CHAPTER IV

THE SALIENT AND “PLUG STREET”

OCTOBER 1915 TO MAY 1916

It was a sadly battered Division that concentrated near Bethune. Caked in mud, unshaven, and unkempt, with tunics tattered and filthy after three days of continuous exposure, the men showed none of the “spick and span” appearance that it is the pride and custom of the British soldier to present. But they were in high spirits and full of confidence, and their exploits were rewarded with a flattering message[22] from General Gough, the Commander of the I. Corps. The losses[23] of the Division had been exceptionally heavy, and most serious were the casualties amongst the senior officers. The divisional commander had been killed, and out of the 12 infantry C.Os. only 4 remained; grave losses also occurred amongst majors and captains.[24] There is no factor more useful in the difficult task of reorganisation than the experienced control of senior officers; but this work in most of the battalions had to be undertaken by second lieutenants with little experience, and no automatic knowledge of how things should be done.

The Division was most fortunate in its new Commander. Major-General W. T. Furse, C.B., D.S.O., was an officer of proved ability, energy, and imagination. Under his vigorous direction reorganisation was rapidly completed, and deficiencies in stores and equipment were made up. He thoroughly understood that a division was a unit and not a mere congeries of battalions, batteries, and field companies, and he realised that the battle from which the Ninth had recently emerged offered a grand opportunity for fostering and stimulating _esprit de corps_. “The Ninth (Scottish) Division” soon became a name in which every soldier in it took an intense and jealous pride; each man believed that he belonged to the best unit in the best division in the best army in the world. Such a spirit is not to be despised; it inspires a corporate heroism that is greater than the bravery of any individual, and even the meanest is roused to triumph over his natural timidity rather than allow the glory of his division to be tarnished. No man took a more conspicuous part in building up and encouraging this spirit than General Furse.

[Illustration: LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR W. T. FURSE, K.C.B., D.S.O.

[_J. Russell & Sons._]

For most of the battalions new leaders had to be found. The only C.Os. who remained with the Division were Lieut.-Colonel Cameron of Lochiel of the Camerons, Lieut.-Colonel Loch of the 12th Royal Scots, Lieut.-Colonel Northey of the 9th Scottish Rifles, and Lieut.-Colonel Fergusson of the 11th H.L.I. During the next few months the following Commanders were appointed:—

26TH BRIGADE.

_8th Black Watch_—

Lieut.-Colonel G. B. Duff of the Camerons, from the end of December 1915 to March 1916.

Major Sir George Abercromby, from March 1916 to April 1916.

Lieut.-Colonel G. W. E. Gordon, from 9th April to 20th September 1916.

_7th Seaforth Highlanders_—

Major C. P. M. Burn, from 5th October to 16th December 1915.

Lieut.-Colonel F. J. Marshall, from 16th December 1915 to 15th April 1916.

Lieut.-Colonel J. Kennedy, D.S.O., from 2nd May to 5th August 1916.

_8th Gordon Highlanders_—

Lieut.-Colonel A. D. Greenhill-Gardyne, from 27th October 1915 to March 1916.

27TH BRIGADE.

Brig.-General W. H. Walshe, to 17th March 1916.

Brig.-General G. F. Trotter, C.M.G., D.S.O., M.V.O., to May 1916.

_11th Royal Scots_—

Lieut.-Colonel W. D. Croft, from 4th December 1915.

_6th Royal Scots Fusiliers_—

Major J. H. Dutton, D.S.O., to 8th January 1916.

Lieut.-Colonel The Right Hon. Winston Churchill, to May 1916.

_10th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders_—

Lieut.-Colonel H. Pelham Burn, D.S.O., from 10th December 1915 to April 1916.

28TH BRIGADE.

_6th King’s Own Scottish Borderers_—

Lieut.-Colonel J. C. W. Connell, D.S.O., from 4th December 1915.

