Part 28
I feel the deepest affliction at the news we have just received of the loss of our dear and estimable friend Laurens. His career of virtue is at an end. How strangely are human affairs conducted, that so many excellent qualities could not insure a more happy fate! The world will feel the loss of a man who has left few like him behind, and America of a citizen whose heart realized that patriotism of which others only talk. I shall feel the loss of a friend I truly and most tenderly loved, and one of a very small number.
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I am, dear Sir, Truly your friend and servant, A. Hamilton.
To General Greene.
HAMILTON TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Albany, October 26, 1782.
Sir:
I am honored with your letters of the 5th, 15th, and 16th instant.
The detail you have been pleased to enter into in that of the 15th, exhibits very cogent reasons for confining yourself, to pretty large denominations of notes; some of them had occurred to me, others had not; but I thought it my duty to state to you the operation which that circumstance had; as in the midst of the variety and extent of the objects which occupy your attention, you may not have so good opportunities of seeing the effect of your plans in detail. While I acknowledge that your observations have corrected my ideas upon the subject, and shown me that there would be danger in generally lessening the denominations of the paper issued, I should be uncandid not to add, that it still appears to me, there would be a preponderance of advantages in having a part of a smaller amount. I shall not trouble you at present with any further reasons for this opinion.
I have immediately on the receipt of your letter taken measures for the publication of your advertisement in the newspapers of this State.
You will perceive by the inclosed cash account that I have received five and twenty hundred dollars; this was procured in part of the loan I mentioned to you. It was chiefly paid to me in specie, and I have exchanged it with Colonel Pickering and Mr. Duer for your notes; the latter had twelve hundred dollars. Taxes collect slowly, but I must shortly receive two or three hundred pounds more, of which Mr. Duer will have the principal benefit, as it appears by your letter to him, that you hoped he might receive three thousand dollars from me.
As I may shortly set out for Philadelphia, I wish to surrender to Mr. Tillotson, as soon as you think proper, the office in which he is to succeed.
I have the honor to be, With sincere respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient servant, Alex. Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO LA FAYETTE.
Albany, November 3, 1782.
Since we parted, my dear Marquis, at Yorktown, I have received three letters from you; one written on your way to Boston, two from France. I acknowledge that I have written to you only once; but the reason has been, that I have been taught daily to expect your return. This I should not have done from my own calculations; for I saw no prospect but of an inactive campaign; and you had much better be intriguing for your hobby-horse at Paris, than loitering away your time here. Yet they seem to be convinced, at head quarters, that you were certainly coming out; and by your letters it appears to have been your own expectation. I imagine you have relinquished it by this time.
I have been employed for the last ten months in rocking the cradle and studying the art of _fleecing_ my neighbors. I am now a grave counsellor-at-law, and shall soon be a grave member of Congress. The Legislature, at their last session, took it into their heads to name me, pretty unanimously, one of their delegates.
I am going to throw away a few months more in public life, and then retire a simple citizen and good _paterfamilias_. I set out for Philadelphia in a few days. You see the disposition I am in. You are condemned to run the race of ambition all your life. I am already tired of the career, and dare to leave it. But you would not give a pin for my letter unless politics or war made a part of it. You tell me they are employed in building _a peace_: and other accounts say it is nearly finished. I hope the work may meet with no interruptions. It is necessary for America; especially if your army is taken from us, as we are told will soon be the case. That was an essential _point d’appui_, though money was the _primum mobile_ of our finances, which must now lose the little activity lately given them. Our trade is prodigiously cramped. These States are in no humor for continuing exertions. If the war lasts, it must be carried on by external succors. I make no apology for the inertness of this country: I detest it: but since it exists, I am sorry to see other resources diminish.
Your Ministers ought to know best what they are doing; but if the war goes on, and the removal of the army does not prove an unwise measure, I renounce all future pretensions to judgment. I think, however, the circumstances of the enemy oblige them to peace.
We have been hoping that they would abandon their posts in these States. It no doubt was once in contemplation, but latter appearances are rather ambiguous. I begin to suspect that if peace is not made, New-York and Charleston, the former at least, will still be held.
There is no probability that I shall be one of the Commissioners of Peace. It is a thing I do not desire myself, and which I imagine other people will not desire.
Our army is now in excellent order, but small.
