CHAPTER V

THE CAPTURE OF BERNAFAY WOOD, AND THE BATTLES FOR TRONES WOOD

JULY 1916

After leaving the Ploegsteert area the Division was concentrated in billets near Bomy, where D.H.Q. were established. The men were in the best of spirits, and training and recreation were carried on with vigour and keenness, while the glory of the summer and the genial weather raised the usual hopes that the year would see the end of the war. The Division had recaptured all the enthusiasm that had animated it on landing in France, and in addition it had behind it a year’s experience of warfare. The sojourn near Bomy was shorter than had been expected, and the design of the G.O.C. to hold a horse show on the 13th and a Divisional Field Day on the 14th June had to be abandoned. This cancellation of the horse show was a huge disappointment; every unit had taken extensive trouble to prove that it had the best turned out transport in the Division, but the men were able at least to console themselves with the knowledge that their transport and horses were in first-rate condition.

Orders were received by the Division on the 11th that it was to join the XIII. Corps,[34] commanded by Lieut.-General Sir W. H. Congreve, V.C., and that the move was to take place by rail on the 16th. These, however, were followed by instructions commanding the Division to move on the 13th, and on that date the entrainment of units was commenced. Two days later the Division was concentrated near Vaux-en-Amienois where D.H.Q. were established.

It was obvious to the dullest man that the Division was intended to take part in some business more enterprising than the mere holding of a section of trenches. The whole hinterland behind the trenches was a hive of industry and traffic. Swarms of troops from every part of the kingdom were to be seen in every village; at night the roads groaned with the passage of guns of all sizes and of transport carrying every conceivable variety of material, and the whole countryside was covered with dumps containing R.E. material, bombs, shells, and stores of all kinds. Hospitals and aerodromes formed additional villages in the district. The back areas of the Somme in the summer of 1916 were the busiest centres of activity in the whole world. It was a wonderful exhibition of the resources of the British Empire, and a visible proof of the diligence with which workers at home had applied themselves to the manufacture of munitions of war. It was not a feverish bustle that one witnessed, but a steady and systematic application of labour; every movement was directed by an organisation that was not surpassed by any other nation in the war. The whole of the work performed by Britain in its administrative arrangements has probably never been appreciated at its full value. It had a most heartening effect on all who saw it, and gave the men an inspiring confidence in the determination and ability of the Allies to achieve a complete victory.

All this industry and all these preparations were the obvious prelude to a great battle, and on the 15th June the Division received from the Corps instructions for the attack that was to be made. The XIII Corps was on the right flank of the British army, and its plan was to assault with two divisions, the Thirtieth on the right and the Eighteenth on the left, with the Ninth Division in reserve.

A feeling of optimism buoyed up both civilians and soldiers, though the events of 1915 had completely shattered the sanguine expectations aroused by the victory of the Marne. The Russians had been driven from Poland and had suffered a smashing defeat, from which they never fully recovered, though a censored press had represented the rout rather as a Russian triumph than as a German victory. That disaster, which was falsely believed in this country to harden the purpose of the great Slav Power, caused Russians to interpret the comparative inactivity of the Western Powers as a selfish neglect of her interests, and to detest the Government that had callously thrown into the slaughter men without arms or equipment. The brutal incompetence of the Russian bureaucracy was revealed in all its nakedness, and inspired the loathing and contempt that led eventually to its downfall. The tale of disaster did not end here; for Von Mackensen, assisted by the crafty and calculating treachery of Bulgaria, drove the Serbs from their country and all but secured Greece in the Teutonic net. The Salonica expedition, though it failed to render any service to Serbia, prevented Greece from joining the enemy. In the East, British prestige suffered two damaging shocks; the Dardanelles project ended in failure, and the Mesopotamian expedition, after a promising beginning, resulted in the surrender of a British force at Kut in April 1916.

