Part 13

A still more absurd instance of the doctor’s economy gave rise at the time to considerable amusement. Everybody knows that a sailor requires as much looking after as a child. It was Jack’s practice when sick in hospital, to get out and scale a wall for the purpose of smuggling in spirits, these of course undoing the little that medical treatment could effect. To put an end to the practice, the authorities had ordered the wall to be raised, but Dr. Baird stopped the work, because a coating of broken glass-bottles on the top of the old wall would be more economical to the nation and equally effectual! A _chevaux de frise_ of broken glass was accordingly put on, but, to the doctor’s annoyance, Jack, with a brickbat, pounded up the broken glass, and got to the spirit shop as before. Whereupon the doctor declared his belief that “sailors were as far gone in wickedness as the hospital authorities themselves.”

These were the kinds of reform adopted, the ultimate result being that Lord St. Vincent was more blamed than had been any of his predecessors, and was, on quitting the Admiralty, driven to the undignified alternative of _filing a string of affidavits in the King’s Bench in defence of his character_![30]

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Footnote 30:

See Brenton, vol. ii. p. 356.

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Much has been said about the difficulty of manning the Navy, by persons who had not a knowledge of the arbitrary and cruel practices above mentioned, and of many others on which it would be tedious to dilate, but which, under pretence of zeal for the promotion of the service, rendered the service at that time almost intolerable. No man acquainted with the facts can wonder that interminable cruises, prohibition to land in port, constant confinement without salutary change of food, and consequent disease engendering total debility, should have excited disgust, and even terror of a sailor’s life; to which may be added, the condemnation of invalids to harbour-duty, far more severe than duty afloat, with no chance of escape but by a return to actual service, where, strange to say, though unfit, such men were again received!

The instances of abuses just given form but a brief outline of the state of the Navy at that period. From these the reader may imagine the rest. Suffice it to say, that I used all diligence to store both my memory and note-book with facts, to be used when I might be able to expose them with effect.

No opportunity, however, immediately occurring, I betook myself to the College of Edinburgh, then distinguished by possessing some of the most eminent professors in the kingdom. In the early part of this volume the desultory and imperfect education which fell to my lot has been noticed. It had, nevertheless, sufficed to convince me of the truth of the axiom that “knowledge is power,” and also to decide that in my case power if proportioned to knowledge could be of no very high order. It was therefore my determination to increase both to the best of my ability.

It was, perhaps, an unusual spectacle for a post-captain fresh from the quarter-deck, to enter himself as a student among boys. For my self-imposed position I cared nothing, and was only anxious to employ myself to the best advantage. With what success may be judged from the fact of my never being but once absent from lectures, and that to attend the funeral of a near relative.

Whilst at Edinburgh, I made few acquaintances, preferring secluded lodgings and study without interruption to the gaiety of my contemporaries. Besides which, if my object of getting into Parliament were to be accomplished, it was necessary to be economical, since all that the Admiralty Court had been pleased to leave me of my prize-money would not more than suffice to satisfy the yearnings of a small borough, for which the only hope of election was by outbribing my antagonists.

Amongst my contemporaries at the Edinburgh College was Lord Palmerston, who resided with the most eminent of the then Scotch professors, Dugald Stewart, and attended the classes at the same time with myself.

I might also mention others, of whose society in after life I should have been proud, had not the shameful treatment which it was afterwards my lot to experience from a corrupt faction, driven me from society at a time when it ought to have afforded me a welcome relaxation from hard and unintermitting exertions in the service of my country.

CHAP. IX.

EMPLOYMENT IN THE _ARAB_.

APPOINTMENT TO THE ARAB.—PROJECTED INVASION BY NAPOLEON.—THE ARAB ORDERED TO WATCH THE FRENCH COAST.—THEN TO CRUISE IN THE NORTH SEA.—RETIREMENT OF LORD ST. VINCENT.