The temper we are in respecting the alliance, you will see from public acts. There never was a time of greater unanimity on that point.
I wish I durst enter into a greater detail with you; but our cipher is not fit for it, and I fear to trust it in another shape.
Is there any thing you wish on this side the water? You know the warmth and sincerity of my attachment. Command me.
I have not been so happy as to see Mr. De Segur. The title of your friend would have been a title to every thing in my power to manifest.
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Yours _pour la vie_, A. Hamilton.
P.S. I wrote a long letter to the Viscount De Noailles, whom I also love. Has he received it? Is the worthy Gouvion well? Has he succeeded? How is it with our friend Gimat? How is it with General Du Portail? All those men are men of merit, and interest my best wishes.
Poor Laurens! He has fallen a sacrifice to his ardor in a trifling skirmish in South Carolina. You know how truly I loved him, and will judge how much I regret him.
I will write you again soon after my arrival at Philadelphia.
A. H.
To the Marquis De La Fayette.
HAMILTON TO THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND.
Philadelphia, Dec. 11, 1782.
Sir:
Congress are equally affected and alarmed by the information they have received, that the Legislature of your State, at their last meeting, have refused their concurrence in establishing a duty on imports. They consider this measure as so indispensable to the prosecution of the war, that a sense of duty, and regard to the common safety, compel them to renew their efforts to engage a compliance with it. And in this view, they have determined to send a deputation of three members to your State, as expressed in the inclosed resolution. The gentlemen they have appointed will be able to lay before you a full and just representation of public affairs, from which, they flatter themselves, will result a conviction of the propriety of their solicitude upon the present occasion. Convinced by past experience of the zeal and patriotism of the State of Rhode Island, they cannot doubt that it will yield to those urgent considerations which flow from a knowledge of our true situation.
They will only briefly observe that the increasing discontents of the army, the loud clamors of the public creditors, and the extreme disproportion between the public supplies and the demands of the public service, are so many invincible arguments for the fund recommended by Congress. They feel themselves unable to devise any other that will be more efficacious, less exceptionable, or more generally agreeable; and if this is refused, they anticipate calamities of a most menacing nature--with this consolation, however, that they have faithfully discharged their trust, and that the mischiefs which follow cannot be attributed to them.
A principal object of the proposed fund is to _procure loans abroad_. If no security can be held out to lenders, the success of these must necessarily be very limited. The last accounts on the subject were not flattering; and when intelligence shall arrive in Europe, that the State of Rhode Island has disagreed to the only fund which has yet been devised, there is every reason to apprehend it will have a fatal influence upon their future progress.
Deprived of this resource, our affairs must in all probability hasten to a dangerous crisis, and these States be involved in greater embarrassments than they have yet experienced, and from which it may be much more difficult to emerge. Congress will only add a request to your Excellency, that if the Legislature should not be sitting, it may be called together as speedily as possible, to enable the gentlemen whom they have deputed to perform the purpose of their mission.
GOVERNOR CLINTON TO HAMILTON.
Poughkeepsie, December 29, 1782.
Dear Sir:
Before I was honored by your letter of the eighteenth instant, I had received a line from Colonel Floyd on the same subject. As my answer to his is forwarded by the present conveyance, I beg leave to refer you to it for information. I hope it may prove satisfactory; and I flatter myself no further disappointment can take place. Should I, however, be mistaken, you have only to advise me of it, and I will immediately forward the cash.
Phelps, who was delayed on the road by the late heavy fall of snow, waited on me a few days since, and delivered me your official dispatches of the ninth instant. Considering the disposition heretofore discovered by Congress, on the subject of our controversy with the grants, their resolutions which you inclosed me, though short of what we are justly entitled to, exceed my expectations; and I am not without hope, if properly improved, may be the mean of leading to a just and favorable issue. The idea of many of the military being interested in the independency of Vermont, in consequence of their having taken grants of lands under them, I believe is without foundation. There was a period when the disposition of Congress, founded on political expedience, appeared so favorable to the independence of that district, as to have induced some gentlemen of the army to apply to the usurped government for grants. But when it was discovered that they were intriguing with the common enemy, the more respectable characters withdrew their applications, and relinquished all kind of connection with them; and even those who did not go so far, I imagine conceive themselves perfectly secure under our late acts. If, however, this should not be the case, any difficulty which may be apprehended from it may be easily obviated; as I am persuaded the Legislature are disposed to every liberal act that may consist with the honor of the State, and tend to facilitate a settlement of the dispute. There was a time, not long since, when Congress had only to have spoken decisively on the subject, and they would have been obeyed: nor do I believe the time is yet past, if they could be convinced that Congress were in earnest. But if force is necessary to carry their decision into execution, the longer it is delayed the more force it will require. The misfortune is, though I believe there are but few States that favor their independence, some members of those who do, take great pains to encourage the revolters in their opposition, by secret assurances that Congress will not direct any coercive measures against them: and I am not without my fears that this conduct will, in some measure, defeat the present resolutions.