The only offset against these misfortunes was the entry of Italy into the war in May 1915, but from the first her armies were employed solely on exclusively Italian interests. The offensive against Trieste, even if successful, could not have exerted a decisive influence on the course of the war, nor did it prevent Austria from using the larger portion of her forces in the East against Russia. Nevertheless a general feeling prevailed that our misfortunes had been due more to bad luck than to bad management, and on the principle that the dawn succeeds the darkest hour, 1916 was expected to prove as glorious as 1915 had been disappointing. More men were now in the field, and the supply of high explosives, which some thought to be more important than generalship, had been greatly increased. The poster of the most blatant of British weeklies, with the glaring inscription, “1916. Thank God!” accurately reflected the mind of the average man.

Thus the time seemed ripe for an action by the British forces on a big scale. The great German offensive against Verdun in April had been watched with feverish interest both in this country and in France. The first five days of that assault brought the enemy within measurable distance of his objective. It was feared that the famous fortress would fall into his hands, and hasty critics denounced the supine inactivity of the British armies. But at that time the preparations of Sir Douglas Haig were not completed, and a premature counter-attack would only have served the interests of the enemy. As it turned out, the defenders of Verdun, under the masterly generalship of Pétain, worked out their own salvation. The German thrust was stopped, but even at the end of June large forces still menaced the fortress, and it was necessary that the British forces, stronger and better prepared than they had ever been, should do something to take the strain off their gallant ally.

Events in other theatres of war seemed also to call for immediate action. The attack by the Austrians in the Trentino in May threatened such serious consequences for Italy, that Russia, which appeared to have recovered from her defeat, was compelled to launch her offensive in the month of June. The brilliant successes of General Brussilov brought immediate relief to the armies of Italy, though they did not lessen the German pressure on Verdun. It was, therefore, sound policy to strike at the enemy, not merely to relieve Verdun, but also to assist our Allies in the other theatres of war by preventing the enemy from transferring troops from the West to other fronts.

The other object of the British Commander-in-Chief[35] was to wear down the strength of the enemy by a steady offensive. The choice of the battlefield was governed by the fact that the British armies were not sufficiently numerous to take the offensive on a large scale without the co-operation of the French, and the district selected was therefore in Picardy, where the two armies joined.

Picardy was one of the most delightful spots in France. Here there were none of the grimy coal-pits and slag-heaps that had figured so prominently in the Battle of Loos. This was the agricultural part of France, with wide open and rolling country, in which there was hardly a fence to be seen. The numerous small villages that broke the fields seldom contained more than a few hundred inhabitants. On the battle front the prominent feature was the extensive ridge running from Thiepval to Combles, with alternate spurs and valleys thrown out to the south-west. This ridge, which afforded the enemy magnificent observation over the British trenches and hinterland, was the main watershed of the high ground that stretched from the valley of the Somme in a north-easterly direction to the low-lying ground between Lens and Cambrai. Beyond this were the plains of Douai. On the western side the slopes, steep and rugged, were a formidable obstacle, but towards the north-east, the ridge fell in a gradual slope, rising again to a gentle ridge on the farther side of Bapaume. Beyond this second ridge, which was about a hundred feet lower than the main one, the country, broad and undulating, offered no great difficulty to an army that had won its way to it. But stiff fighting would be necessary to reach this, because these ridges formed the buttress that shielded the great railway centres of Cambrai and Douai. A feature of the terrain, especially in the south, was the large number of woods thick with summer foliage and carpeted with a dense undergrowth that made progress, except by means of the small paths running through them, all but impossible. These woods played an important part in the battle.

The main object of Sir Douglas Haig is indicated by his description of the Somme campaign as the “wearing-out battle.” It is more commonly referred to as the policy of attrition, and under that name has been subjected to a good deal of criticism. But there is no question that the policy was based upon sound military principles that could not be neglected. The basis of good generalship is to wear down the enemy, force him to absorb his reserves and then smash him with fresh troops, and the Somme was intended to carry out this programme as far as possible.

The method adopted by Sir Douglas Haig to achieve his object was the result of the experience of Loos. On that occasion the Allies had grasped at more than they were able to hold, so it was now decided to carry on the advance by limited stages in order that the infantry, without being unduly exhausted and still within the supporting range of their artillery, would be able without great difficulty to parry the hostile counter-stroke. It was expected that a methodical advance on these lines, always adequately supported by powerful and efficient artillery, would eat into the enemy’s strength and at the same time be carried out at a light cost.