On the renewal of war with France in 1803, application was made by me to the Admiralty for a ship, first taking the precaution to visit the various dockyards to see what vessels were ready, or in preparation. My object was to obtain a suitable vessel, which should enable me to operate inshore and harass the French coast in the Atlantic, as the _Speedy_ had done the Spanish coast in the Mediterranean. My success there formed sufficient warrant for such an application, as, previous to the Peace of Amiens, the enemy’s coasting trade from Bayonne to Boulogne had been carried on almost with impunity.

My application was made to Lord St. Vincent, who informed me that at present there was no vessel available. Having ascertained beforehand what vessels were in preparation for sea, I began to enumerate several, all of which his lordship assured me were promised to others. On mentioning the names of some in a less forward state, an objection was raised by his lordship that they were too large. This was met by a fresh list, but these his lordship said were not in progress. In short, it became clear that the British Navy contained no ship of war for me.

I frankly told his lordship as much, remarking that as “the Board was evidently of opinion that my services were not required, it would be better for me to go back to the College of Edinburgh and pursue my studies, with a view of occupying myself in some other employment.” His lordship eyed me keenly, to see whether I really meant what I said, and observing no signs of flinching,—for beyond doubt my countenance showed signs of disgust at such unmerited treatment,—he said, “Well, you shall have a ship. Go down to Plymouth, and there await the orders of the Admiralty.”

Thanking his lordship, I left him, and repairing to Plymouth, found myself appointed to the _Arab_. There was some difficulty in finding her, for my sanguine imagination had depicted a rakish craft, ready to run over to the French coast, and return with a goodly batch of well-laden coasters. In place of this, a dockyard attendant showed me the bare ribs of a collier, which had been purchased into the service in the manner described by Captain Brenton, as quoted in the last chapter. I would not have cared for this, but a single glance at the naked timbers showed me that, to use a seaman’s phrase, “she would sail like a haystack.” It was not my wish however to complain, but rather to make the best of the wretched craft provided for me; and therefore there was nothing to be done but to wait patiently whilst she was completed,—for the most part with old timber from broken-up vessels.

As soon as the _Arab_ was ready for sea, instead of being permitted to make a foray on the French coast—for which, however, she was ill-adapted—orders were given to take a cruise round the Land’s End, into St. George’s Channel, and return to Plymouth.

This experimental service being accomplished, without result of any kind, although we sighted several suspicious vessels, which from our bad sailing qualities we could not examine; on our return, the _Arab_ was ordered to join the force then lying in the Downs, quietly watching the movements of the enemy on the opposite coast.

Though Napoleon had not a marine capable of competing with ours, he had, during the last war, become aware that any number of French gun-boats could sail along their own coasts under the protection of the numerous batteries, and hence he conceived the project of uniting these with others at Boulogne, so as to form collectively a flotilla capable of effecting an invasion of England, whose attention was to be divided by an attempt on Ireland, for which purpose an army and fleet were assembled at Brest.

The means by which this invasion of the Kentish or Sussex coast was to be effected is worth adverting to. The various towns of France were invited to construct flat-bottomed boats, to be distinguished by the names of the towns and departments which furnished them. They were divided into three classes, and transported to the nearest port-town, thence coastwise to Boulogne, there to be filled with troops, and convoyed to the English shores by ships of war. It has been the custom to deride this armament, but had it not been for Nelson’s subsequent victory at Trafalgar, I see no cause to doubt that sooner or later it might have been successful. In our day of steam-ships the way to prevent the success of a similar project is by the maintenance of a navy more efficiently manned than modern governments appear to think necessary for national safety.

I do not mean efficiency as to the _number_ of vessels of war—for in my early day the number was very great, but their efficiency, from causes already mentioned, very trifling. I mean, rather, that every care should be taken to keep a sufficient number in a high state of discipline; but above all, that the stimulus of reward for merit should be so applied, as that parliamentary influence should not interfere with officers, nor a paltry hankering after saving with the crews.

