Part 4

On the 2d of May, this fleet sailed from Porto Seguro, and proceeded on its voyage to India, leaving two degradados behind, who were seen lamenting and crying upon the beach, and the men of the country comforting them, demonstrating that they were not a people devoid of pity.[5] One of them soon learnt the idiom of the Indians called Tupininquins. He served as interpreter to the first Portuguese who arrived there, and afterwards returned home. Some of the Portuguese writers are piqued at the Spanish authors, Berredo and Antonio Galvum, for pretending, as they say, that their countryman, Vincente Yanez Pinson first discovered the Brazil; and they bring, as testimony against the Spaniards, the following statement of Robertson. “Vicente Yanez Pinson, one of the admiral’s companions in his first voyage, sailed from Palos with four ships; he stood boldly towards the south, and was the first Spaniard who ventured to cross the equinoctial line; but he seems to have landed on no part of the coast beyond the mouth of the Marignon, or River of the Amazons.” Robertson does not make a positive assertion that Pinson did not land upon any other part of the Brazilian coast, nor does he enter into particulars or give any dates. The river Amazons is the north-western boundary of the Brazil; and even if he only landed at the mouth of this great river, he of course landed upon the Brazilian territory, and was unquestionably the first discoverer of it. Conceding to the Portuguese the passage which they adduce from Robertson, it offers no contradiction to the circumstances and dates already detailed of Pinson’s voyage, which show him to have anticipated the Portuguese at least three months in this discovery. Cabral despatched Gaspar de Lemos from Porto Seguro, to announce to the King this new land, which had been taken possession of in his Majesty’s name. It is said that Lemos coasted northward as far as Cape St. Roque, to ascertain the extent of this territory which they had considered an island. Emanuel was so delighted with the discovery of Vera Cruz, that he resolved to send out another squadron to explore more minutely its extent; and it appears that three caravels were ordered to sail upon this project from the Tagus, on the 1st of May, 1501, but there is a considerable doubt who was the commander of them; some say it was Americanus Vespuccius, others, that it was Gonsalo Coelho. Cabral met this squadron at Goree on his return from India, but the commander’s name is not mentioned. “_Che gamos ao Cabo da Boa Esperance dia de Pascoa e encontrando alli bom tempo, continuamos a viagem, e aportamos junto a Cabo Verde em Bezenegue, onde encontramos tres caravellas, que El Rey de Portugal mandara para descubrir a terra nova que tinhamos achado hindo para Calecute._”[6] Francisco de Cunha, author of the Geographical Description of Portuguese America, states that (“_Gonsala Coelho fora o primeiro explorador da Costa Bazillica depois de Cabral e Lemos_,”) Gonsalo Coelho was the first explorer of the Brazilian coast after Cabral and Lemos. Americanus Vespuccius, in his own manuscript, asserts that he undertook two voyages for the King of Portugal, this being the first. It is difficult to arrive at a fair conclusion from this conflicting testimony, whether he or G. Coelho had the command of those three caravels. The Portuguese deny positively that it was Vespuccius; and a French writer of “the General History of Voyages” peremptorily falsifies all that Vespuccius has advanced upon the subject. “_Les relations d’Americ Vespuce contienent le recit de deux voiages, qu’il fit sur la même côte (du Brezil), au nom d’Emanuel, Rio de Portugal; mais les dates en sont fausses, et c’est en quoi consiste l’imposture; car il est prouvé par tous les temoignages contemporains que dans le tems qu’il nomme, il étoit emploie à d’autres expeditions._”[7] Antonio Galvum mentions the expedition but not the commander. All the evidence however, regarding this squadron, concur as to the time of its sailing, and arrival at the Brazil on the 17th of August. After a long and tempestuous voyage, they made land near Rio Grande, to the south of Cape St. Roque, where they met with Indians of a savage nature and decidedly cannibals. Several people from the Portuguese ships were seized by them, roasted over a large fire in presence of their countrymen, with loud shoutings and rejoicings. The cannibals were so expert with their bows and arrows, that this fleet was considerably annoyed by them, and induced to coast on to the latitude of 8° south, near Pernambuco, where they met with friendly Indians,[8] and established an intercourse with them. After a few days, they continued their voyage along the coast, and met with a kind reception every where from the natives, who allowed them to land and make their observations without injury upon the country and its productions. They described the natives as being exceedingly well made, and universally attached to the custom of perforating their faces and ears, and wearing bones and stones as ornaments. They coasted on to 32° south latitude, and, standing out to sea, reached as high a latitude as 52° south, where, in consequence of a tempestuous _lebeccio_, they were compelled to return, and arrived at Lisbon in September, 1502, having lost two vessels.