“What we have, we hold” might be said to be the keynote of the limited objective method. It was solid and substantial rather than brilliant and inspiring, and it had certain defects which became clear in the course of the battle. It encouraged the infantry to depend so completely upon the artillery, that the tendency of the former was to lack confidence when unassisted by the latter. This led to a decline of initiative, which was further emphasised by the very fact that the objective was limited. Though the troops were exhorted to lose no opportunities of exploiting success, it was only natural for them to consider that they had done all that was wanted when they had accomplished the definite task assigned to them. Undoubtedly many opportunities were lost, as the Germans noted with thankfulness, and places, which we could have had for the mere trouble of walking up to them, fell into our hands later only after desperate and sanguinary fighting.

Moreover, after the first shock, the element of surprise was lost, as the terrain once selected was fixed, and the enemy was able to fathom our plans and arrange his defence accordingly. The periods between the stages of our advance gave him valuable time in which to reorganise his forces and strengthen his fortifications. With the enemy’s moral high and his forces well trained and disciplined, the cost of progress was bound in any case to be heavy; but with the limited objective system, it was probably heavier than it would have been under a more flexible and elastic one. It is possible, too, that the method of proceeding by slow stages caused us to miss the chance of dealing a paralysing blow.

Prudence is a virtue in military matters as in other things, but excess of prudence is not without danger, especially in the case of coalitions. The exaggerated caution of Marshal Daun in the Seven Years’ War is both an example and a warning. If at that time the continuance of the Austrian coalition could have been guaranteed, Daun’s tactics would have led to the humiliation and probable dismemberment of Prussia; but before they had time to work their effect, the defection of Russia ruined all the hopes of Austria. The general tendency is for coalitions to be weakened rather than strengthened by time, and this should be taken into consideration even in military affairs.

It can easily be seen that the task of Sir Douglas Haig was not a light one, and two substantial reasons weighed him strongly to the side of caution; he was conscious that his margin of numerical superiority[36] was small, and he had a suspicion[37] that his armies had not yet developed the efficiency essential for the carrying out of a campaign with far distant objectives.

On the eve of the battle the attitude of the Germans was one of assured confidence. From the high ground they occupied to the south of Arras they could not fail to detect the signs of an imminent offensive, and though the preliminary bombardment, which commenced on the 25th June, was supplemented by artillery demonstrations at Ypres and Arras, they had realised that the great attack would take place in the Somme, and in this district their defences were the strongest on the whole battle front. For eighteen months there had been no operation of any magnitude in the sector, and the enemy was given time to make his defences as perfect as they could be made. The front line trenches were protected with broad belts of wire entanglements, which had to be swept away before the attackers could come to grips with the defenders, and numerous and elaborate dug-outs had been constructed to protect the garrison during a bombardment. Most of these shelters went down into the earth for at least thirty feet, and some were so strong that even the most powerful shell could not penetrate them. While such shelters are excellent for protection, they have special dangers of their own. To one in a deep dug-out the noise of a bombardment overhead has a peculiarly sinister and terrifying sound; even a shell that bursts a hundred yards away seems to fall at his door. In such a case a man who thinks more of his own skin than of his duty is loth to leave his refuge, and there were many instances during the battle of enemy garrisons being trapped in their dug-outs before they had time to man their parapets. The Germans had also erected skilfully concealed machine-gun posts, strengthened by concrete, and they had several similarly protected posts for snipers. It was therefore with good reason that the Germans believed their positions to be impregnable.

As the time for battle drew near, the Division was moved closer to the front line, and on the 23rd it was concentrated near Corbie, where D.H.Q. were established. All the sappers and pioneers were busy on roads and dumps. Numerous conferences in connection with the battle were held by the G.O.C. On the next day the Ninth moved to Etinehem, and on the 27th to Grovetown, a city of dumps.

