Part 16

The fact is, that neither of my highly meritorious officers would have been promoted, but that, after Lieutenant Sibley’s promotion for a less distinguished service, it was impossible to evade their claims if brought under the notice of the legislature; and it was only by this threatened exposure of such palpable injustice that the promotion of either officer was obtained.

Another gross instance of partiality in the course pursued by the Admiralty towards my officers and crews, consisted in the refusal to purchase the _Tapageuse_ into the navy; though the _Cæsar_—prize to Sir Samuel Hood’s squadron—was so purchased. For the four vessels of war, viz. the _Tapageuse_, 14 guns; the _Malicieuse_, 18 guns; the _Garonne_, 22; and the _Gloire_, 24,—total, 78 guns, driven on shore by the _Pallas_, in one day, no remuneration was awarded: the pretence for withholding it being, that as there were no proceeds there could be no reward; whilst, as the enemy’s crews escaped, head money was denied, though the Act of Parliament conferring it, was expressly framed to meet such cases, the nonpayment practically deciding, that it was not worth a commander’s while to expose himself and ship in destroying enemy’s vessels! Supposing it to have been necessary to adhere stringently to the Admiralty regulation, the rule itself rendered it the more incumbent on the Board to give remuneration for the _Tapageuse_, by purchasing that vessel into the service, as was done to Lieutenant Sibley and his men in the case of the _Cæsar_. Such remuneration was, however, wholly withheld.[35]

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Footnote 35:

If a vessel were captured and destroyed, head money was awarded, as in the case of the _Calcutta_, which surrendered to the _Impérieuse_ in the subsequent affair of Basque Roads. It was sworn to by others that she surrendered to the squadron; but that this was not the case is proved by the French government having shot her captain for surrendering _to me alone_; a sentence which was not likely to have been passed had he surrendered to eight or ten ships. In this case head money was awarded to Lord Gambier’s fleet, on which account I declined to touch a shilling of it.

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Another curious circumstance connected with the _Pallas_ may be here mentioned. As the reader is aware, that ship—on her last cruise—had taken a number of chasse-marées, some of which were laden with the finest vintages of the south of France. Independently of the wine gratuitously supplied by the _Pallas_ to the squadron of Admiral Thornborough, a large quantity of the finest had been reserved to be sold for the benefit of the captors; so much, in fact, that in an easily glutted market, like that of Plymouth, it was not saleable for anything beyond the duty.

An offer was made to the Victualling Board to accept, for our claret, the price of the villanous small beer then served out to ships’ companies, so that Jack might have a treat without additional expense to the nation. The offer was unwisely refused, despite the benefit to the health of the men.

As customs officers were placed on board the prize-vessels containing the wine, considerable expense was incurred. We therefore found it imperative that something should be done with it, and as the Victualling Board refused to take it, there was no alternative but to knock out the bungs of the casks, and empty the wine overboard.

My agent had, however, orders to pay duty on two pipes, and to forward them, on my account, to my uncle the Honourable Basil Cochrane, who had kindly offered to stow them in his cellars in Portman Square. Knowing the quality of the wine, the agent took upon himself to forward seven pipes instead of two, and on these duty was paid. As it was impossible to consume such a quantity, the whole was bottled, in order to await opportunity for its disposal.

On this wine hangs a curious story. My residence in town was in Old Palace Yard, and one of my constant visitors was the late Mr. Croker, of the Admiralty, then on the look-out for political employment. This gentleman had an invitation to my table as often as he might think proper, and of this—from a similarity of taste and habit, as I was willing to believe—he so far availed himself as to become my daily guest; receiving a cordial reception, from friendship towards a person of ardent mind, who had to struggle as I had done to gain a position.

Croker was one day dining with me, when some of the _Pallas_ wine was placed on the table. Expressing his admiration of my “superb claret,” for such it really was, notwithstanding that the Victualling Board had rejected wine of a similar quality for the use of seamen, though offered at the price of small beer, he asked me to let him have some of it. The reply was, that he should have as much as he pleased, at the cost of duty and bottling, taking the wine as I had done from the French, for nothing: jocosely remarking, that the claret would be all the better for coming from a friend instead of an enemy, he stated his intention to avail himself of my offer.

Shortly after this incident, Croker, who had previously been in parliament, was appointed secretary to the Admiralty, and from that day forward he never presented himself at my apartments; nor did I, by any chance, meet him till some time afterwards, we encountered each other, by accident, near Whitehall.