Another expedition of six caravels sailed from Lisbon on the 10th of June, 1503, with the avowed object of prosecuting still further the examination of Vera Cruz. A variety of contradictory statements render it doubtful who was the real commander of this squadron, although the balance of testimony in this, as in the former case, is much in favour of Gonsalo Coelho. Americanus Vespuccius again alleges that he accompanied this fleet, and with two ships proceeded forward to the coast of the Brazil, leaving the other four vessels at an island, some of them wrecks; and he says those four vessels were all lost through the want of ability on the part of the commander, whose name he does not disclose. A work published at Paris, attributing the command of the three first caravels to Vespuccius, continues thus:--“_El Rey D. Manuel extremamente affeicoado a Vespucio deu lhe o commando de seis navios com os quaes sahiu a dez de Mayo, 1503, e passou ao longo das costas d’Africa, e do Brazil, com o intuito de descubrir uma passagem pelo occidente para as Ilhas Mallucas, como ao depois se-descubriu: depois d’apportar na Bahia de todos os Santos, navegou athe os Abrolhos e rio Curababo, como nāo tinha mantimentos senāo para Vinte mezes, tomou a resoluçao de voltar a Portugal onde chegou a dezoito de Junho, 1504._”[9] Maneol Ayres de Cazal supposes Christovam Jacques to have been the commander, and Francisco de Cunha says, that the King “_Mandou logo preparar outra armada de caravellas que entregou a Christovam Jacques, fidalgo de sua casa e com o titulo de Cap-Mor, o mandou continuar n’este empressa descubrindo aquella costa, sahui armada, e seguindo viagem chegou a costa, sondando baixos e rios pondo padroes d’armas Portuguezes, foi dar a huma bahia, aque poz o nome de Todos Santos, e depois deligencias se recolhou a Portugal._”[10] But Damian de Goes assigns the command to Goncallo Coelho. “_No mesmo anno de 1503 mandou Goncallo Coelho com seis naus a terra de St. Cruz com que partiu de Lisboa a hos dez dias de mez de Junho; das quaes por ainda terem pouca noticia da terra perdeu quatro, e has outras duas trouxe aho regno com mercadorias da terra que entam nam eram outras que pau vermelho que chamam Brazil, e papagaios._”[11]

The testimony of three writers attribute the command of these six caravels to three distinct individuals; but, from a fair investigation of each statement, that of Goes, who assigns the command to Coelho, appears more consonant with truth and the intentions of the King, than the other two relations. The collateral supporter of Vespuccius’ claim, represents the object of the expedition to be for the discovery of the Moluccas, which certainly does not coincide with the desire of an immediate and continued exploration of St. Cruz, (or Vera Cruz,) that seemed to actuate his Majesty solely in fitting it out; nor does this account say any thing of the loss of four of the caravels, which is generally admitted. Cunha, who gives the command to Jacques, most probably alludes to the armament which that person had under his orders in the year 1516, when he proceeded to the Brazil, and then entered the bay of All Saints.

Assuming that G. Coelho was the admiral of these caravels, on traversing the Atlantic they were driven by a severe gale to 3° south latitude, where a loss of four was sustained upon some rocks in the proximity of an island, which beyond a doubt was Fernando de Noronha, situated in 3° 50′ south latitude. The two remaining vessels continued their course to the coast of Vera or St. Cruz, and made land near a magnificent bay (Bahia), which they entered, and gave the appellation of _Todos os Santos_, (being All Saints Day.) They coasted on southward, constantly approximating to the land, where the shore presented no obstacles, minutely inspecting all its remarkable rivers, ports, capes, and headlands, the adjacent islands, and the coast generally, as far as Cape Virgins, near the Straits of Magellan. They erected stone pillars, bearing the arms of Portugal, in some of the most conspicuous situations. They left at Porto Seguro, a colony consisting of a part of the persons who had escaped from the shipwrecked vessels, with two Franciscan missionaries, and returned to Portugal laden with Brazil wood. This wood had now acquired such reputation in Europe, that the name of St. Cruz, otherwise Vera Cruz, given to the country by Cabral, was lost in the denomination which it universally received of the Brazil, (or Brazil wood country.)