The _Arab_ was sent to watch the enemy in Boulogne. To those acquainted with the collier build, even as they appear in the Thames to this day, it is scarcely necessary to say that she would not work to windward. With a fair wind it was not difficult to get off Boulogne, but to get back with the same wind was—in such a craft—all but impossible. Our only way of effecting this was, by watching the tide, to drift off as well as we could. A gale of wind anywhere from N.E. to N.W. would infallibly have driven us on shore on the French coast.

Under such circumstances, the idea of effectively watching the port, as understood by me,—viz. to look out for troop-boats inshore,—was out of the question, our whole attention being necessarily directed to the vessel’s safety. Considering this compromised, I wrote to the admiral commanding, that the _Arab_ was of no use for the service required, as she would not work to windward, and that her employment in such a service could only result in our loss by shipwreck on the French coast.

My letter was no doubt forwarded to the Admiralty, for shortly afterwards an order arrived for the _Arab_ to convoy the Greenland ships from Shetland, and then to cruise in the North Sea, to _protect the fisheries_. The order was, in fact, to cruise to the N. E. of the Orkneys, _where no vessel fished, and where consequently there were no fisheries to protect_!!! Not so much as a single whaler was seen from the mast-head during the whole of that lonely cruise, though it was as light by night as by day.

The Board had fairly caught me, but a more cruel order could not have been devised by official malevolence. It was literally naval exile in a tub, regardless of expense to the nation. To me it was literally a period of despair, from the useless inactivity into which I was forced, without object or purpose, beyond that of visiting me with the weight of official displeasure.

I will not trouble the reader with any reminiscences of this degrading command, or rather dreary punishment, for such it was no doubt intended to be, as depriving me of the opportunity of exerting or distinguishing myself; and this for no better reason, than my having most truly, though perhaps inconsiderately, urged, in justification of the promotion of the gallant lieutenant of the _Speedy_, that all Lord St. Vincent’s chief officers had been promoted for an action in which fewer men fell in a three-decker than in my brig.

Of this protracted cruise it is sufficient to state that my appointment to the _Arab_ was dated October 5th, 1803, and that she returned to England on the 1st of December, 1804, a period which formed a blank in my life.

On my arrival, Lord St. Vincent, fortunately for me, had quitted, or rather had been compelled to retire from the Admiralty. The late Duke of Hamilton, the premier peer of Scotland, and my excellent friend, was so indignant at my ignominious expulsion from active service, where alone it would be beneficial to the country, that, unsolicited by any one, he strongly impressed upon Lord Melville, the successor of Lord St. Vincent, the necessity of relieving me from that penal hulk, the _Arab_, and repairing the injustice which had been inflicted on me, by employing me on more important service. Lord Melville admitted the injustice, and promptly responded to the appeal, by transferring me from the wretched craft in which I had been for fifteen months in exile—to the _Pallas_, a new fir-built frigate of 32 guns.

CHAP. X.

CRUISE OF THE _PALLAS_.

ORDERS OF THE PALLAS EMBARGOED.—CAPTURE OF THE CAROLINA.—ARRIVAL OF THE PRIZES.—CAPTURE OF PAPAL BULLS.—A CHASE.—ADMIRAL YOUNG.—ELECTION FOR HONITON.—NOVEL ELECTION TACTICS.—BECOME A REFORMER.—PAINFUL RESULTS.

On my appointment to the _Pallas_, Lord Melville considerately gave me permission to cruise for a month off the Azores under Admiralty orders. The favour—the object of which was to give me an opportunity of trying my luck against the enemy, independent of superior command—was no doubt granted in consideration of the lengthened, not to say malevolent, punishment to which I had been condemned in the _Arab_.

