Part 35
You will be pleased to observe, that an official Report, on a subject so interesting to the State, is deemed to be necessary; as well as a particular detail of the motives which influenced Congress against the declared sense of the State; to give directions to the Commander-in-Chief for garrisoning those posts with Continental troops. This is a duty to which, not having been present at the debates, we find ourselves incompetent. We can therefore, only refer His Excellency and the Legislature to you, our worthy colleagues, who, being fully possessed of the facts, can alone give the necessary official information.
With sentiments of the most perfect esteem and regard, We have the honor to be, Gentlemen, Your most obedient servants, Jas. Duane. Ezra L’Hommedieu.
The Honorable Cols. William Floyd and Alexander Hamilton.
JAY TO HAMILTON.
Passy, Sept. 28, 1783.
Dear Sir:
You was always of the number of those I esteemed, and your correspondence would both be interesting and agreeable. I had heard of your marriage, and it gave me pleasure, as well because it added to your happiness, as because it tended to fix your residence in a State of which I long wished you to be and remain a citizen.
The character and talents of delegates to Congress daily become more and more important, and I regret your declining that appointment at this interesting period. Respect, however, is due to the considerations which influence you, but as they do not oppose your accepting a place in the Legislature, I hope the State will still continue to draw advantage from your services; much remains to be done, and laborers do not abound.
I am happy to hear that terms of peace, and the conduct of your negotiators, give general satisfaction: but there are some of our countrymen, it seems, who are not content; and that, too, with an article which I thought to be very unexceptionable; viz., the one ascertaining our boundaries. Perhaps those gentlemen are latitudinarians.
The American newspapers, for some months past, contain advices which do us harm. Violences and associations against the tories, pay an ill compliment to government, and impeach our good faith in the opinion of some, and our magnanimity in the opinion of many. Our reputation also suffers, from the apparent reluctance to taxes, and the ease with which we incur debts without providing for their payment. The complaints of the army; the jealousies respecting Congress; the circumstances which induced their leaving Philadelphia; and the too little appearance of a national spirit pervading, uniting, and invigorating the Confederacy, are considered as omens which portend the diminution of our respectability, power, and felicity.
I hope that, as the wheel turns round, other and better indications will soon appear. I am persuaded that America possesses too much wisdom and virtue, to permit her brilliant prospects to fade away for want of either.
The tories are almost as much pitied in these countries as they are execrated in ours. An undue degree of severity towards them, would, therefore, be impolitic, as well as unjustifiable. They who incline to involve that whole class of men in indiscriminate punishment and ruin, certainly carry the matter too far. It would be an instance of unnecessary rigor, and unmanly revenge, without a parallel, except in the annals of religious rage in times of bigotry and blindness. What does it signify where nine-tenths of these people are buried? I would rather see the sweat of their brows fertilize our fields than those of our neighbors. * * * * *
Victory and Peace should, in my opinion, be followed by Clemency, Moderation, and Benevolence: and we should be careful not to sully the glory of the Revolution, by licentiousness and cruelty. These are my sentiments: and however unpopular they may be, I have not the least desire to conceal or disguise them.
Believe me to be, With great regard and esteem, dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, John Jay.
Colonel A. Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Albany, September 30, 1783.
Dear Sir:
As I flatter myself I may indulge a consciousness that my services have been of some value to the public, at least enough to merit the small compensation I wish, I will make no apology to your Excellency, for conveying, through you, that wish to Congress. You are able to inform them, if they wish information, in what degree I may have been useful: and I have entire confidence that you will do me justice.
In a letter which I wrote to you several months ago, I intimated that it might be in your power to contribute to the establishment of our Federal Union upon a more solid basis. I have never since explained myself. At the time, I was in hopes Congress might have been induced to take a decisive ground; to inform their constituents of the imperfections of the present system, and of the impossibility of conducting the public affairs, with honor to themselves and advantage to the community, with powers so disproportioned to their responsibility; and, having done this, in a full and forcible manner, to adjourn the moment the definitive treaty was ratified. In retiring at the same juncture, I wished you, in a solemn manner, to declare to the people, your intended retreat from public concerns; your opinion of the present government, and of the absolute necessity of a change.
