Part ii

. sect. 5, l. 1.

[52] Mr. Bradshaw gave me the hint; I afterwards found this remark by Selden, in his Preface to Drayton's Polyolbion: 'his [Chaucer's] Treatise of the Astrolabe, which I dare swear was chiefly learned out of Messahalah.'

[53] Macha-allah or Messahala, an Arabian astronomer, by religion a Jew, flourished towards the end of the eighth century. Latin translations of four of his works (_not_ including the Treatise on the Astrolabe) have been printed, and were published at Nuremberg in 1549. A list of his works is given in Casiri (Bibl. Arab.-hisp. tom. 1er. pag. 434), and in the Biographie Universelle.

[54] This splendid MS., of the _thirteenth_ century, is dated 1276, and illustrated with beautifully executed coloured diagrams. It is a storehouse of information about the Astrolabe, and I have often consulted it.

[55] It is printed in full in my edition of Chaucer's Astrolabe, published for the Early Eng. Text Society in 1872, at pp. 88-104.

[56] In my edition of the 'Astrolabe' for the Early Eng. Text Society (1872), I have inserted a large number of examples of strange blunders in the printed editions.

[57] There are two astrolabes in Merton College, besides a plate exhibiting astronomical tables. These are all described in a paper entitled 'Remarks on an Astrolabe belonging to F. A. Hyett, Esq.,' written by my friend Robert Taylor, M.A., and printed in the Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archæological Society, vol. xii. Mr. Taylor further describes two Astrolabes in the British Museum.

[58] This word has several senses in Chaucer. It means (1) the discs of an astrolabe; (2) a set of tablets; (3) astronomical tables; and (4) the game of 'tables.'

[59] '_Pertuis_: m. A hole. _Pertuis de l'Araigne_, the centre of an Astrolabe; the hole wherein all the tables thereof are, by a pin or naile, joined together.'--Cotgrave's French Dictionary.

[60] As far as I can ascertain.

[61] Here insert--[they mene]--which CP omit.

[62] The words from _euene_ to _climat_ are added at the bottom of the page in the MS.

[63] Really _ten_; for _rout-e_ is dissyllabic.

[64] _Misprinted_ wo; cf. _two_, l. 2093.

[65] Imitated from Parl. of Foules, 693.

[66] Cf. Book Duch. 1332.

[67] From Parl. of Foules, 696.

[68] There _are_ such accounts; but they are probably copied from Chaucer, who seems to have invented this transformation himself. See Notes and Queries, 7 Ser. vi. 186, 309, 372.

[69] Not twentieth; for Legend IV contains two heroines.

[70] The MS. has _shete_, an obvious error for _swete_, the alliteration being on _sw_. But the editors print _shene_.

[71] Not 'formator,' as in Bell's note; a contraction for 'um' is added.

[72] This is doubtless quoted from some gloss upon Ptolemy, not from the work itself. The reference is right, for the 'motus celi' are discussed in the Almagest, lib. i. c. 8.

[73] This star ([alpha] Arietis) was on the supposed horn of the Ram, and hence its name; since _El-nâtih_ signifies 'the butter,' and 'El-nath' is 'butting' or 'pushing.' See Ideler, Die Bedeutung der Sternnamen, p. 135.

[74] Well expressed by Dante, Parad, xxx. 38--

'Noi semo usciti fuore Del maggior _corpo_ al ciel ch'é pura luce.'

Dante, like Chaucer, makes the eighth sphere that of fixed stars, and the ninth the _primum mobile_ or swiftest heaven (_ciel velocissimo_); Parad, xxvii. 99.

[75] Here follows a table, shewing that, in _Aries_, the value of _Saturn_ is 5, of _Jupiter_ 5, &c.; with the values of the planets in all the other signs. The value 5, of Saturn, is obtained by adding a _triplicite_ (value 3) to a _terme_ (value 2), these being the 'witnesses' of Saturne in Aries; and so on throughout.

[76] So on p. 12 of another tract (D) in the same MS., we find--

'_Aries calidu_m _& sucu_m; _bonu_m. Nill capiti noceas, Aries cum lu_n_a refulget, De vena minuas & balnea tuti_us_ intres, Non tangas Aures, nec barbam radere debes.'

Each of the signs is described in similar triplets, from the grammar of which I conclude that _Aries_ is here put for _in Ariete_, in the first hexameter.

[77] 1385 is also the date of the latest allusion in the Canterbury Tales; see note to B 3589.