My orders were to join my ship at Plymouth, with a promise that my instructions should be forwarded. In place of this, and in disregard of Lord Melville’s intention, the Admiralty orders were embargoed by the Port Admiral, Sir W. Young, who had taken upon himself to recopy them, and thus to convert them into orders _issued under his authority_. The effect was, to enable him to lay claim to the admiral’s share of any prize-money that we might make, even though captured out of his jurisdiction, which extended no further than the Sound.

The mention of this circumstance requires brief comment, in order to account for the result which followed. Perhaps the most lucid explanation that can be given will be an extract from a letter of Lord St. Vincent to the Admiralty when in command of the Channel fleet. “I do not know,” says Lord St. Vincent, “what I shall do if you feel a difficulty to give orders to despatch such ships as you may judge necessary to place under my command. I have a notion that he (Admiral Young) _wishes to have the power of issuing orders for their sailing, in order to entitle him to share prize-money_!!” (BRENTON, vol. ii. p. 249.) From this extract from Lord St. Vincent, it is evident that if Admiral Young, according to the system then prevailing, had the power—as on his Lordship’s authority unquestionably appears—of paralysing the operations of a whole fleet, on the question of sharing prize-money, remonstrance on my part against the violation of Admiralty promises, made by Lord Melville himself, would have been disregarded. Nothing was therefore left but to submit.

The first object was to equip the _Pallas_ with all speed; and for this we were obliged to resort to impressment, so much had my do-nothing cruise in the _Arab_ operated against me in the minds of the seamen. Having, however, succeeded in impressing some good men, to whom the matter was explained, they turned to with great alacrity to impress others; so that in a short time we had an excellent crew. This was the only time I ever found it necessary to impress men.

As the cruise off the Western Islands—when arrived there—was restricted to a month, it was matter of consideration how to turn such orders to the best account, without infringing on the letter of my instructions. We therefore crossed the Bay of Biscay, and having run to the westward of Cape Finisterre, _worked up_ towards the Azores, so as to fall in with any vessels which might be bound from the Spanish West Indies to Cadiz.

Scarcely had we altered our course, when, on the 6th of February, we fell in with and captured a large ship, the _Carolina_, bound from the Havannah to Cadiz, and laden with a valuable cargo. After taking out the crew, we despatched her to Plymouth.

Having learned from the prisoners that the captured ship was part of a convoy bound from the Havannah to Spain, we proceeded on our course, and on the 13th captured a second vessel, which was still more valuable, containing, in addition to the usual cargo, some diamonds, and ingots of gold and silver. This vessel was sent to Plymouth as before.

On the 15th, we fell in with another, _La Fortuna_, which proved the richest of all, as, besides her cargo, she had on board a large quantity of dollars, which we shifted into the _Pallas_, and sent the ship to England.

On the 16th, we captured a fine Spanish letter-of-marque, with more dollars on board; but as a heavy sea then running prevented us from taking them on board the _Pallas_, these were therefore despatched with her to Plymouth.

Whilst securing the latter vessel, we observed at sunset an English privateer take possession of a large ship. On seeing us—evidently knowing that we were an English man-of-war, and therefore entitled to share in her capture—the privateer crowded all sail and made off with her prize in company. Unluckily for this calculation, the prize was subsequently taken by a French squadron, when it turned out that the captured vessel—the _Preciosa_—was the richest of the whole Spanish convoy, having, in addition to her cargo, no less than a million dollars on board. Singularly enough, the privateer belonged to my agent Mr. Teed, from whom I afterwards learned the value of the vessel which his captain’s mistaken greed had sacrificed.

The sensation created on the arrival of the prizes at Plymouth was immense, as the following curious extracts from a local paper will show.

“_February_ 24.—Came in the _Caroline_ from Havanah with sugar and logwood. Captured off the coast of Spain by the _Pallas_, Captain Lord Cochrane. The _Pallas_ was in pursuit of another with a very valuable cargo when the _Caroline_ left. His Lordship sent word to Plymouth, that if ever it was in his power, he would fulfil his public advertisement (stuck up here) for entering seamen, of filling their pockets with Spanish ‘pewter’ and ‘cobs,’ nicknames given by seamen to ingots and dollars.