_10th Highland Light Infantry_—

Lieut.-Colonel H. C. Stuart, D.S.O., to 6th January 1916.

Lieut.-Colonel Grahame, D.S.O., from 6th January 1916.

_11th Highland Light Infantry_—

Lieut.-Colonel R. F. Forbes, January to May 1916.

In the Sappers, Lieut.-Colonel Livingstone had been wounded, and the new C.R.E. was Lieut.-Colonel Carpenter.

The Division had barely time to scrape off the mud before it was ordered on the 29th September to proceed north to join the V. Corps in the Salient.[25] The move was carried through partly by route march and partly by rail. On the 3rd October, D.H.Q. were established at Hooggraaf, about two miles south of Poperinghe, and on the morning of the 5th the 26th and 27th Brigades relieved the Seventeenth Division in the trenches near Hill 60. The line taken over by the Ninth lay south of Zillebeke, and extended from north of Hill 60 to a point south of the Ypres-Comines Canal near Oosthoek. The enemy’s line ran along the higher ground, and the distance between the British and the German trenches varied from 25 to 400 yards. The salient feature on our front was The Bluff, which rose steeply from the ground on the north side of the Canal and completely dominated the sector.

During the three months that the Division remained in the salient it passed a time of almost unmitigated gloom and discomfort. As the days shortened and winter came on, hardly a day passed without rain, and mud was lord and sovereign over all. It seemed to suck away a man’s vitality and enthusiasm, and even a short march involved an expenditure of physical energy out of all proportion to the distance traversed. The whole of Flanders, engulfed in mud, had the aspect of an enormous swamp; and the leaden skies, in a sombre rain-grey monotint, were in harmony with the drab-coloured earth. Even the roads were ankle-deep in glutinous mud, and the constant traffic was often checked by stoppages caused by particularly bad parts. Thus the passage of the infantry to and from the trenches was like a feverish nightmare; for the men had to march about ten miles through clinging mire along roads choked with transport, and often shelled. The rest huts at Dickebusch and Canada Huts were dismal and repellent shelters; they were swept by draughts, and through their leaky roofs the rain dripped down on the disconsolate inmates. The area round them was one vast sea of mud, where it was impossible for a unit to carry out any training worth the name. Without constant training there is a tendency for discipline to be relaxed, and a man who is allowed to loll about as he pleases is apt to lose all smartness in himself and pride in his unit. As far as possible, everything was done to maintain strict discipline, and the A. & Q. department worked its hardest to secure baths for the men and clean changes of clothing, but in spite of this the rest huts were more demoralising than the front line, where the strictest trench discipline was upheld and where there was constant work to do.

This period was notable as the reign of the second lieutenant. For over a month every company in the 26th Brigade was commanded by one; and this was the case with most of the other battalions. At first this undoubtedly rendered the task of General Furse more difficult, since youth and gallantry do not form a complete substitute for knowledge and experience; but the apprenticeship and training in responsibility, which these months brought to the young officers, supplied him with a large body of keen, confident, and efficient leaders who were later to demonstrate their value at the Battle of the Somme.

The divisional commander was quick to make the most of his opportunities, and he resolved to fortify youth and keenness with knowledge and practice. On the 7th November he opened the Ninth Division School at Poperinghe, which served a double purpose in promoting training and in encouraging _esprit de corps_. By this means not only did the officers gain a real knowledge of their manifold duties, which it was impossible for them to acquire amongst the swamps at Dickebusch and Canada Huts, but also the company officers of one unit were brought into contact with those of other units, and thus mutual understanding and sympathy were created. The first commandant of the school was Lieut.-Colonel Loch who was assisted by Captain Drew, the adjutant of the 5th Camerons, and the instruction was both theoretical and practical. It is impossible to over-estimate the value of this school in increasing the efficiency of the Division.