In the same year, 1503, before the explorer Coelho reached the land of Vera Cruz, Don Affonso d’Albuquerque arrived upon the coast, having left Lisbon, on the 6th of April, with a squadron under his command for India: the latitude or part of the Brazil that he saw is not stated, but he observed the cassia and verniz trees. (“_Buona somma di cassia et di vernizo, altro di momenti non abiamo compreso_”--Ramuzio.) Shortly after Coelho’s return, a contract was granted for the Brazil wood, and the colony began to be frequently visited by the caravels of the contractors.

The King of Castile despatched Juan Dias de Solis, in the year 1509; and it is said the celebrated pilot Vincente Yanez Pinson accompanied him, to take possession of a part of the newly-discovered country, and in pursuance of this project they erected crosses upon different parts of the coast. The King of Portugal remonstrated against this proceeding as an intrusion upon his share of the division of undiscovered countries, which Alexander VI. had very artfully assigned to those two nations. Feelings of bitter regret cannot but arise in the mind, on contemplating, at the present day, this fine and fairest portion of the new world, placed in such hands by an imaginary partition of unknown lands. Had this best and richest region of America fallen to the share of the English, French, or Dutch, it would no doubt have assumed a very different appearance, compared with its actual state. That this would have been the case is evident, from the present immensely superior condition of the Anglo-American states, the territory of which was colonized at a later period than Brazil, and whose soil is in general so inferior to the latter country. The occasion of the difference may be mainly attributed to the very opposite genius of the governments and religion under the English and Portuguese; the free and wise character of the former giving every facility to talent and industry of all descriptions, while the ignorant and oppressive nature of the latter, especially in relation to the commercial restrictions, which, till the arrival of the King, had unfortunately existed, and in the domination of the priesthood over the consciences and property of the people, operating as a paralysis on agricultural, commercial, and scientific enterprise, and upon all the beneficial pursuits of the mind. It is now, however, pleasing to observe, that a very striking change has and is taking place in these matters, the views of his present Majesty being favourable to the amelioration of the country.

In 1510, a Portuguese ship was wrecked at the entrance of the Bay of All Saints. The greater part of the crew escaped, and twenty-five years afterwards nine sailors were found living amongst the Indians. Another account affirms that they were all seized by the natives and devoured excepting Diogo Alvarez, a man of distinguished family, who contrived to make himself useful to those cannibals; and acquired the name of “Caramura”--“a man of fire,” on his first discharging a gun, which he had saved from the wreck.

In 1513, George Lopez Bixorda presented to King Emanuel three Brazilian Indians, whom he had brought home in a contract vessel. They were dressed with feathers, according to the fashion of their tribe.

The King of Castile ordered Solis upon a second expedition, in the year 1515, with a view of discovering a western passage to India. In the prosecution of this voyage he discovered a large river, which he called the River _Solis_. This name was very improperly superseded by the appellation of Prata, or Plate, (the Silver River.) He lost his life upon its banks by the hands of the Indians, who slew him with their clubs, and roasted and devoured him within sight of his countrymen. In justice, the river ought to have retained his name. His death frustrated the object of the voyage, and the ships put back, took in Brazil wood near the island of Itamaraca, and returned to Spain. The Portuguese again demanded satisfaction for this infringement, which was at last amicably adjusted.

Christovam Jacques, in the year 1516, entered the bay of All Saints with a squadron of caravels, and in the course of exploring its extensive limits, its rivers, and creeks, he fell in with two French ships, which had previously entered the bay, and were loading with Brazil wood, of which they had a considerable quantity on board, as well as parrots and monkeys. He engaged the vessels, and after a spirited defence they were destroyed. Subsequently, it would appear from the testimony of a letter of donation to Pedro Lopez de Souza, (who chose Itamaraca for part of his grant,) and by one which John III. ordered to be written to Martim Affonso de Souza, that Christovam Jacques was employed in establishing a factory upon the channel which separates the island of Itamaraca from the continent, destined to facilitate the exportation of Brazil wood, and to impede the attempts of other nations who might visit that quarter in quest of it.