Before I left Congress I despaired of the first; and your circular letter to the States had anticipated the last. I trust it will not be without effect; though I am persuaded it would have had more, combined with what I have mentioned. At all events, without compliment, sir, it will do you honor with the sensible and well meaning; and, ultimately, it is to be hoped, with the people at large, when the present epidemic frenzy has subsided.
I am, dear Sir, With sincere esteem, Your obedient servant, A. Hamilton.
To His Excellency General Washington.
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Albany, September 30, 1783.
Sir:
I think I may address the subject of this letter to your Excellency with more propriety than to any other person, as it is purely of a military nature; as you are best acquainted with my services as an officer; and as you are now engaged in assisting to form the arrangements for the future peace establishment.
Your Excellency knows, that in March, ’82, I relinquished all claim to any future compensation for my services, either during the residue of the war, or after its conclusion--simply retaining my rank. On this foundation I build a hope, that I may be permitted to preserve my rank, on the peace establishment, without emoluments and unattached to any corps--as an honorary reward for the time I have devoted to the public. As I may hereafter travel, I may find it an agreeable circumstance to appear in the character I have supported in the Revolution.
I rest my claim solely on the sacrifice I have made; because I have no reason to believe that my services have appeared of any value to Congress; as they declined giving them any marks of their notice, on an occasion which appeared to my friends to entitle me to it, as well by the common practice of sovereigns, as by the particular practice of this country in repeated instances.
Your Excellency will recollect, that it was my lot at York Town to command, as senior officer, a successful attack upon one of the enemy’s redoubts; that the officer who acted in a similar capacity in another attack, made at the same time by the French troops, has been handsomely distinguished, in consequence of it, by the government to which he belongs; and that there are several examples among us, where Congress have bestowed honors upon actions, perhaps not more useful nor, apparently, more hazardous.
These observations are inapplicable to the present Congress, further than as they may possibly furnish an additional motive to a compliance with my wish.
The only thing I ask of your Excellency, is, that my application may come into view in the course of the consultations on the peace establishment.
I have the honor to be, With sincere esteem, Your Excellency’s Most obedient servant, A. Hamilton.
To His Excellency General Washington.
HAMILTON TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.
Albany, October 3, 1783.
Sir:
I have lately received from Messrs. Duane and L’Hommedieu, an extract of a letter from your Excellency to the delegates, of the twenty-third of August last, requesting “a particular detail of the motives which influenced the determination of Congress,” respecting the application of the Legislature to have their State troops released from Continental pay, for the purpose of garrisoning the frontier posts. In my letters to your Excellency, of the first of June and twenty-seventh of July, which were intended to be official, I summarily informed you, that Congress had made temporary provision for garrisoning the frontier posts, and that a plan was under deliberation relative to a peace establishment, which would, of course, embrace that object permanently; that such temporary provision being made at the common expense, and a general plan being under consideration for the future, I had declined pressing a compliance with the application of the Legislature; conceiving it to be more for the interest of the State, that the expense should be jointly borne, than that it should fall exclusively upon itself.
I did not enter into a more full detail upon the subject, because the business continued, to the time I left Congress, in an undecided state; and it was impossible to judge what views would finally prevail.
The concurrent resolutions of the two Houses had been immediately, on their receipt, referred to a committee appointed to report on a peace establishment, who had suspended their report on these resolutions, till it should appear, what would be the fate of a general plan which had been submitted.
As to the motives that influenced Congress in making the provision they did make, rather than immediately assenting to the application of the State; as far as I was able to collect them, they were these: The opinions of many were unsettled as to the most eligible mode of providing for the security of the frontiers, consistent with the Constitution, as well with respect to the general policy of the Union, as to considerations of justice to those States whose frontiers were more immediately exposed. A considerable part of the House appeared to think, from reasons of a very cogent nature, that the well-being of the Union required a federal provision for the security of the different parts; and that it would be a great hardship to individual States, peculiarly circumstanced, to throw the whole burthen of expense upon them, by recurring to separate provisions, in a matter, the benefit of which would be immediately shared by their neighbors, and, ultimately, by the Union at large: that, indeed, it was not probable particular States would be either able, or, _upon experiment_, willing, to make competent provision at their separate expense; and that the principle might eventually excite jealousies between the States unfriendly to the common tranquillity.
I freely confess I was one who held this opinion.
Questions naturally arose as to the true construction of the articles of Confederation upon this head; questions as delicate as interesting, and as difficult of solution.