The Division was not to take part in the first day of battle, but it was instructed to be ready to do so when called upon. The A. & Q. Staff worked continuously to supply the men with all that was necessary for the fight. Two hundred rounds of S.A.A. per man were carried, except in the case of signallers, orderlies, and Lewis Gunners. The establishment of Lewis Guns per battalion had been doubled, each company having two and for the carriage of these weapons hand-carts had been issued, but they were of little use except in fine weather and on good roads. It was decided by G.H.Q. that each battalion should have a nucleus of officers for reorganisation; 20 were to go into the battle, and the remainder, including the second in command, was to be left at the First Line Transport. To simplify reorganisation during the engagement, each company wore shoulder bands of a distinctive colour.[38] For the carriage of stores, such as Stokes shells, machine-gun ammunition, R.E. Stores, and tools, parties were formed in each brigade from its several units.

The most scrupulous care was given to the question of communications. These form the nerve system of the military body, and if they do not work properly the whole machine is thrown out of gear, and delay in the transmission of messages may lead to the chance of a victory being missed. Communications had not been good at Loos, but the development and extension of the functions of the aeroplane opened up a new and more rapid means of communication. Men were to carry flares, which when lit on the objective would indicate to an observer from the air the general line reached by the troops, and special machines, known as contact aeroplanes and distinguished by streamers, were allotted the task of maintaining communication with the infantry. Should it be impossible to light the flares on account of damp or other causes, the men were to indicate their position by flashing mirrors. In addition, a code of signals was arranged between a battalion H.Q. and the aeroplanes, the messages from the battalion being signalled by means of ground signalling sheets. Further, to allow observers in the rear to distinguish our men from the enemy, each man wore on his back a square of yellow cloth or metal disc, which was attached to the flap of the haversack.

An enormous advantage possessed by the British on the eve of the offensive was the command of the air. At no time during the war were the signs of our air superiority so obvious to the infantry as in the summer of 1916. The passage of an enemy plane over our lines was then an event. The Germans were virtually confined to the observation they secured from their possession of the higher ground, and even the extra observation they got by means of their balloons was denied them. On the first day of the preliminary bombardment our planes crossed the German lines and swooped down on their balloons, which disappeared in wisps of flame as they were hit. The enemy was practically blinded.

The assault was to be made on the 29th June. To prevent the date being conveyed to the enemy this was known and spoken of as “Z” day, and the days prior to the battle were designated by the corresponding letters of the alphabet. Thus the 25th June, on which date the preliminary bombardment commenced, was “V” day. During the last week of June the weather was bad, and zero was wisely postponed until the 1st July. Thick ribbons of mist floated over the landscape and rendered the work of the Flying Corps exceptionally difficult. Until the 27th June there were frequent and heavy showers of rain, and Grovetown became a sea of mud, but on the following day the sun shone from a cloudless sky, and a typical French summer day ushered in the greatest battle fought in history up to that time.

The bombardment that fell on the German lines was of an intensity far exceeding that at Loos, and to the distant observer their positions seemed to be shot into the air. The bursts of our shells resembled the smoke from an endless row of factory chimneys, stretching north and south, and through the fountains of smoke one could see sods of earth and fragments of timber leaping upwards. For six days the ground throbbed under the unceasing cannonade, and the nights, gleaming with the flashes of thousands of guns, were almost as bright as the days. In this bombardment the guns of the Ninth Division contributed their share, for they were in action with the artillery of the Eighteenth and Thirtieth Divisions. During all this period the enemy’s artillery was extraordinarily quiet, as if reserving itself for the final attack.

On the 30th June the dispositions of the XIII. Corps were as follows: North of the Péronne road lay the infantry of the Thirtieth and Eighteenth Divisions assembled ready for the attack next morning. The battle H.Q. of the Ninth Division were at Grovetown, in which were also concentrated two companies of the 9th Seaforths and the South African Brigade, which had attached to it the 64th Field Coy. R.E., and the 28th Machine-Gun Company. The 27th Brigade, supplemented by the 90th R.E. and “C” Company of the 9th Seaforths was in Billon Valley, Copse Valley, and Trigger Wood Valley. The 26th Brigade, with the 63rd R.E. and “A” Company of the 9th Seaforths, was in Grovetown and Celestins Wood. The Corps Cavalry Regiment, the 19th Motor Machine-Gun Battery, and a Corps Cyclist Battalion were also under the orders of the Division, the first being at Grovetown and the latter two at Vaux.