I am, with great respect and esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient servant, George Clinton.
To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton, Esq.
LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
(Most Private.)
Cadix, Feb. 5, 1783.
Your friendship to me, my dear sir, and the affection I have for you, command my most _confidential_ communications. As public affairs have the first place with me, let me tell you that our Articles of Confederation ought to be revised, and measures immediately taken to invigorate the Continental Union; depend upon it, there lies the danger for America; this last stroke is wanting, and unless the States be strongly bound to each other, we have much to fear from British, and, indeed, from European politics. There ought to be delegates from each State, and perhaps some officers among them, one of whom I would be happy to be, who, toward next fall, would meet together, and under the presidence of General Washington, may devise upon amendments to be proposed in the Articles of Confederation--limits of States, &c., &c., &c. As to the army, I hope their country will be grateful, I hope the half pay affair may be terminated to their satisfaction. Now, my dear sir, I am going to torment you with my private concerns. First of all, I wish the people of America to know that, when I have lengthened my furlough, it was for their service, and at the request of their commissioners; that upon my embarking in a fresh expedition, it was with a view to join you in the summer, with forces adequate to every plan General Washington had directed me to promote; that, moreover, a Canadian expedition was to take place; that then, instead of sending a vessel, I was going myself to America. But that entreaties from your residence at Madrid have forced me to go there, and probably from there to Paris; but that in the month of June, I am to embark for America. I confess, my dear sir, I have a great value for my American popularity, and I want the people at large to know my affection to them and my zeal for their service. The best way to manage it is to have a resolve of Congress published, by way of answer to my letters, wherein their approbation of my conduct will comprehend the above mentioned matters.
There is another thing which would highly flatter me, and lies within your department; a ratification of the treaty will be sent by Congress to the Court of England; it is but an honorary commission, that requires only a few weeks, and even a few days’ attendance. The sedentary Minister you may send, or with me, or after me, or, what I would like better, at the time when Great Britain has sent hers to you. So many greater proofs of confidence have been bestowed upon me by Congress, that I may truly tell you my wishes upon this very pleasing mark of their esteem. Upon my leaving England, I have been considered there as an enthusiastic rebel, and, indeed, a young madman. I would well enough like to present myself there in the capacity of an Extraordinary Envoy from the United States; and though upon my committing so far the French Ambassador, I have been with him on pretty bad terms; now our friendship has revived, and I am in a situation to lead him into my measures, and to know his secrets without telling him mine.
As to the choice of a Minister, (this commission being only a compliment,) I think it is a very difficult task. I advise to take a gentleman who had no connection with the great men in England; our friend Hamilton would be a very proper choice; you ought to bring it about. Are you acquainted with Col. Harrison, who was in the General’s family; there are few men so honest and sensible; but I hope you may send Hamilton, and he knows better than all the British councils.
In case Congress were pleased to do for me what I have so much at heart, I would beg you to send Mr. McHenry to me, a member in the Maryland Senate. This, my dear sir, is entirely confidential for you, and _for you alone_; should the General be in Philadelphia, you may show it to him. Adieu. My best respects wait upon your lady and family.
Most affectionately, I am yours, La Fayette.
Should you think it of any use to have printed the last paragraph of my letter to Congress, I will be glad of it, as the opinion of one who knows Europe may have some weight with the people.
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, February 7, 1788.