Certainly the safest and in many ways the most desirable place during these winter months was the front line system. A battalion spent four days in the front line trenches, four days in support, and four in rest at Dickebusch or Canada Huts. The support positions had most of the discomfort without any of the safety[26] of the front line; they had little protection and were frequently shelled, many casualties being suffered. The most perilous spot on the route to the front line was Ypres. No man of British blood could walk through it without feeling a deep thrill of awe and reverence as he gazed on the ruins of the beautiful town, the name of which will ever be associated with the most heroic and imperishable feat of British valour and endurance. But it was no place to linger in; it formed a nexus of roads, and virtually the whole of the traffic between the trenches and the back areas had to pass through it. Hence it was constantly shelled by the enemy, and any body of men that succeeded in passing through it without loss was extremely fortunate. After the toilsome march, the trenches seemed a veritable haven of refuge. They were in fact partly trenches and partly breastworks; for it was impossible to dig to any depth, since water was quickly reached, and the parapets had to be raised high above the level of the ground to protect the men from enemy bullets. The high parapets made the line unpleasantly conspicuous, for they formed an easy mark for the enemy’s trench mortars and artillery, which had numerous posts for observation.

Between October and December the Division was gradually shifted from the south to the east of Zillebeke. The line taken over from the Seventeenth Division was held until the night of the 15th October, when the 27th Brigade on the right was relieved by the 72nd Brigade of the Twenty-fourth Division. On the day preceding the relief the Argylls had a tragic mishap. At 4 A.M. on the 15th the Germans exploded a mine about 25 yards in front of a trench not far from The Bluff. The explosion was very violent, and although the front trenches had been cleared in view of the known existence of hostile mines on this part of the line, heavy casualties were suffered in the support and communication trenches, 15 being killed and 50 wounded. On the same morning at 1.30 A.M. the enemy blew a small mine just outside the trenches held by the Camerons, who had 5 killed and wounded. During the night of the 16th/17th October the 28th Brigade took over the part of the line held by the 7th Brigade on the left of the 26th; this brought the northern limit of the Division to a point just east of Armagh Wood. A further rearrangement took place on the nights of the 8th/9th and 9th/10th November when the 27th Brigade took over the front line trenches east of Sanctuary Wood, which at that time still presented the appearance of a wood and was full of thick undergrowth.

These alterations brought changes in position without any in conditions, for all along the front the trenches were in a very bad state and could be maintained in tolerable order only by constant labour. After a shower of rain (and it always seemed to rain in the salient), there was the common story of dug-outs collapsed and parapets fallen in. At the best of times the trenches were ankle-deep in water; pumps were used, but they effected only a temporary improvement, because there was no place to which the water could be drained. Long thigh gum-boots were issued to the men, and these helped to keep their feet dry, though they could not make them warm. In spite of whale-oil and anti-frostbite grease, it is not surprising that many were evacuated to hospital suffering from trench feet. Want of sleep, perpetual cold, filth, and wet were the ordinary features of life; notwithstanding the coats of goatskin that were issued it was impossible for the men to keep warm. During a man’s short spell of sleep his feet became numb, and he was forced to get out of his shelter and stamp in order to restore circulation; and when he was awake he had to squelch about continually in mud, which plastered everything up to his head.

The sappers and pioneers did their utmost to improve matters, but as regards getting rid of the water their efforts were as the labours of Sisyphus. They revetted the trenches, made dug-outs, improved and kept in repair a light railway, which was used for bringing up rations and engineering materials, but more could have been done if the infantry had co-operated whole-heartedly with the sappers. The latter were a comparatively small body of skilled men, and they were supplied with working-parties from the infantry. The infantryman, however, believed that he was doing not his own job but the sapper’s, and he did as little as possible unless there was someone standing over him. This was the attitude not merely of N.C.Os. and privates, but of many officers, and in this respect there was a striking contrast to the German Army, where the private was taught to realise that in working under a sapper he was working for himself. It would have been well if the British soldier had been taught the same lesson from the beginning of his training. As it was, the work accomplished by an infantry party depended largely upon the infantry officer who was in charge of it, and too often he considered it the proper thing to let his men do as little as possible.

