Num. 21:21, ff. and Deut. 1:4, ff.

[447] The Egyptian name for the higher parts of Palestine and Syria. The Egyptians had no _l_; they always used _r_ instead. The name is identical with the Hebrew Lotan, Gen. 36:20, of which Lot is a shorter form.

[448] Perhaps the same name as Aiah (Ajah) of Gen. 36:24 and 1 Chron. 1:40.

[449] From _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum_, XIII, 42; cf. also King, _Chronicles of Early Babylonian Kings_, II, 87, ff.

[450] Another tablet reads “a father I had not.”

[451] A name for the Semitic peoples of Babylonia.

[452] An island in the Persian Gulf.

[453] Taken from Breasted’s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, III, p. 264, ff.

[454] That is, the foreign nations.

[455] That is, Lybia, which lay to the west of the Egyptian Delta.

[456] That is, the Hittites.

[457] “The Canaan” refers to the land of Canaan, probably here Phœnicia.

[458] Yenoam was a town situated at the extreme north of Galilee, just at the end of the valley between the two ranges of the Lebanon mountains.

[459] Translated from the cuneiform text in Harper’s _Code of Hammurabi_, and Ungnad’s _Keilschrifttexte der Gesetze Hammurabis_.

[460] The mana consisted of sixty shekels. Tn English it is corrupted to _mina_.

[461] The nature of these officials is in doubt. Scheil and others think the first a recruiting-officer; Delitzsch and Ungnad, a soldier. The name of the second officer is literally fish-catcher, but it is certain that here he was some kind of a fisher of men.

[462] Such as plowing, or the young plants early in the season.

[463] At this point five columns of the pillar are erased. It is estimated that 35 sections of the laws are thus lost. § 66 is added from a fragment found at Susa.

[464] Translated from Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical Texts_, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 93, col. ii.

[465] Translated from _ibid._, col. iii.

[466] The translation, “be brought to the judges,” has no warrant in the Hebrew.

[467] Since Deut. 15:18 says that such a slave has served “double the hire of a hireling,” Dr. Johns thinks that it betrays a knowledge of the Babylonian three-year regulation. This seems, however, quite problematical.

[468] In a marriage contract on a papyrus from the Jewish colony at Elephantine in Egypt, written in the fifth century B. C., it is provided that the wife may institute divorce proceedings on an equality with the husband. Some Jewish women thus secured by contract that which the law did not grant them. Christ assumed such cases among Palestinian women; see Mark 10:12.

[469] From the _Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum_, I, No. 165.

[470] It is the word so translated in Deut. 33:10.

[471] So rendered in Lev. 7:13; 10:14. Many scholars would render it “thank-offering.”

[472] Compare Exod. 29:13, 14. The Hebrew law differed from the Carthaginian.

[473] This is the rendering of the Revised Version for this word. The Authorized Version rendered it less accurately “meat-offering.”

[474] Each temple had a number of officials connected with it besides the priests, such as carpenters, gate-keepers, slaughterers, barbers, Sodomites, and female slaves. Another Phœnician inscription mentions these.

[475] See Part I,