Recognising me in a way meant to convey the idea, that as he was now my master, our relations were slightly altered, I asked him why he had not sent for his wine? His reply was, “Why, really I have no use for it, my friends having supplied me more liberally than I have occasion for!” Well knowing the meaning of this, I made him a reply expressive of my appreciation of his conduct towards me personally, as well as of the wine sources from which he had been so liberally supplied. This, of course, was conclusive as to any future acquaintance, and we parted without one additional word.

This incident converted into a foe one who had been regarded by me in the spirit of sincere and disinterested friendship. He was, moreover, in a position to make his enmity felt, and when I was hunted down by that infamous trial which blasted at a blow my hopes and reputation, the weight of official vengeance was all the more keenly felt, as being the return of former hospitality.

In my previous attempts to call the attention of the House to naval abuses, Croker was my constant opponent; and as, in our days of friendship, I had unreservedly unbosomed to him my views and plans of action, he was in a condition to fight me with my own weapons, which thus became employed in continuance of the corrupt system at which they were aimed. If, at that period, there were any naval abuses requiring reformation, Mr. Croker was certainly the greatest stumbling-block to their removal, for no better reason than that plans for their remedy emanated from me, though in the days of our friendship, he had not only approved those plans, but even suggested others.

On the 23rd of August, 1806, I was appointed to the command of the _Impérieuse_ frigate, which was commissioned on the 2nd of September following, the crew of the _Pallas_ being turned over to her.

We left Plymouth on the 17th of November, but in a very unfit condition for sea.

The alacrity of the port authorities to obtain praise for despatching vessels to sea before they were in fit condition, was reprehensible. It was a point in those days for port admirals to hurry off ships, regardless of consequences, immediately after orders for their sailing were received; this “_despatch_,” as it was incorrectly termed, securing the commendation of the Admiralty, whom no officer dared to inform of the danger to which both ships and crews were thereby exposed.

The case of the _Impérieuse_ was very near proving the fallacy of the system. She was ordered to put to sea, the moment the rudder—which was being hung—would steer the ship. The order was of necessity obeyed. We were therefore compelled to leave port with a lighter full of provisions on one side, a second with ordnance stores on the other, and a third filled with gunpowder towing astern. We had not even opportunity to secure the guns; the quarter-deck cannonades were not shipped on their slides; and all was in the utmost confusion.

The result of this precipitation was—for it had no object—that as soon as the land was out of sight, we were obliged to heave-to, in mid-channel, to unstow the after hold, get down the ballast, and clear the decks. Worse still—the rigging had not been effectually set up, so that had a gale of wind come on, the safety of the frigate might have been compromised; or had we been attacked by an enemy—even a gun-boat—we could not have fired a shot in return, as, from the powder coming on board last, we had not a cartridge filled.

The weather becoming thick on the following day, no observation could be taken. The consequence was, that from the current and unknown drift of the frigate whilst hove-to, to set up the new rigging, secure the masts, and stow the hold, we drifted toward Ushant, and in the night struck heavily three or four times on a shelf, but fortunately forged over into a deep pool, in which, as it was blowing hard, we had to let go three anchors to hold the ship till the following morning.

As soon as it became daylight, it was found that the _Impérieuse_ was inside of Ushant, instead of outside, to the manifest peril of the frigate. As it was, we sounded our way out with difficulty, and happily without material injury.

I afterwards demanded a court-martial on my conduct in this affair, but it was not granted; because it was known that the blame would have fallen on others, not on me. This unwise and arbitrary conduct, in hastily and prematurely forcing vessels to sea, was mistaken by the public as a manifestation of official zeal in carrying on the service!

It would be easy to mention numerous instances of the like nature, but this being my own case, I can vouch for its authenticity.

In a future chapter it will be necessary again to advert to these and other evils to which men and ships were not only exposed, but actually sacrificed, by hurry or neglect of equipment.

On the 29th we joined the blockading squadron in Basque Roads, and were ordered by the admiral to cruise off shore in the vicinity, but without effect, till the 19th of December, when we captured two vessels off Sable d’Olonne, and on the 31st a third at the entrance of the Garonne.

On the 4th of January we gave chase to several vessels which ran in the direction of Arcassan. On the following day the boats were sent in chase of a galliot and another vessel in shore, but the cutter being swamped in the surf, both escaped into the creek or basin, and ran ashore. We then anchored about three miles from the entrance.