The position held by the Division from near The Bluff north of the Canal to Sanctuary Wood was about 5000 yards in length, which was a long line for a weak[27] division to hold. Most of the units were still far below strength, and when parties left the front line to bring up rations, the trenches appeared deserted. The line was commanded by the enemy along the entire front, and, lying in a salient, it was shelled from all sides. Any movement east of Ypres was impossible except after dark, and one dared not show a head in Zillebeke during the day. At some points the lines were so close that they could not be safely shelled except by trench mortars. At one part on the front of the 27th Brigade, where the trenches were only about 20 yards apart, the enemy occupied a position known as the “Birdcage.” It was a wooden framework with wire netting and a trap-door in the top. Whenever he was peevish, he opened the trap-door and heaved out a bomb, shutting the door after him. This contrivance was hit by a trench mortar on the 23rd November, but the Germans at once repaired it; however, it was blown to atoms five days later by a mine. The enemy had more guns and more ammunition, but a resolute effort was made by General Furse to dispute his artillery superiority by means of a “Retaliation Tariff.”[28] Whenever the enemy bombarded a part of our lines he was subjected to a bombardment of greater severity; this encouraged the infantry and stimulated the gunners, but failed to silence the Germans. Occasional bombardments also took place at such times as the enemy was suspected to be involved in a relief.

Even more than the shelling the men disliked the constant mining that was being carried on along the front. In this, as in artillery, the Germans were the masters, though our tunnellers, with a view to cheering the infantry, declared that they controlled the situation. Except for the Argylls no serious casualties were suffered from mining, but the men in the front system of trenches lived in a constant state of suspense. This was reflected in the reports of sentries, and never a day passed without someone saying that he heard “subterranean noises, probably enemy mining.”[29] Undoubtedly our miners had an anxious and harassing time. On the night of the 30th November, having heard noises, they sent out a listening post, which came upon some mine cases and broke into a hostile gallery. The tunnelling subaltern and one of his corporals entered it, and though they met some Germans succeeded in firing a charge and destroying the gallery.

Under the most dismal and depressing conditions the work of the A.S.C. and transport was beyond all praise. This was probably the most trying period in the whole war for them, yet in spite of casualties and delays caused by mud and bad roads, they never failed to deliver the rations. Every night they had to run the gauntlet through Ypres, fully conscious that a torrent of shells might descend upon them at any moment. The wear and tear on wagons and limbers was enormous, and numerous losses were suffered both in personnel and horses. Throughout the winter the excellence and regularity of the rations did more than anything to keep the men in good heart.

Before the Division was relieved from the salient an important change was made throughout the whole Army as regards machine-guns. Prior to the war the importance of machine-gun fire had not been realised by our Army, and consequently we neither had enough of them nor knew how to make the best tactical use of those we had. The type employed was the Vickers, of which two, and later four, were issued to each battalion, but the gun was a heavy weapon for infantry to handle, and required a high standard of special training. Since 1915 a new and lighter machine-gun, the Lewis, was being introduced; it was more easily carried, and it was possible for an average man to master it after a fortnight’s instruction. Moreover, it was cooled by air and could be fired from a very light mounting; indeed an expert could fire it without any mounting at all. It was an admirable weapon for infantry, and when issued there was no need for battalions to have their own Vickers Guns. In fact the advantage of using the latter under brigade control had been apparent even before the Battle of Loos, and all brigades in the Division had appointed brigade machine-gun officers. At Loos, all the infantry battalions had at least two Lewis Guns and some had four, but on the 30th November the establishment was fixed at four per battalion, that is, one per company. On the same date the Vickers Gun detachments were formed into machine-gun companies, one company being attached to each brigade, and each company consisted of four sections, with two machine-guns per section.[30]

On the 7th December, the welcome news was received that the Ninth was to be relieved by the Fiftieth Division before the end of the month. The tidings were greeted with unfeigned joy. Though the men had borne the mud and discomfort with wonderful stoicism, they loathed the salient and were glad to leave it.[31] It was undoubtedly the worst and most disagreeable spell of trench life that the Division experienced during the war. Even after the troops had been heavily punished in the Battle of the Somme, many of the men declared that they would rather go through another such battle than return to the salient under the conditions that prevailed in the winter of 1915.