Sir:
Flattering myself that your knowledge of me will induce you to receive the observations I make, as dictated by a regard to the public good, I take the liberty to suggest to you my ideas on some matters of delicacy and importance. I view the present juncture as a very interesting one. I need not observe how far the temper and situation of the army make it so. The state of our finances was perhaps never more critical. I am under injunctions which will not permit me to disclose some facts that would at once demonstrate this position; but I think it probable you will be possessed of them through another channel. It is, however, certain, that there has scarcely been a period of the revolution which called more for wisdom and decision in Congress. Unfortunately for us, we are a body not governed by reason or foresight, but by circumstances. It is probable we shall not take the proper measures; and if we do not, a few months may open an embarrassing scene. This will be the case, whether we have peace or a continuance of the war.
If the war continues, it would seem that the army must, in June, subsist itself, _to defend the country_. If peace should take place, it _will_ subsist itself, _to procure justice to itself_. It appears to be a prevailing opinion in the army, that the disposition to recompense their services, will cease with the necessity for them; and that if they once lay down their arms, they part with the means of obtaining justice. It is to be lamented that appearances afford too much ground for their distrust.
It becomes a serious inquiry, What is the true line of policy? The claims of the army, urged with moderation, but with firmness, may operate on those weak minds which are influenced by their apprehensions more than by their judgments, so as to produce a concurrence in the measures which the exigencies of affairs demand. They may add weight to the applications of Congress to the several States. So far a useful turn may be given to them. But the difficulty will be, to keep a _complaining_ and _suffering army_ within the bounds of moderation.
This your Excellency’s influence must effect. In order to it, it will be advisable not to discountenance their endeavors to procure redress, but rather, by the intervention of confidential and prudent persons, _to take the direction of them_. This, however, must not appear. It is of moment to the public tranquillity, that your Excellency should preserve the confidence of the army without losing that of the people. This will enable you, in case of extremity, to guide the torrent, and to bring order, perhaps even good, out of confusion. ’Tis a part that requires address; but ’tis one which your own situation, as well as the welfare of the community, points out.
I will not conceal from your Excellency a truth which it is necessary you should know. An idea is propagated in the army, that delicacy, carried to an extreme, prevents your espousing its interests with sufficient warmth. The falsehood of this opinion no one can be better acquainted with than myself; but it is not the less mischievous for being false. Its tendency is to impair that influence which you may exert with advantage, should any commotions unhappily ensue, to moderate the pretensions of the army, and make their conduct correspond with their duty.
The great _desideratum_ at present, is the establishment of general funds, which alone can do justice to the creditors of the United States (of whom the army forms the most meritorious class), restore public credit, and supply the future wants of government. This is the object of all men of sense. In this, the influence of the army, properly directed, may co-operate.
The intimations I have thrown out, will suffice to give your Excellency a proper conception of my sentiments. You will judge of their reasonableness or fallacy; but I persuade myself you will do justice to my motives.
I have the honor to be, With great respect, Your Excellency’s Most obedient servant, Alex. Hamilton.
General Knox has the confidence of the army, and is a man of sense. I think he may be safely made use of. Situated as I am, your Excellency will feel the confidential nature of these observations.
His Excellency General Washington.
DUANE TO HAMILTON.
Newburgh, 17th February, 1783.
Dear Sir:
I am now on a visit from the General from Kingston, where the Legislature is convened. The British King’s speech----to his Parliament, and his Secretary’s letters to the Lord Mayor of London, which we had the pleasure of meeting here, afford us the fairest prospect of a speedy peace. I have but one anxiety remaining, and that respects a better establishment of our General Government on a basis that will secure the permanent union of the States, and a punctual payment of the public debts. I do not think our Legislature will be averse to a reasonable system. The Assembly have agreed to the requisitions of Congress, and to press for the arrears of taxes; and a joint committee of both Houses have taken measures to compel the immediate production of the accounts of all who have been intrusted with public money. This last step became so necessary, that I found no difficulty in getting it adopted. I would even hazard an attempt to introduce an intendant, if I had proper materials; but I am disappointed in not receiving the Maryland plan, which was promised me by Mr. Wright and Mr. Homsly. If possible, I still wish you would forward this act on this subject, and for the collection of taxes. The example of a State may be adopted, when any plan of my own might be rejected. There is such confusion in the present administration of our State finances, and the weight of our debts is so burthensome, that a remedy must be provided; and I apprehend the production of the public accounts, before alluded to, will furnish us with sufficient arguments to prove its necessity.