CHAPTER I

ARMS AND THE MAN

AUGUST 1914 TO MAY 1915

The great European War that broke out in 1914 was the inevitable result of the conditions that moulded the nineteenth century. In many respects the history of the century had disappointed the high hopes with which the period opened. The overthrow of Napoleon’s hegemony in 1814 imposed on his conquerors the task of effecting the settlement of Europe, and it was expected that the chief Powers would grasp the opportunity to settle all questions that had been a source of friction, and especially to satisfy those nationalist aspirations which had been the most potent factor in contributing to the defeat of Napoleon. It was even hoped that an attempt would be made to realise the brotherhood of man in some sort of federation.

In all these respects the work accomplished by the Congress, which met at Vienna in 1814, fell short of expectations. The chief statesmen of the Powers had been the foremost opponents of the French Revolution, and they had little sympathy with the nationalist sentiment that found its most vigorous expression in Germany, Italy, and Poland. Moreover, the political ambitions and interests of the allies required the most delicate handling, if Europe was to be saved from another war. Thus the Eastern Question, the cause of considerable uneasiness throughout the century, never came within the consideration of the Congress. No attempt was made to express the unity of Europe in any form of federation, unless the Holy Alliance be accepted as an effort to achieve that end. Above all, the necessity of satisfying the political interests of the various members of the alliance, in many cases already arranged by treaties, caused nationalist aspirations to be neglected, and in some cases flagrantly disregarded, as in the arrangements affecting Belgium, Italy, and Norway. Thus Nationalism could only be developed in opposition to the Vienna Settlement and only by war could its aims be realised. In consequence the development of nationalities, which is the notable fact of the century, was accompanied by the assertion of military force, and the freedom of nations went hand in hand with militarism. What had been won by the sword was maintained by the same means, and towards the close of the nineteenth century Europe formed an armed camp, each nation supporting a huge armament, which drained its resources but which it dared not diminish lest it should fall a prey to a more powerful neighbour.

With Europe thus constituted every question that revealed rivalries and differences was a peril, and there was no influence so baneful as that exercised by the Eastern Question. On more than one occasion it caused the gravest anxiety to the Chancelleries of Europe, and war was averted mainly by reason of the comparative equality of the opposing groups formed by the chief states. In the last quarter of the century the predominance of Germany was the governing factor in the situation. She built up an alliance of the Central European states and her influence displaced that of Russia in Constantinople. The full scope of her ambitions was not realised in this country, but it was vaguely felt that they were not compatible with the interests of the British Empire. Certain definite events showed that German policy, though not actively hostile, was unfriendly to us. She seized the opportunity created by the Jameson Raid to fling the first open challenge to British power, and one of the principal results of the Boer War was the creation of the German Fleet, which could only have been intended as a weapon against Britain. In other directions the claims and threats of Germany constituted a constant danger to the peace of the world. She picked quarrels with France over Morocco in 1904 and 1911, and openly made preparations to support Austria against Russia in 1907. Her increasing truculence in foreign affairs ultimately forced Britain, France, and Russia into a close agreement in order to safeguard their interests.

The occasion of war was the assassination of the Austrian Archduke Francis Ferdinand in the streets of Serajevo on the 28th June 1914. But the emotions aroused by this despicable crime would never have led to war had it not been for the determination of Germany to bring matters to a crisis. Her designs in the Balkans and Asia Minor largely depended upon the cordial co-operation of Austria, of which she could be certain only while the Emperor Francis Joseph was alive. In 1914 he was already over eighty years of age, and it was advisable to turn to account the quarrel between Serbia and Austria caused by the Serajevo murder.

The nature of her ties with France and Russia as well as the invasion of Belgium by German forces compelled Britain to take arms against Germany. No other course was possible. The significant and gratifying feature of our intervention was the unanimity with which general opinion supported the Government, and very few protested against the obligations that honour required the nation to undertake.

The war formed by far the most exacting test to which the democracy of Britain had yet been subjected. The last great European War had been waged by Britain under an aristocracy, which, despite many mistakes, had ultimately achieved victory by steadfast and unquenchable courage. There were many, especially those of the type who, like Thucydides, doubted the ability of a democracy to govern an Empire, who feared that the resolute spirit of Pitt and Castlereagh had vanished, and that the country would take refuge in ignoble neutrality. But all fears and doubts were dissolved by the manner in which the nation as a whole took up the gage that the Kaiser had thrown, and the course of the struggle showed that the Empire possessed in full measure the more robust qualities it had shown under royal and aristocratic rule, though before victory was achieved it had surrendered all power to a small oligarchy, and allowed itself to be subjected to a degree of compulsion and restraint that had not been contemplated when hostilities began.

It was fortunate that the name and services of Lord Kitchener were at the disposal of his country, for no other man enjoyed to such an unusual degree the trust and esteem of his compatriots. He was universally recognised as the man pre-eminently fitted to lead the nation in its hour of peril, and his perspicacity and sanity of judgment inspired general confidence. It is difficult to over-estimate the sobering and steadying influence that his personality exercised throughout the land. Perhaps more quickly than any other man he grasped the gravity of the situation, and his first speech as Secretary of State for War warned the people of Britain that the conflict would not be the short, sharp affair many expected it to be.