On the 6th we again hoisted out boats and sent them with the stream anchors to warp off the vessels, in which operation they were successfully obstructed by a battery on an island at the entrance of the creek. As the water was too shoal for the frigate to approach with safety, the boats were manned, and before daylight on the 7th we carried the battery by assault, spiking or otherwise destroying the guns, which consisted of four 36-pounders, two field pieces, and a 13-inch mortar; this done, we collected their carriages, and what wood we could find, with which we set fire to the fort. Several gunboats being at anchor in the rear of the island, we burned them, as well as the vessels previously chased, not thinking it prudent to remain and get them off, as a general alarm had been excited along the coast.

Having destroyed this battery, we again sailed for the Garonne, and on the 9th anchored off Cordovan, in the hope of intercepting any vessels entering or quitting the river; but notwithstanding we remained here till the 19th, none showed themselves, nor was any attempt made by the enemy to dislodge us from our position. Our anchorage was, however, exposed, and heavy gales coming on, we were compelled to make sail on the 19th.

Shortly after this the _Impérieuse_ was ordered home, arriving at Plymouth on the 11th of February, without further incident. Indeed the cruise would not be worthy of record, except to preserve the order of time in this narrative of my services unbroken.

On the 26th we chased some vessels off Isle Dieu, but they ran under the protection of a battery with which we exchanged some shots, and then made sail in the direction of Sable d’Olonne. On the 29th joined the squadron, and were ordered to supply the _Atalante_ with provisions and water. A further notice respecting this operation will be found in the parliamentary debate in the next chapter.

CHAP. XIII.

DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.

DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.—WESTMINSTER ELECTION.— REPLY TO MR. SHERIDAN.—I AM ELECTED.—VIRULENT RECRIMINATIONS.—OPENING OF THE HOUSE.—MOVE FOR AN ACCOUNT OF SINECURES.—OPPOSITION TO THE MOTION.—MR. PERCEVAL’S PROPOSITION.—MY MOTION EVADED.—NAVAL ABUSES.— DETAILS OF ABUSES.—NAVAL HOSPITALS.—SPEECH IN THE COMMONS.—JOIN LORD COLLINGWOOD’S FLEET.

On the 27th of April, 1807, the short but busy parliament was dissolved, “his Majesty being anxious to recur to the sense of his people.” In other words, it was dissolved for political reasons not within the scope of the present work to enter.

In the following month of May writs were issued for a general election, and as my Honiton constituents, even during the short period I had been ashore, had heartily sickened me of further connection with them, by the incessant cry for places with which they had assailed me, I made up my mind to become a candidate for Westminster, with the object of adding the weight of an important constituency to my own representations on naval or other abuses whenever opportunity might occur. Or, as I told the electors of Westminster at a meeting convened at the St. Alban’s Tavern, my motive for soliciting their suffrages was, that “a man representing a rotten borough could not feel himself of equal consequence in the House with one representing such a city as Westminster—that disclaiming all attachment to parties or factions, it was not only my wish to be independent, but to be placed in a position where I could become so with effect, and that as this was impossible with no more efficient backers than my late constituents, my connection with them had ceased, and I had taken the liberty of soliciting the suffrages of the electors for Westminster.”

The candidates for Westminster were, the Right Hon. Brinsley Sheridan, Mr. Elliot, Mr. Paul, and myself. It was not till the poll had commenced, that Sir Francis Burdett—at that time confined to his bed by a dangerous wound received in a duel with Mr. Paul—was put in nomination, without his knowledge, the nature of his wound not permitting any person to communicate with him, except his medical attendant.

I was regarded as the opponent of Mr. Sheridan, and for want of better argument that gentleman’s partisans in the press sought to depreciate me in the estimation of the electors by representations of the most unjust character, a far more reprehensible act than that of pointing out to them the advantage of retaining an eminent and tried man in preference to one of whose political tendencies they could practically know nothing.

In electioneering all devices are considered fair, so in place of resenting or retaliating, they were met by my declaration, that—

“Whatever gentlemen might say of their long political services—to the electors belonged the privilege of judging for themselves, and that in looking for security for the performance of pledges, they should also consider the character of those who gave them. I was not a mere professed reformer, but the zealous friend of reform, earnestly desiring to see it thoroughly carried out as regarded many abuses which had crept into our constitution. Much had been said of profligacy and profusion of public money. But what was to be said of a Commander-in-chief of the Navy, who would give away those commissions which formed the stimulus, and should be the reward of honourable merit, in exchange for borough interests? If I had the honour of being returned for Westminster, I should feel confident in rising to arraign such abuses. But in representing a rotten borough, I was under restriction.”

This explanation was favourably received, and the result was, that on the 10th of May I was at the head of the poll, whilst my detractors were at the bottom; Sir Francis Burdett being third, and Mr. Sheridan fourth,—a circumstance which called forth from the latter gentleman one of those diatribes for which he had become famous.