Diogo Garciam, a Portuguese pilot in the service of the Castilian court, arrived near the mouth of the river Paraguay, in the year 1527, and found there the ships with which Sebastian Caboto had sailed from Cadiz, with the intention of proceeding to the Moluccas by the straits of All Saints, now Magellan’s. He learned that the captain had gone up the Paraguay, then River Solis, and proceeded with two launches much above the confluence of the Parana in pursuit of him. He found him engaged in the construction of the fort of St. Anna, where they mutually agreed to give to the river Solis the name of the river Prata, in consequence of seeing small pieces of that metal in the possession of the Indians. Herrera states, that Diogo Garciam, on his way to the river Solis, entered the bay of St. Vincente, (then the River Innocentes,) where a Portuguese, who had been shipwrecked, provided him with refreshments; also, that Garciam anchored off the island of Patos, at the present day St. Catherine’s, where the Indians furnished him with some provisions. He carried with him sixty men, in two brigantines, to the fort of St. Anna; and before his departure he despatched one of the largest vessels of his squadron to St. Vincente, to take in a cargo, which he had agreed with the Portuguese mentioned, to be sent to Portugal. It is probable that this individual was either Joam Ramalho or Antonio Rodriguez, whom Martim Affonso de Souza found there five years afterwards. It would appear that some Portuguese had been established at St. Vincente some years; and the evidence of Herrera, that some Indians had been shipped from thence to Portugal in 1527, would tend to demonstrate that a factory had existed there previous to the arrival of Martin A. de Souza, (the first donatory,) and which factory had conceded to Pedro Goes the power of shipping to Portugal a certain number of aboriginal Indians, free from all the duties which it was customary to pay. (_Forros de todos os dereitos, que custamavam pagar._) If this factory existed, neither the period of its commencement is evident, nor by whom it was established.

The intelligence which the ship of Garciam brought to Portugal, in the year 1528, that the Spaniards had formed an establishment upon the river Plate, induced King John III. who wished that river to become the divisionary line, to despatch an armament, in the year 1531, under the command of Martim Affonso de Souza, with orders to erect fortifications and to distribute lands to those who wished to establish themselves in the country. The fleet, after having made and recognised Cape St. Augustin, navigated along the coast and entered the bay of All Saints, where they discovered and captured two French vessels. Joam de Souza, captain of one of the ships composing the armament, was sent to announce to the King this circumstance. Martim Affonso continued his voyage to the south, and after refreshing at Porto Seguro, he found out and entered the bay of St. Luzia, to which he gave the name of Rio de Janeiro, in consequence of discovering it on the 1st of January, 1532. Prosecuting the voyage, and always keeping as near land as possible, he gave to the most remarkable and important places, the names of the saints on whose days he discovered them. Having passed the island of St. Sebastian, on the 20th of the same month, he proceeded to that part of the port where it is supposed the factory was situated, and of which no doubt he was previously informed. It appears, however, after various operations upon the northern bar of the port to establish there the colonists, who wished to remain in the land, he changed his plan and removed them to the southern bar. He spent eleven months in the execution of various measures upon the coast, and it was the month of December before he arrived at the river Plate; for the sun, say the Portuguese, was on the tropical line of Capricorn. (_O sol chegou ao tropico de Capricornio._) Not meeting with any Spanish settlements upon any part of the coast, he returned to the colony at the southern bar of the bay of Santos, augmenting it considerably, by giving lands to all individuals who determined to settle there, in pursuance of the orders he had received. He sent eighty men into the interior, for the purpose of discovering or making a conquest of the mines of Cannanea. The entire party were murdered by the _Carijos_ Indians.

In the same year that Martim Affonso sailed from the Tagus, a Portuguese squadron captured and conducted to Lisbon a ship of Marseilles, which had been laden with Brazil wood, at Pernambuco, where they demolished the Portuguese factory of Itamaraca, founded by C. Jacques, and left sixty Frenchmen in their place. This information induced the King to send Duarthe Coelho Pereyra to expel the French, which he accomplished, and removed the factory to the margin of the river Hyguaraçu, a few miles distant from the first situation. This new establishment was the origin of the town of Hyguaraçu, to whose mother-church the same D. C. Pereyra, being then the donatory of the captaincy of Pernambuco, gave for patrons the saints Cosme and Damian, in gratitude for the expulsion of the French on the day of those saints, in the year 1531. It may be here remarked, that very little progress, up to this period, would appear to have been made by the Portuguese for the colonization of this country, now known to them thirty-two years, and which they had assumed the right of calling and considering their own.