All available resources for war were immediately employed. The small but extremely efficient Regular Army, at once transported to France, played no inconsiderable part in checking the first onrush of the German armies, while the Navy swept the seas and bottled up the hostile fleet in its harbours. But our Regular land forces, amounting to little more than 150,000 men, were a scanty and inadequate contribution to the titanic contest that was raging in Europe, and Lord Kitchener asked the civilian population to furnish fresh armies. His appeal was answered with magnificent alacrity; recruiting offices, which were opened in every large town in the United Kingdom, were besieged by volunteers and the staff had to work day and night to cope with the rush.

The pick of the nation offered itself for service. Youth, which had hitherto satisfied in sport and athletics its craving for adventure, was attracted rather than repelled by the novelty and danger of war, and young men in thousands left workshops, offices, and universities to join the Colours. Others, not so numerous, were drawn from the class of casual labourers, and they cheerfully submitted themselves to a routine more irksome though more wholesome than any to which they had been accustomed. There was a minority of more mature men who, having envisaged the situation, bravely sacrificed their prospects on the altar of duty. The standard of physique was exceptionally high, and many who afterwards passed the tests with ease were rejected in the early months of the war. After selection the “First Hundred Thousand,” the salt of their race, were sent to the various battalion depots, and then on to the training camps near Salisbury Plain.

One of the first divisions formed from the New Armies was the Ninth (Scottish) Division, and its composition was as follows:—

G.O.C.—Major-General C. J. MACKENZIE, C.B. G.S.O.I.—Lieut.-Colonel C. H. DE ROUGEMONT, M.V.O. A.A. & Q.M.G.—Colonel A. V. PAYNE.

26TH (HIGHLAND) BRIGADE.

Brig.-General—H. R. Kelham, C.B. B.M.—Capt. H. W. B. Thorp. Commanded by 8th Bn. The Black Watch (Royal Lieut.-Col. Lord Sempill. Highlanders) 7th Bn. Seaforth Highlanders (Ross- Lieut.-Col. W. T. Gaisford shire Buffs, The Duke of Albany’s) 8th Bn. The Gordon Highlanders Lieut.-Col. G. Staunton. 5th Bn. The Queen’s Own Cameron Lieut.-Col. D. W. Cameron Highlanders of Lochiel.

27TH INFANTRY BRIGADE.

Brig.-General—W. Scott Moncrieff. B.M.—Capt. A. I. R. Glasfurd.

11th Bn. The Royal Scots Lieut.-Col. H. H. B. Dyson. 12th Bn. The Royal Scots Lieut.-Col. G. G. Loch. 6th Bn. The Royal Scots Fusiliers Lieut.-Col. H. H. Northey. 10th Bn. Princess Louise’s (Argyll & Lieut.-Col. A. F. Mackenzie, Sutherland Highlanders) M.V.O.

28TH INFANTRY BRIGADE.

Brig.-General—S. W. Scrase-Dickins. B.M.—Captain C. J. B. Hay.

6th Bn. The King’s Own Scottish Lieut.-Col. H. D. N. Maclean, Borderers D.S.O. 9th Bn. The Scottish Rifles Lieut.-Col. A. C. Northey. (Cameronians) 10th Bn. The Highland Light Infantry Lieut.-Col. J. C. Grahame, D.S.O. 11th Bn. The Highland Light Infantry Lieut.-Col. H. C. Fergusson.

ROYAL FIELD ARTILLERY.

C.R.A.—Brig.-General E. H. Armitage, C.B. B.M.—Captain K. P. Ferguson. Commanded by 50th Brigade, R.F.A. Lieut.-Col. A. C. Bailward. 51st Brigade, R.F.A. Lieut.-Col. A. H. Carter. 52nd Brigade, R.F.A. Lieut.-Col. F. W. Boteler. 53rd Brigade, R.F.A. Lieut.-Col. C. N. Simpson.

The first three brigades had four 18-pounder guns and the 53rd Brigade four 4·5 howitzers, and each brigade had a B.A.C.

THE ROYAL ENGINEERS.

C.R.E.—Lieut.-Colonel H. A. A. Livingstone, C.M.G.

63rd Field Company Capt. C. Doucet. 64th Field Company Capt. W. E. Francis. 90th Field Company Major C. S. Montefiore.

PIONEERS.

The 9th Bn. Seaforth Highlanders (Ross-shire Buffs, The Duke of Albany’s)—Lieut.-Col. T. Fetherstonhaugh.

THE ROYAL ARMY MEDICAL CORPS.

A.D.M.S.—Colonel C. Cree.

27th Field Ambulance Lieut.-Col. O. W. A. Elsner. 28th Field Ambulance Lieut.-Col. W. E. Hardy. 29th Field Ambulance Lieut.-Col. F. R. Buswell.

ARMY SERVICE CORPS.[1]

9th Divisional Train—Major R. P. Crawley, M.V.O.

9th Divisional Supply Column, Motor Major Dugmore. Transport 104th Company Major H. MacDougal. 105th Company Capt. J. R. King. 106th Company Capt. F. K. Norman. 107th Company Capt. C. de M. Hutcheson.