[78] King John of France travelled from Canterbury to Dover (16 miles) on Sunday, July 5, 1360; but he heard mass in the cathedral before starting.--Temporary Pref. to the Six-text Edition, p. 131.

[79] Tyrwhitt says 'at least one Tale'; but see Prol. 792. The fact is that Chaucer himself tacitly modified his plan afterwards, and altered the _two_ tales to _one_; see the Parson's Prologue, I 16-29.

[80] Warton wrongly adds, or the Host. But the Host was the umpire, not a tale-teller himself.

[81] The term 'link,' and such terms as 'head-link,' 'end-link,' and the like, are to be found in the Six-text edition published by the Chaucer Society, whence I have copied them.

[82] In 1749, the coach from Edinburgh to Glasgow, forty-four miles, took two days for the journey. Twenty miles a day was fast. We may allow the pilgrims about fifteen miles a day. See Chambers' Book of Days, ii. 228. Once more, it is absurd to suppose Chaucer capable of proposing to crowd about sixty tales or so into a single day! A day of ten hours would, with interruptions, leave each speaker less than ten minutes apiece. See also Temporary Pref. to the Six-text, p. 119, shewing that Queen Isabella, in 1358, arrived at Canterbury from London in three or four days; stopping at Dartford, Rochester, and Ospringe. From the same, p. 129, we find that King John of France went from London to Eltham, June 30, 1360 (Tuesday); to Dartford (Wednesday); to Rochester (Thursday); to Ospringe (Friday); and to Canterbury (Saturday). Cf. Notes and Queries, 8th S. i. 474, 522.

[83] By 'B 5' I mean Group B, l. 5, as numbered in the Chaucer Society's Six-text edition; the arrangement of which I have adopted throughout.

[84] See note to l. 8 of the Prologue.

[85] Except as regards convenience of reference. It was Dr. Furnivall who placed C more forward; nothing is gained by it, and it complicates references. I heartily wish this had never been done.

[86] Tyrwhitt suggests the same thing, in a note to his Introductory Discourse.

[87] In the Proem, the Nun calls herself an 'unworthy _son_ of Eve'; G 62.

[88] See the extracts from Chaucer's Book of the Duchess as compared with some from Machault's Remède de Fortune in Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 47, where he quotes from Étude sur G. Chaucer, by M. Sandras, p. 290. Or consult the Notes, in vol. i., to the Book of the Duchesse, ll. 155, 250, 634, 779, 805, 919, 950, 1037.

[89] Observe particularly this rime of _complain_ with _plein_. This shews whence Chaucer derived such rimes as _seke_, _seke_; Prol. 17, 18. There is a poem of 92 lines called Le Dit de la Harpe, printed in Bartsch's Crestomathie Française, p. 408, in which more than half the rimes are of this character.

[90] It is none too clear who are meant by 'the parson and his companion.' Perhaps it means the Parson and the Ploughman (his brother).

[91] Observe this substitution of _one_ Tale for _two_, tacitly accepted by Chaucer's readers as better suiting the circumstances.

[92] This statement, that the Frere was 'a grey frere,' is of some interest.

[93] See Morley's English Writers, vi. 115-8, where an analysis of the Tale is given.

[94] I.e. thorpe, village; I quote from the edition of 1561. Broughton is an error for Boughton.

[95] Ed. 'as ye'; which gives no sense.

[96] For a good account of the Tabard Inn and a discussion of the pilgrims, see Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, by J. Saunders, ed. 1889.

[97] Compare the articles by Koch and Kölbing, in Englische Studien, i. 249, ii. 528, and in Essays on Chaucer, p. 357.

[98] 'In describing the commencement of this amour, which is to be the subject of the remainder of the poem, Chaucer has entirely departed from his author in three principal circumstances, and, I think, in each with very good reason, (1) By supposing Emilia to be seen first by Palamon, he gives him an advantage over his rival which makes the catastrophe more consonant to poetical justice. (2) The picture which Boccaccio has exhibited of two young princes violently enamoured of the same object, without jealousy or rivalship, if not absolutely unnatural, is certainly very insipid and unpoetical. (3) As no consequence is to follow from their being seen by Emilia at this time, it is better, I think, to suppose, as Chaucer has done, that they are not seen by her.'--Tyrwhitt.

[99] The same story has been imitated in the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, and in the Berceau of Lafontaine (Morley).

[100] I.e. Abington, seven miles to the S.E. of Cambridge, and nearly as far from Trumpington. In one way, it suits better; Trumpington is too near Cambridge for the clerks to have been benighted there.