On the morning of the 1st July the frenzied intensity of the bombardment heralded the moment of attack, and at 7.30 A.M. the British troops left their trenches and advanced on the German lines. For the Ninth, lying in reserve, the day was one of feverish suspense. Messages received showed that matters were going well on the front of the XIII. Corps, but it was rumoured that a serious check had been experienced farther north. By nightfall the position was fairly definitely known. In front of Thiepval, Beaumont Hamel, and Serre, our advance had been completely checked, but farther south the attack had met with a success that exceeded expectations. The objectives of the Thirtieth and Eighteenth Divisions, Montauban and the spur on which it stood, had been captured without much difficulty and with slight loss.

On the evening of the 1st July the 27th Brigade placed two battalions, the 12th Royal Scots and the 6th K.O.S.B., at the disposal of the Eighteenth Division for working and digging. The enemy’s artillery, now active, heavily shelled the garrisons of the captured positions, and on the 2nd July the Ninth Division was instructed to relieve the 90th Brigade (Thirtieth Division), which was holding Montauban. This task was entrusted to the 27th Brigade, and the South African Brigade was ordered to occupy the positions held by the former as soon as they were vacated. The relief began at 10 P.M., but owing to the congestion of the trenches and the unfamiliarity of the guides with the captured positions, it was not completed until 3 A.M. on the 3rd July. The 11th Royal Scots held the east and the 9th Scottish Rifles the west of Montauban, with the 6th K.O.S.B. and the 12th Royal Scots in support and reserve; their task was to consolidate and strengthen the defences of the village. The 90th Brigade had reported that the Germans were occupying Montauban Alley from the point where it was cut by the road from the village to Bazentin-le-Grand. This was too near for safety, and at 5 A.M. bombing parties from the 11th Royal Scots and 9th Scottish Rifles worked their way along the trench as far as Triangle Post, which they garrisoned. During the day this position was consolidated, new trenches were sited and commenced, and dumps were formed. All day the village and trenches held by the brigade were incessantly shelled.

At 3 P.M. on the same afternoon the brigade was ordered by the Thirtieth Division to capture and consolidate Bernafay Wood, about 500 yards east and north-east of Montauban. Between the British positions and the German second line system at Longueval and Delville Wood lay the two densely-foliaged woods known as Bernafay and Trones. These had to be cleared before the attack could be resumed, and, but for the check imposed by the limited objective, would in all probability have fallen to our troops on the first day. Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins arranged for the operation to be carried out by the 6th K.O.S.B. on the right, and the 12th Royal Scots on the left. The attacking battalions formed up, each on a company front, in Chimney Trench and the falling ground to the south-west of it. “B” Company of the 12th Royal Scots was to clear Montauban Alley from Triangle Post to the north-west corner of the wood. After a ten-minutes’ bombardment the battalions attacked at 9 P.M., and the whole wood, as well as the trench between it and Triangle Post, was captured after a feeble resistance. Four field-guns and one machine-gun were taken by the 12th Royal Scots, and one machine-gun by the 6th K.O.S.B., while about 12 of the enemy were killed and 7 taken prisoners. The assailants had the greatest difficulty in maintaining direction owing to the darkness and the dense undergrowth of the wood, consequently, when its eastern margin was reached, there was some confusion of units, and the consolidation of positions previously selected was delayed. After the capture of Bernafay, the K.O.S.B. held the southern and eastern sides of the perimeter, and the 12th Royal Scots the remaining post.