In addition to these units the Division was equipped with Ordnance and Veterinary Sections, D.A.D.O.S. being Major J. S. Brogden, and the A.D.V.S. Major W. H. Nicol. There were also a battery of R.G.A., a company of Cyclists, and a squadron of the Glasgow Yeomanry.

During the period of training several changes in command occurred. General Mackenzie went to France in October 1914 and was succeeded by Major-General Sir C. Fergusson, who had commanded the Fifth Division in the original Expeditionary Force. In March 1915 Sir C. Fergusson crossed to France to take over the II. Corps and his successor was Major-General H. J. S. Landon. In the 26th Brigade Brig.-General E. St G. Grogan, C.B., succeeded Brig.-General Kelham on the 16th November, while Lieut.-Colonel Harry Wright, D.S.O., a veteran of the famous Kandahar march, took over the command of the Gordons in February 1915; in the 27th Brigade, Brig.-General C. D. Bruce succeeded Brig.-General Scott Moncrieff in January, and Lieut.-Col. R. C. Dundas was appointed to the command of the 11th Royal Scots in October. Changes occurred also amongst the Gunners and the Sappers, and by the time the Ninth was ready to cross the Channel the 50th Brigade was commanded by Lieut.-Col. C. C. van Straubenzee, the 52nd by Lieut.-Col. A. M. Perreau, and the 53rd by Lieut.-Col. K. K. Knapp, while the 63rd Field Company was commanded by Major L. W. S. Oldham, and the 64th by Major G. R. Hearn.

After the various units were organised, training[2] was carried on with the utmost vigour. An average of eight hours a day was spent in fitting the men for the grim business of war; it was a heavy strain but their keenness and excellent physique enabled them to undergo the hardships without a murmur. The difficulties at this early stage were enormous owing to scarcity of instructors and lack of stores, clothing, and arms, but there was a sprinkling of Regular officers and N.C.Os., and with their skilled assistance the several units soon reached a very creditable state of efficiency.

The problems regarding stores and clothing were solved comparatively quickly, but at first the men in their civilian clothes with various types of headgear presented an appearance more ludicrous than martial. The training was on lines identical with those of the old army and a similar syllabus was carried out with satisfactory results. The hardest lot fell to the young recently commissioned officers; they went through exactly the same routine as the men but they were also obliged to spend their spare time learning their particular duties as officers. The parsimonious scrutiny to which in peace times all army estimates had been subjected now showed its crippling effects. The manual dealing with tactics and strategy, _Field Service Regulations_, was excellent in its statement of general principles but it did not give a young officer, unfamiliar with military terms, much assistance in such a matter as the handling of a platoon. In this respect the German Army was much better equipped than ours and possessed numerous pamphlets for the guidance of junior and non-commissioned officers in their profession. The war revealed the need of similar assistance for the British Army and a spate of unofficial publications flooded the book-shops, but none were as good or as useful as the official pamphlets, notably S.S. 143 and S.S. 135, which unfortunately did not appear until the war had been long in progress. The lack of such guidance in 1914 was almost as serious as the scarcity of munitions and added enormously to the difficulties of training.

The course of training was naturally affected by experience of the war and lectures by officers from France were followed with the closest attention. The siting of trenches gave rise to a keen controversy which raged for a considerable time; some held that they should be dug on the forward slopes of a hill, others that they should be on the reverse slope. But the experience of France showed that such niceties and distinctions were really unimportant and could be disregarded, since men dug in only where the enemy allowed them to do so. The infantry devoted much time to musketry and digging, and as a fair proportion of the men were miners the Division became very proficient in the rapid excavation of trenches.

As the weeks passed the troops were gradually taken through the various stages necessary for efficiency, and training by units was followed by field manœuvres in which the whole Division took part. Reviews and route marches were always welcome as a change from the ordinary routine and the divisional field days in March and April were an agreeable as well as a useful exercise. _Esprit de corps_ had taken firm root in the several formations, and each unit, after the fashion of all British soldiers, considered itself the salt of the army. The divisional _esprit de corps_ had not yet attained the fierce intensity that was afterwards to distinguish the Ninth; that resulted later from the ordeal of battle, but a good start in the right direction had been made.

After eight months of incessant and strenuous training the men were fit and eager for active service and instructions for a move to France were daily expected. But in 1915 spring had passed into early summer before the orders were received. With them came a rousing exhortation from H.M. King George V. on the 10th May:—

“_Officers, Non-Commissioned Officers, and Men of the Ninth (Scottish) Division_,

“You are about to join your comrades at the Front in bringing to a successful end this relentless war of more than nine months’ duration. Your prompt patriotic answer to the Nation’s call to arms will never be forgotten. The keen exertions of all ranks during the period of training have brought you to a state of efficiency not unworthy of my Regular Army. I am confident that in the field you will nobly uphold the traditions of the fine regiments whose names you bear. Ever since your enrolment I have closely watched the growth and steady progress of all units. I shall continue to follow with interest the fortunes of your Division. In bidding you farewell I pray God may bless you in all your undertakings.”