The first to leave were the divisional mounted troops, who departed for the II. Corps’ area on the 12th December. But before the last battalions were relieved on the 20th, they experienced a new alarm. Ever since we had entered the salient there were rumours that the enemy intended to make a gas attack, and on the 14th December information was received from the Corps that the Germans were preparing one on the front of the Second Army. Next day, therefore, the artillery proceeded to pound their front parapets in case they should have installed cylinders. During the small hours of the 19th our whole front was subjected to an exceptionally heavy bombardment, and it was clear that the long threatened gas attack was at last being delivered. Clouds of gas drifted as far back as D.H.Q., but the enemy did not follow up with an infantry attack, for the artillery were ready and proceeded to shell the adversary’s trenches without delay. The main enemy effort was made to the north of the Division, but in no case did he find the defenders unprepared. As if disappointed at the frustration of his designs, he shelled the whole divisional area with vindictive violence throughout the 19th and the 20th, and several casualties were caused among the outgoing and incoming battalions. On the 20th the whole of the Division was relieved except the artillery, the last of which departed on the 22nd.

From the 20th December 1915 till the 26th January 1916, the Division enjoyed a welcome and needed respite from trench warfare, and General Furse made the most of the time to bring it up to concert-pitch. After a long term in the line, when there are few opportunities for training, a man is inclined to become slack; further, trench life is bad for the feet, and several route marches are necessary to bring the men into good condition. The Division, except the artillery, was now in billets round Merris, where D.H.Q. were established. The land was pleasant and undulating, and was covered with numerous cosy and cheery farms, a striking contrast to the mud flats of Flanders. The artillery were stationed at the Artillery Training Camp at Watten, where they underwent a vigorous course.

Cleanliness was the first essential; excellent baths were available and also clean clothing. Then followed smartening-up drill, and each brigade was inspected in turn by the Corps Commander in route marching. It was now that the Ninth began to reap the fruits of the Divisional School that had been established at Poperinghe. General Furse held frequent conferences with his brigadiers and battalion commanders, in order to ensure that the training should be carried out on useful and uniform lines. A high average standard was aimed at in bombing and in rifle shooting and when the men returned to the line their bearing, efficiency, and moral left little to be desired. Yet the time was not all spent in work, the average amount of training being about five hours per day. Football matches were played daily, and the Divisional Band and the Concert Party—“The Thistles”—provided a welcome entertainment during the evenings. The type of football played was, of course, Association. There was one thrilling Rugby match between the officers of the 28th Brigade and those of the 26th, and a stirring game ended in a draw. It was during this period of rest and training that the Right Hon. Winston Churchill arrived to take over the Command of the 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers at the beginning of January 1916.

On its next visit to the trenches, the Division experienced one of its most enjoyable times in France. On the 24th January 1916, it commenced the relief of the Twenty-fifth Division in the Ploegsteert area, and this was completed by the 31st. D.H.Q. were established at Nieppe, but were transferred on the 13th February to Steenwerck on account of shelling. The front trenches lay east of Ploegsteert Wood; they were in comparatively good condition and reliefs could be carried out in daylight. There were excellent billets for the battalions and brigades in reserve, where a considerable amount of training could be carried on. In order that battalions should always occupy the same trenches, and so learn everything about them, the 28th Brigade held always one part of the line, while the 27th and 26th relieved each other in the same trenches. Six days “in” and six days “out” was the rule for each unit.