The wood had been an easy place to take; it proved a costly one to hold. At 6 A.M. on the 4th July a violent hostile bombardment opened, and continued for six hours. The shelling was particularly severe in the portion of the wood lying south of the railway line, and the majority of the K.O.S.B. in this area had to be withdrawn farther within the wood. The work of consolidation was totally interrupted, and casualties were heavy, the K.O.S.B. losing over 150 killed and wounded. By noon, however, all our original positions were reoccupied, and the work of consolidation was carried on with vigour. “D” Company of the 12th Royal Scots, under Lieut. H. Crowden, constructed a keep in the centre of the wood, a highly creditable piece of work, because it was no light task to dig in a soil through which tentacles of undergrowth ran in all directions. Every day Bernafay Wood and Montauban were plastered with shells from the enemy’s artillery. The ploughed-up village became a heap of brick-dust and rubble, and the wood, which before its capture had been so thick that the rays of the sun could not penetrate it, became so thinned-out that one could see through it from end to end. During one of these bombardments the battalion H.Q. of the K.O.S.B. were hit; the Adjutant, Lieutenant Wright, was killed, and Lieut.-Colonel Connell had a very narrow escape. On the 5th July the garrison was reduced by the withdrawal of a company of the K.O.S.B. to Oxford Copse, and a company of the “Rifles” was also moved back from Montauban Alley to the same place. The lines between brigade and battalions were often broken by shell-fire, and the work of the linesmen in repairing and maintaining them deserved the highest praise.

On the night of the 4th/5th July the remainder of the Thirtieth Division was relieved by the Ninth. The South Africans took over from the 89th Brigade in the Glatz sector, and the Highland Brigade moved up to the positions vacated by the South Africans. The Ninth was now the right flank division of the British Army. The 1st and 4th Regiments of the South Africans held the line from the junction with the French to Briqueterie Trench on the east of Montauban, with the 3rd and 2nd Regiments in support and reserve respectively. It was still necessary for the British to clear the pear-shaped wood of Trones. The first attack was carried out on the 8th July by the Thirtieth Division, and from that date till the 14th the wood was the scene of a bitter conflict, in which it changed hands repeatedly. Trones was a particularly difficult place to take, as it was commanded from Longueval and from the Maltz Horn Ridge. Every possible assistance was rendered by the Ninth Division. On the night of the 6th/7th, the 27th Brigade sent out a patrol, which established a post in Longueval Alley only 300 yards from Trones Wood, while on the morning of the attack the artillery pounded the southern fringe of Longueval and the neighbouring trenches, and the 12th Royal Scots from Bernafay Wood covered the left flank of the Thirtieth Division with machine-gun fire. During this operation a plucky exploit was performed by Private J. Stevenson of the 12th Royal Scots. Having located a German sniper, he engaged him with his Lewis Gun; he advanced across the open, and having fired off all his ammunition sat down and cleaned his rifle until more could be obtained. He was wounded in both arms, but nevertheless when one of his comrades was hit, he went about 600 yards to bring up a stretcher for him. The Thirtieth Division took Trones Wood, but by the end of the day had lost it all to a hostile counter-attack, except the south-west corner and Maltz Horn Trench.

On the night of the 8th July the 27th Brigade was relieved, and moved down to its old position in Billon Valley. The Third Division on the left took over the portion of Montauban Alley lying to the west of the Montauban-Longueval road; the Highland Brigade occupied the trenches in front of Montauban, and the South Africans Bernafay Wood with their 4th Regiment. The 6th K.O.S.B., who had held the worst shelled portion of the wood, lost in five days 16 officers and 300 other ranks.

The attack on Trones was resumed at 3 A.M. next morning, but at the end of the day the position was exactly as it had been on the 8th. The 90th Brigade, which made the assault, was sadly battered, and a company of the 4th Regiment of the South Africans moved up at 9 P.M. to the south-west corner of the wood to its support. In addition a platoon from the same battalion reinforced the garrison of the Briqueterie, and the 3rd Regiment was ordered to be ready to support the 90th Brigade at ten minutes’ notice. The attack was continued on the 10th without any gain, the Germans recapturing what they had lost by a well-timed counter-attack. On the same date the advanced post held by the Ninth in Longueval Alley was supported by the establishment of several intermediate posts. The sanguinary assaults on Trones Wood had no better fortune on the 11th, an attempt of a South African detachment to aid the Thirtieth Division by bombing up Longueval Alley to the apex of the wood being checked by machine-gun fire. During the counter-barrage of the enemy Lieut.-Colonel Jones of the 4th Regiment South Africans was killed, and the command of the battalion was taken over by Major D. M. MacLeod.