[101] For an analysis of the Tale, see Morley, Eng. Writers, v. 321.

[102] _Se-ïnt_ seems to have been occasionally dissyllabic, as in Chaucer's Prologue, A 697.

[103] This may be true of some of the traditions embodied in the story; but as we have it, the date is much later.

[104] Or of the fourteenth century; they did not much vary.

[105] Reprinted in Chalmers' English Poets, i. 607 (1810).

[106] The objection is made that _all_ people 'speak in prose'; but I think Chaucer refers to something more rhetorical than ordinary conversation.

[107] All adapted from his early work, Of the Wretched Engendering of Mankinde; see p. 407. The four stanzas are: B 421-7, 771-7, 925-31, and 1135-41.

[108] Chaucer is, in fact, alluding to Trivet.

[109] In Anglia, xiv. 77-122, 147-185.

[110] I sometimes copy Mr. Brock's very words.

[111] The Dominican friars were also called _Friars Preachers_.

[112] Reprinted for the Early Eng. Text Soc., ed. S. J. Herrtage, 1879; see pp. 311, 493 of this edition.

[113] Warton gives the reference, viz. to his Speculum Historiale, lib. vii. c. 90, fol. 86 a.

[114] I.e. it is the sole authority for placing both the Shipman's Prologue and his Tale precisely here. At the same time, at least seventeen other MSS. make the Shipman's Prologue follow the Man of Law's Tale; only they turn it into a Prologue for the Sompnour or Squire.

[115] The Monk's cell is mentioned in the Prologue, l. 172; Chaucer's was his 'celle fantastyk'; Kn. Ta. 518 (A 1376).

[116] I put (_e_) not (_b_), in order to show the _chronological_ order, which is that of the letters, _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_, _e_, _f_.

[117] The group (_f_) has nothing to do with (_e_); as will appear.

[118] I say 'recollections' advisedly; see note to B 3293. The mistake of confusing 'Busirus' with Diomedes, king of Thrace, suggests that Chaucer had not as yet written out his translation of Boethius, but had read it hastily. In other words, part of the Monkes Tale must be earlier than 1380.

[119] Printed 'Chauncer' in the old edition which I here follow.

[120] Ed. 1532, alther; Edd. 1550, 1561, _all ther_; Morris corrects to _a lither_.

[121] Compare C 1.

[122] C 164.

[123] C 165-170; 178-189.

[124] C 154.

[125] C 142.

[126] C. 192-9.

[127] C 203-206.

[128] C 254-276.

[129] A remarkable coincidence with the language of St. Paul in 1 Tim. vi. 10.

[130] But this passage still more resembles Jerome against Jovinian; see note to the line.

[131] Cf. Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 292.

[132] I.e. the first edition of Gower's poem certainly preceded the Wife's Tale, though the second edition did not appear till 1393.

[133] Lat. 'nepos'; but later on, Claudius is called his _eme_, i.e. uncle.

[134] To which it is not unusual to object, by insisting that it was not Chaucer himself who met Petrarch, but the Clerk who tells the tale. I doubt if this amounts to more than a quibble. There is nothing out of place in Chaucer's reference to an incident in his own life, inasmuch as he was a clerk himself, in the sense of being a student. Otherwise, we have to explain how the poor clerk raised the money to pay for this long journey; how it came to pass that _he_ met Petrarch, and _when_; and how he acquired a copy of Petrarch's tale.

[135] See E 27, 40.

[136] See E 1147--'Petrark _wryteth_.' And yet Warton could imagine that Chaucer did not use a copy of Petrarch's version, but only wrote from recollection of what he had heard! If we enquire, how did Chaucer obtain this version, no answer is so likely as the supposition that Petrarch gave it him at parting. It is difficult to see how he could have got it otherwise.

[137] The words 'He is _now_ deed,' in E 29, suggest that Petrarch was still living when Chaucer first wrote the Tale.

'There was also Grisildis innocence, And al hir mekenes and hir pacience.' Lydgate, Temple of Glas, ed. Schick, l. 75.

[139] It occurs also in the black-letter editions, and in MSS. Harl. 1758 and 7333, Barlow 20, and Royal 18 C. ii; as well as in E., Hn., Cm., and Dd. Several MSS. follow it up by various scraps, taken from E. 2419-40 and F 1-8, with the false substitution of _Sire Frankeleyn_ for _Squier_ in F 1, which makes the line too long. See