From the end of January till the end of May 1916, the Ninth held the same line, which was one of the most pleasant areas along the British front. There was constant work to be done, but the results of labour were soon apparent. The trenches were firmly revetted, numerous fire-steps were built, and the communication trenches were kept in good order. In addition, many dug-outs were made and several concrete emplacements for machine-guns constructed, and on leaving the area both sappers and infantry could claim that they had handed over model trenches.

The advent of spring and the peaceful aspect of the cultivated country combined to render everyone cheerful. In this sector the astonishing hardihood of the old French farmers was seen at its best. They used to plough fields almost up to the front line. When shelled, they unharnessed the horses and went back to their farms without accelerating their pace in the slightest, but as soon as the firing ceased, they calmly resumed ploughing as if nothing out of the way had occurred. Ploegsteert Wood itself was a charming spot. As the days lengthened and spring advanced, the wood presented an arcadian appearance. April was a halcyon month. The very huts nestling among the trees, bourgeoning into a beautiful foliage, seemed to fit in with the brightness of their surroundings, and the songs of thousands of birds made one feel at times that the war had ceased to be.

[Illustration: “LAWRENCE FARM”

(From a sketch by the Rt. Hon. Winston S. Churchill of his Battalion Head-quarters)]

Life was not altogether a picnic, however. The wood itself was intermittently shelled by the enemy, and the trenches were occasionally subjected to heavy bombardments. The worst experience fell to the 11th Royal Scots. Near their trenches the German position protruded in a salient, which was known to our men as the “Birdcage,” on account of the tangle of wire with which it was protected. Mining operations were undertaken against this salient, and the infantry supplied large working-parties for the purpose. But the enemy must have discovered that there was a mine, and he determined to destroy it. On the evening of the 13th May the position held by the Royal Scots was violently shelled and trench mortared, and shortly after, the Germans came over in three parties of 20 each. Some of them succeeded in entering our trenches, but the Royal Scots, though dazed by the severity of the bombardment, put up a splendid resistance. Captain Henry with a small party made an immediate counter-attack, and after a lively scuffle expelled the enemy. The Royal Scots losses, due mainly to the hostile barrage, were 16 killed, 61 wounded, and 8 missing. The Germans, who were the 104th Saxons, left 10 corpses in our trenches, and had failed in their attempt to destroy the mine-shaft.

General Furse strove to foster the offensive spirit throughout the Division, so sections were known as “fighting” sections, to impress upon each man that his principal duty was to fight. He exhorted all the battalions to make “No-Man’s Land” “Ninth Division Land,” and the men did their utmost to carry out his instructions. Every night the area in front of the battalions in the line was actively and persistently patrolled. But this was not enough for the G.O.C.; he wanted the men to secure prisoners; “Corpses are more important than acres” was his constant injunction. Though the raids engineered in this sector were not successful, the experience gained helped later to make it one of the finest raiding divisions in the Army; it was learning to walk, and was learning rapidly. All ranks realised and never forgot that on taking over trenches it was not their job to sit still and wait for things to happen, but to devise enterprises to worry the enemy as much as possible. The Ninth was never happy until it felt that it had established ascendency over the enemy opposite it.

With this intention, a minor operation was undertaken by the “Rifles” on the 1st March. The scheme was carried out at 11 P.M. A small party went out with Bangalore torpedoes,[32] which they placed in the enemy’s wire and exploded. Then dummies, which had been fixed in “No-Man’s Land,” were worked by string from the front trenches so as to present the appearance of troops moving forward. At the same time, the enemy’s lines were raked by rifle and machine-gun fire, trench mortars and rifle-grenades, and by shells from the artillery. Only two casualties were suffered by the “Rifles,” and as it was probable that the Germans manned their parapets on hearing the explosion and seeing the dummies moving, it is likely that their losses were much heavier. A more ambitious raiding scheme was attempted by the Argylls on the night of the 25th/26th March. At 1.52 A.M. two Bangalore torpedoes were placed under the enemy’s wire, and a party of 2 officers and 30 men left the trenches ready to enter the German line after the explosion had cleared a gap. The torpedoes were fired at 2 A.M., but the raiding party slightly lost direction and missed the gap. The failure was really due to inexperience and insufficient preparations.