The unsatisfactory result of the fighting in Trones Wood affected disastrously the plans of the Corps for an attack on the enemy’s second system of defences. Every day gained by the enemy added to his strength. On the 7th July the Division had received instructions for operations to be undertaken against Longueval and Delville Wood on the 10th, but the original scheme presupposed the capture of Trones Wood, consequently the date had to be postponed and the arrangements modified. The task of the XIII. Corps was probably the toughest on the whole front. It was to secure the ridge running from Waterlot Farm to Bazentin-le-Grand, and the key of this ridge, Longueval and Delville Wood, fell to the lot of the Ninth. The flanks of its attack were to be protected on the left by the Third Division and on the right by the Eighteenth, which was to clear Trones Wood. The great difficulty lay in the fact that the position of the XIII. Corps was already a salient, and that success would intensify it. The ground, moreover, was vital to the enemy, and he held it with seasoned troops.[39] The operation was of first-rate importance, since the possession of the high ground near Longueval was the pivot of Sir Douglas Haig’s immediate plans; it facilitated an attack on High Wood in the north, and it was an essential preliminary to an advance on Ginchy and Guillemont.

General Furse had foreseen the task that he would be called upon to perform. From Bernafay Wood the ground rose up to the height on which stood Longueval. The southern position of the village stood open to the view, but the northern part, intersected by numerous orchards, baffled scrutiny by disappearing into the shelter of Delville Wood.

Longueval lay along three roads whose junctions formed the centre or main square of the village. From this point one road ran north to meet the path midway between High Wood and Flers; the second[40] ran south-west, skirting the western margin of Bernafay Wood; and the third led in a south-easterly direction into Guillemont. The northern road was marked on our maps as North Street. From the square a street branched off westwards towards Bazentin-le-Grand, which was known as Clarges Street; on the eastern side where it ran into a grassy ride, practically bisecting Delville Wood, it was named Princes Street. Parallel to Clarges Street, and about 300 yards north of it, lay Duke Street. These, bounded on the west by Pont Street and on the east by Piccadilly, formed a rectangle. Between Piccadilly and North Street clustered the orchards of Longueval. The enemy’s front trenches ran along the south of the village, and then turned off towards the south-east, past Waterlot Farm along the western outskirts of Guillemont. His rear defences lay in the hamlet and beyond the northern perimeter of the wood.

Ever since the Ninth Division had been in the line, the whole area in front of the German trenches had been constantly patrolled. The brigadiers had been warned of what was to take place, and the whole Division was ready for the battle, so that when the final instructions were issued by the Corps on the 12th July only details required attention.

At 3.30 P.M. on the same afternoon the G.O.C. met his brigadiers and explained his plans. The attack was to be carried out by the 26th Brigade on the right, and the 27th on the left, and for each there were three objectives. The first for both was the capture of the enemy’s front and support trenches near Longueval. The second task of the Highlanders was to secure the village south of the line Clarges Street-Princes Street, and the western edge of Delville Wood south of Princes Street; that of the 27th Brigade to take the greater part of Longueval lying north of Clarges Street. Then the 26th, in order to safeguard the right flank, was to secure the German system of defences between the village and Waterlot Farm inclusive, while the 27th was to clear the northern outskirts of Longueval and the western margin of Delville Wood adjoining that portion of the village. If these objectives were taken easily, both brigades were to go on and occupy the whole of the wood.

It was realised that the Germans were expecting an attack. To keep them in uncertainty as to the exact time of the onslaught, their lines were heavily shelled every morning by the artillery, and to gain the full advantage of surprise, what was virtually a night attack was planned. The British Army might be unimaginative and unenterprising in strategy, but it was bold and audacious in the use of tactical expedients. A night attack demands the most careful arrangements by the Staff and a high standard of discipline on the part of the troops engaged. Zero was 3.25 A.M. on the morning of the 14th July. This early hour made the question of assembly one of more than ordinary difficulty, but the G.O.C. had his scheme prepared. The ground in front of our lines had been thoroughly reconnoitred by patrols, and during the night a strong line of scouts was to go up the crest of the rise in front of the enemy’s trenches. These men were to be supported by Lewis Gun detachments, and the exposed right wing was to be protected against an attack from Trones Wood by a chain of posts, which the Highland Brigade was to establish in 9·2-inch shell-holes, previously made for this purpose by the artillery along the crest line of the spur running from Longueval to Bernafay Wood. Under cover of this force the attacking brigades were to form up their leading battalions in their waves of attack on the south-west slopes of the plateau. The whole assembly was to be completed half an hour before zero.