“_March_ 7.—Came in a rich Spanish prize, with jewels, gold, silver, ingots, and a valuable cargo, taken by the _Pallas_, Captain Lord Cochrane. Another Spanish ship, the _Fortuna_, from Vera Cruz, had been taken by the _Pallas_, laden with mahogany and logwood. She had 432,000 dollars on board, but has not yet arrived.

“_March_ 23.—Came in a most beautiful Spanish letter-of-marque of fourteen guns, said to be a very rich and valuable prize to the _Pallas_, Captain Lord Cochrane.”

A still greater sensation was excited by the arrival of the _Pallas_ herself, with three large golden candlesticks, each about five feet high, placed upon the mast heads. The history of these is not a little curious. They had been presented by the good people of Mexico, together with other valuable plate, to some celebrated church in Spain, the name of whose patron saint I forget, and had been shipped on board one of the most seaworthy vessels.

Their ultimate destination was, however, less propitious. It was my wish to possess them, and with this view an arrangement had been made with the officers and crew of the _Pallas_. On presenting the candlesticks at the Custom-house, the authorities refused to permit them to pass without paying the full duty, which amounted to a heavier sum than I was willing to disburse. Consequently, although of exquisite workmanship, they were broken in pieces, and thus suffered to pass as old gold.

The following incident relating to the capture of one of the vessels had escaped my recollection, till pointed out in the _Naval Chronicle_ for 1805. It is substantially correct.

“Lord Cochrane, in his late cruise off the coasts of Spain and Portugal, fell in with, and took, _La Fortuna_, a Spanish ship bound to Corunna, and richly laden with gold and silver to the amount of 450,000 dollars (132,000_l._), and about the same sum in valuable goods and merchandise. When the Spanish captain and his supercargo came on board the _Pallas_, they appeared much dejected, as their private property on board amounted to the value of 30,000 dollars each. The captain said he had lost, in the war of 1779, a similar fortune, having then been taken by a British cruiser, so that now, as then, he had to begin the world again. Lord Cochrane, feeling for the dejected condition of the Spaniards, consulted his officers as to their willingness to give them back 5,000 dollars each in specie. This being immediately agreed to, his lordship ordered the boatswain to pipe all hands, and addressing the men to the like purpose, the gallant fellows sung out, ‘Aye, aye, my lord, with all our hearts,’ and gave the unfortunate Spaniards three cheers.”

Another curious circumstance must not be passed over. In one of the captured vessels was a number of bales, marked “_invendebles_.” Making sure of some rich prize, we opened the bales, which to our chagrin consisted of pope’s bulls, dispensations for eating meat on Fridays, and indulgences for peccadilloes of all kinds, with the price affixed. They had evidently formed a venture from Spain to the Mexican sin market, but the supply exceeding the demand, had been reconsigned to the manufacturers. We consigned them to the waves.

On our way home we were very near losing our suddenly acquired wealth and the frigate too. Whilst between the Azores and Portugal, one of those hazes common in semi-tropical climates, had for some time prevailed on the surface of the sea, the mast-heads of the ship being above the haze, with a clear sky. One day the look-out reported three large ships steering for us, and on going aloft I made them out to be line-of-battle ships in chase of the _Pallas_. As they did not show any colours, it was impossible to ascertain their national character, but, from the equality of the fore and maintopgallant masts, there was little doubt they were French.

The course of the frigate was immediately altered, and the weather changing, it began to blow hard, with a heavy sea.

The _Pallas_ was crank to such a degree, that the lee main-deck guns, though housed, were under water, and even the lee quarter-deck carronades were at times immerged.

As the strange ships were coming up with us hand over hand, the necessity of carrying more sail became indispensable, notwithstanding the immersion of the hull.