If the Division was disappointed with the result of its raids, it had every reason to be pleased with its success in sniping. When it first took over the line, the German snipers held the upper hand. But the sniping officers in each battalion vied with one another in ingenious devices to gain the advantage over the enemy, and before the Division left the sector our snipers were distinctly on top. In every intelligence report from the front line battalions several hits were claimed by the snipers. It was while in this area that the machine-gun companies commenced the practice of indirect fire.[33] This was carried out nightly, in order to sweep the roads and places which the Germans were likely to use at night. Here, too, air fights came to be of frequent occurrence, and excited the greatest interest among the men. One day a hostile plane received a direct hit through the engine and crashed down in our lines; there cannot have been many occasions during the war when an anti-aircraft gun was so conspicuously successful.

The favourite amusement of the artillery was firing at German observation posts. At Les Ecluses a tall factory chimney that overlooked our lines was the chief target, but for a long time defied our gunners, and the German observers had become so confident that they were seen one morning shaking dust out of a carpet or something of that nature over the top of the stalk. This was very exasperating, but our gunners had the best of it when the observation post was knocked out by the third round of a 12-inch Howitzer, which landed at the base of the chimney.

Hitherto the headgear worn by the men was the Balmoral. It had a touch of the picturesque, but it offered no protection against shrapnel. The steel helmet now made its appearance; it was much heavier, and at first required some knack to balance it properly. For a time the men wore it only on compulsion and preferred to use it as a washing basin or a soup bowl, but it became more popular when its manifold advantages in protecting the head, not only from shell splinters but from knocks against overhead traverses and the woodwork of dug-outs, were realised. In the course of a few months a man came to regard the steel helmet as one of his best friends.

A few changes in command took place during this period. Lieut.-Colonel Pelham Burn was transferred to the Gordons, and his place in the Argylls was taken by Lieut.-Colonel W. J. B. Tweedie. Lieut.-Colonel Loch, C.M.G., was promoted to a brigade in the Fifty-sixth Division, and he was succeeded by Lieut.-Colonel H. L. Budge. Lieut.-Colonel Cameron of Lochiel, whose health had broken down, had to give up the command of the Camerons to Lieut.-Colonel Duff. The most important change was in the artillery. On 1st February 1916 Brig.-General H. H. Tudor, C.M.G., succeeded Brig.-General E. H. Armitage, C.B., in the command of the Divisional Artillery. He was destined to influence profoundly the work of the Division by his use of the guns.

In April 1916 three batteries, D/50, D/51, and D/52, were taken away from their own brigades and formed into the 53rd Brigade R.F.A., which was composed entirely of 18-pounders. Thus, in the spring of 1916, the Ninth Divisional Artillery consisted of the 50th, 51st, and 52nd Brigades, each with three 18-pounder batteries and one Howitzer battery, and the 53rd with three 18-pounder batteries. All batteries were on a four-gun basis. About May the Brigade Ammunition Columns of the 50th, 51st, and 52nd Brigades were broken up or absorbed into the Divisional Ammunition Column, so that the reorganised D.A.C. consisted of No. 1, No. 2, and No. 3 sections, and “B” echelon. In addition, the organisation of trench mortars was placed on a more satisfactory basis. The weapon to be used by the infantry was the Stokes Mortar, a mobile and easily managed gun with an ingenious, quick-firing device, which enabled it to fire 30 shells a minute. The shell was a particularly deadly one, and made a most menacing and terrifying sound on explosion. In each brigade, Stokes Mortar Batteries were organised from personnel drawn from each battalion with the purpose—thoroughly attained—of encouraging the entity and _esprit_ of the brigade. Heavier mortars than the Stokes were to be worked by the artillery, and on the 8th March 1916 the 9th T.M. Brigade, of three batteries, was formed. Before this date there had been one T.M. Battery, called the 41st T.M.B., manned by men from the R.G.A. and from the Seaforth Pioneers. At first the brigade had three types of mortar, the 1½-inch, 2-inch, and 3·7-inch, but, after a few months, only the 2-inch mortar was used. In April 1916 a heavy mortar, the 9·45-inch, popularly known as “The Flying Pig,” was introduced, and the V/9 Heavy Trench Mortar Battery was formed to work it.