On receipt of their instructions Brig.-General Ritchie and Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins arranged their dispositions. The former decided to attack with the Black Watch and Argylls in front, the Seaforths in support, and three companies of the Camerons in reserve. The Black Watch and the Argylls were to be on a two-company front, each company being in open column of platoons with 70 yards between platoons. Thus each battalion was to be in eight waves. The supporting battalion had the same formation, and the fourth company of the Camerons was to carry[41] for the brigade. Two sections of the 26th Machine-Gun Company were to follow the 7th Seaforths, the rest of the company being in brigade reserve. One section of the L.T.M.B. was to follow the two attacking battalions, the remainder being under the control of the brigade. The Black Watch and the Argylls were to secure the first and second objectives, and the Seaforths the third.

Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins had the 11th Royal Scots and the 9th Scottish Rifles in front, and the 12th Royal Scots in support. The 6th K.O.S.B. carried for the brigade. Both attacking battalions had four companies in the front line, each company being in column of platoons with the requisite 70 yards’ distance between platoons; thus each battalion was in four waves. The supporting battalion was in the same formation. Two Vickers machine-guns were to accompany each of the leading battalions, one section followed the 12th Royal Scots, and two sections were in brigade reserve. The first objective was to be taken by the leading battalions, the second by the 12th and 11th Royal Scots, and the third by the 12th Royal Scots.

The reliefs necessitated by these arrangements were carried out on the night of the 12th/13th. The 55th Brigade of the Eighteenth Division relieved the South African Brigade in the portion of Bernafay Wood lying south of the Carnoy-Guillemont railway. The 27th relieved the 76th Brigade of the Third Division in Montauban Alley from the Montauban-Longueval road to the Montauban-Bazentin-le-Grand road (exclusive). On the right of the Ninth the Thirtieth Division was relieved by the Eighteenth.

The artillery arrangements employed for the attack on Longueval had exceptional interest; for they were destined to give the Ninth a distinctive place among the divisions of the British Army. Brig.-General Tudor’s main problem was created by Delville Wood. As our experience of Bernafay had already demonstrated, shrapnel shells, by hitting the branches and trunks of trees burst prematurely, and were as dangerous to our own infantry as to the enemy. The C.R.A. now resolved to carry out a plan that he had long borne in mind. The artillery bombardment preparatory for the attack was to commence five minutes before zero; the customary shrapnel was used, but after three minutes H.E. shell only. This was a notable change from the ordinary method. The H.E. had delay action, so that even if a tree was hit by it the shell would complete its trajectory before bursting.

In another respect, the Ninth resolved to adopt a method commonly used by the French and already employed by several British divisions, on the 1st July. Up to this battle all the attacks of the British Army had been preceded by a violent preliminary bombardment, and before the infantry advanced the artillery lifted well behind the enemy’s trenches. The device known as the “creeping barrage”[42] was a logical development in the work of the artillery, since successive lines of defence had to be accounted for. The gunners were to support the infantry throughout the advance by shelling each successive portion of the enemy’s line just in front of the oncoming troops. This would give the Germans less time to have their machine-guns ready and would enable the attackers to get to grips with them before their guns could be brought into action. For the attack on the 14th July, the rate of the barrage was to be 50 yards every one and a half minutes, and sheltered by this advancing wall of fire the infantry were to carry on the assault.

The full artillery programme consisted of eight separate barrages.[43] The first five continued from five minutes before zero until two hours after it, by which time the whole of Longueval was expected to be in our hands. All this time the defences round Waterlot Farm were to be kept under fire, and the attack on the farm was to be made under cover of the sixth barrage, which was to open two hours after zero. The remaining barrages were intended to cover the assault on Delville Wood.