To this I replied as follows:—

“I perfectly approved of the sentiments professed by the right honourable gentleman, that ‘with respect to his own principles, he would prefer the approbation of his country before the favour of any administration, or other set of men.’ It had, however, been said, that naval officers were unfit for representatives of the people in parliament. But how were abuses in the Navy to be pointed out or redressed by parliament, without the presence of men competent to point them out, give accurate information, and suggest remedies?

“For six years past, such abuses had prevailed as were paralysing the Navy. It was not the place to enter into details, but a few of the more prominent points might be mentioned. Under what was called the system of economy, adopted in the fleet, ships were kept at sea month after month, and in such a crazy state of repair, as scarcely to be in a condition to float. The system was, that when such vessels came into harbour for repair, the Admiralty artificers were sent on board to examine them. These men were afraid to tell the truth, if they considered it unpalatable to their employers, lest they should lose their places. They therefore reported, that such ships would do awhile longer, with some slight repairs.

“The vessels received those repairs, without coming into dock, and were sent to sea, where they were wrecked or foundered! This was the case with the _Atalante_, ship of war, which was four months off Rochefort last winter. I was ordered to victual that ship for a long voyage, and remonstrated—declaring my opinion that she was unfit to go to sea, and that, if she were sent, the first intelligence from her would be, that she had foundered. The result was exactly as I had foretold. In spite of remonstrance, she was sent to sea, and ship, crew, and all went to the bottom (loud laughter). It was no laughing matter. Like the fable of the frogs, it might be fun to some, though anything but fun for brave men, whose lives were so valuable to their families and their country. A similar fate attended the _Felix_ schooner, which was compelled to proceed to sea in a like condition, and went down with officers and crew, of whom one man only was saved.

“Another point might be mentioned. What could be said of a man at the head of the Navy, who would lavishly grant away, in exchange for rotten borough interests, naval commissions which ought to be the reward of those brave officers who had for years devoted their lives at every hazard in the service of their country? Yet it was notorious such things were done.

“It had been asserted, that naval and military officers were ineligible to seats in parliament, because they might at any time be called away by their professional duty. But such men might—and often did—effect more for their country in a few days—sometimes in a few hours—than half those gentlemen who continued for seven years, sitting on their cushions in the House of Commons, without speaking a word for the public good,—nay, very often voting against it (laughter and applause).

“With regard to reform, it would be my wish to bring back the constitution to its ancient purity—to exclude altogether from parliament those placemen and pensioners who, by ancient laws, were excluded from it, but whom modern practice had deemed it expedient to place in the Legislature. What had the Committee of Reform done—of whose labours and intentions so much had been said? When the dissolution came, they were found sitting where they began their task, without having effected anything whatever.”

At the final close of the poll, Sir Francis Burdett and myself, being at the head, were declared elected, and I had the honour of representing a body of constituents whose subsequent support, under the most trying events of my life, forms one of my most gratifying recollections. I must also record it, to the honour of my Westminster friends, that during my long connection with them, no elector ever asked me to procure for himself or relatives a place under Government, whilst the multitude of applications for place from my late constituents formed, as has been said, a source of intolerable annoyance.

This election was remarkable as being the first in which public opinion firmly opposed itself to party faction. It had become unmistakeably manifest that the two great factions into which politicians were divided had no other object than to share in the general plunder, and, as a first step to this, to embarrass the government of the “_ins_” by the factious opposition of the “_outs_.” Indeed, so obvious had this become, that the appellations of Whig and Tory were laid aside by common consent, and the more descriptive names of “_outs_” and “_ins_” substituted in their stead. My election had no doubt been secured by the emphatic declaration, that I would belong to neither party, supporting or opposing either as in my judgment might seem conducive to the national good.

The animosity of these respective parties against each other was favourable to such a course. Each accused the other of grasping at offices for the sake of personal or dependent advantage, and averred that the aim of their opponents was neither the administration of government—which, as has been seen, was left to administer itself in its own way—nor the good of the country, but the possession and distribution of the public money. So virulent did these mutual recriminations become, that it cannot be wondered at if people took the disputants at their word; the more so as the moment either party was in power they threw aside the principles which had gained momentary ascendency, and devoted their sole attention to their former practices, knowing that, as their possession of office might be short, a tenure so uncertain must be made the most of. Statesmanship amongst such people was out of the question. Neither party could even foresee that the very disgust which their scramble for office was exciting in the public mind, must one day overthrow both factions.