The period of rest and training, the comparatively pleasant interlude of trench life, and the resourceful and vigorous control of General Furse all combined to make the whole Division a happy family. Each man in it swore by “The Ninth”; and this was the finest tribute to the efficiency of the G.O.C.’s leadership. It was, therefore, with consternation that the news was received on the 16th March that the brigades were to be reorganised. The inherent clannishness of the Scot revolted at the idea of friends being taken away and of strangers coming in. But the reorganisation was made necessary, not by the malicious indifference of G.H.Q., but by the dearth of recruits. Scotland had raised more service battalions than it was possible to find drafts for under the voluntary system, and it was necessary to amalgamate several of them. The battalions marked out by G.H.Q. to leave the Division by the 6th May were the 8th Gordons, the 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers, and the 10th and 11th H.L.I. The arrangement also meant the break-up of the 28th Brigade. This was intensely disliked, but it was recognised as inevitable. The knowledge that these old friends were leaving to join the famous Fifteenth Scottish Division helped to reconcile the Ninth to the change. On the 4th May it was announced that the mounted troops were also to be withdrawn. To take the place of the Gordons in the 26th Brigade, the Argylls were transferred from the 27th; the 6th K.O.S.B. and the 9th Scottish Rifles replaced the Royal Scots Fusiliers, and the Argylls in the 27th Brigade. The South African Brigade had its own Field Ambulance, and the 29th Field Ambulance consequently left the Division. Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins was retained by an accident, which deprived the 27th Brigade of Brig.-General G. F. Trotter who fell from his horse and broke his arm.

[Illustration: PLOEGSTEERT WOOD]

The place of the 28th was filled by the South African Brigade, most of whose members had already seen service in Egypt. Nothing much was known about them in the Division except that they were the pick of South Africa, and that was saying a great deal. The brigade was commanded by Brig.-General H. T. Lukin, C.M.G., D.S.O., and consisted of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th South African battalions; the last-named, being the South African Scottish, wore the kilt of the Atholl tartan. They were commanded respectively by Lieut.-Colonel F. G. Dawson, C.M.G., Lieut.-Colonel W. E. C. Tanner, C.M.G., Lieut.-Colonel E. F. Thackeray, C.M.G., and Lieut.-Colonel F. A. Jones, C.M.G., D.S.O. Brig.-General Lukin reported at D.H.Q. on the 22nd April, and on the following day the 2nd and 3rd battalions joined the Division. On the 29th the whole brigade was inspected by Sir Douglas Haig, near Steenwerck. Its appearance was very impressive, and even the most fastidious critic was bound to admit that the South Africans were an exceptionally fine body of men. From the 6th May they took over the trenches lately occupied by the 28th Brigade, and the men rapidly became acquainted with the conditions of warfare on the Western Front. From the first it was apparent that their standard of discipline was very high, and their critical Scottish comrades realised that the Division had been greatly honoured in having such a doughty brigade attached to it.

The stay of the Division near Ploegsteert soon drew to a close. On the 20th May instructions were received from the Corps that it was to be relieved by the Forty-first Division before the 1st June. The relief was commenced on the 27th May, and completed on the 30th. Thus ended a most agreeable experience of trench duty, and all who have survived since that date will ever cherish happy recollections of Ploegsteert Wood.