On one hand, it was doubted whether Congress were authorized by the Confederation, to proceed upon the idea of a federal provision: on the other, it was perceived that such a contrary construction would be dangerous to the Union, including, among other inconveniences, this consequence: That the United States, in Congress, cannot raise a single regiment, nor equip a single ship, for the general defence, till after a declaration of war, or an actual commencement of hostilities.
In this dilemma, on an important constitutional question; other urgent matters depending before Congress; and the advanced season requiring a determination upon the mode of securing the western posts in case of a surrender this fall; all sides of the House concurred in making a temporary provision, in the manner which has been communicated.
My apprehension of the views of the Legislature was simply this: That, looking forward to a surrender of the posts, and conceiving, from some expressions in the articles of Confederation, that separate provision was to be made for the frontier garrisons; they had thought it expedient to apply the troops already on foot to that purpose, and to propose to Congress to give their sanction to it.
Under this apprehension; reflecting, besides, that those troops were engaged only for a short period, upon a very improper establishment to continue, on account of the enormous pay to the private men; and that the expense which is now shared by all, and which would have fallen solely upon the State, had the application been complied with; would probably be at the rate of nearly eighty thousand dollars per annum, a considerable sum for the State in its present situation; I acknowledge to your Excellency, that I saw with pleasure, rather than regret, the turn which the affair took. I shall be sorry, however, if it has contravened the intentions of the Legislature.
I will take the liberty to add, upon this occasion, that it has always appeared to me of great importance, to this State in particular, as well as to the Union in general, that Federal, rather than State, provision should be made for the defence of every part of the Confederacy, in peace as well as in war.
Without entering into arguments of general policy, it will be sufficient to observe, that this State is, in all respects _critically situated_.
Its relative position, shape, and intersections, viewed on the map, strongly speak this language.--Strengthen the Confederation; give it exclusively the power of the sword: let each State have no forces but its militia.
As a question of mere economy, the following considerations deserve great weight.
The North River facilitates attacks by sea and by land: and, besides the frontier forts, all military men are of opinion, that a strong post should be maintained at West Point, or some other position on the lower part of the river.
If Canada is well governed, it may become well peopled, and by inhabitants attached to its government. The British nation, while it preserves the idea of retaining possession of that country, may be expected to keep on foot there, a large force. The position of that force, either for defence or offence, will necessarily be such as will afford a prompt and easy access to us.
Our precautions for defence, must be proportioned to their means of annoying us: and we may hereafter find it indispensable to increase our frontier garrisons.
The present charge of a competent force in that quarter, thrown additionally, into the scale of those contributions which we must make to the payment of the public debt, and to other objects of general expense, if the Union lasts, would, I fear, enlarge our burthen beyond our ability: that charge, hereafter increased, as it may be, would be oppressively felt by the people. It includes, not only the expense of paying and subsisting the necessary number of troops, but of keeping the fortifications in repair; probably of creating others; and of furnishing the requisite supplies of military stores. I say nothing of the Indian nations, because, though it will be always prudent to be upon our guard against them, yet, I am of opinion we diminish the necessity of it by making them our friends: and I take it for granted, there cannot be a serious doubt, any where, as to the obvious policy of endeavoring to do it. Their friendship, alone, can keep our frontiers in peace. It is essential to the improvement of the fur trade; an object of immense importance to the State. The attempt at the total expulsion of so desultory a people, is as chimerical as it would be pernicious. War with them is as expensive as it is destructive: it has not a single object; for, the acquisitions of their lands is not to be wished, till those now vacant are settled: and the surest, as well as the most just and humane way of removing them, is by extending our settlements to their neighborhood.
Indeed, it is not impossible they may be already willing to exchange their former possessions for others more remote.
The foregoing considerations would lose all force, if we had full security that the rest of the world would make our safety and prosperity the first object of their reverence and care: but an expectation of this kind would be too much against the ordinary course of human affairs; too visionary to be a rule for national conduct.
It is true, our situation secures us from conquest, if internal dissensions do not open the way: but when nations now make war upon each other, the object seldom is total conquest. Partial acquisitions; the jealousy of power; the rivalship of dominion, or of commerce; sometimes national emulation and antipathy; are the motives.
Nothing shelters us from the operation of either of these causes. The fisheries; the fur trade; the navigation of the lakes and of the Mississippi; the western territory; the Islands of the West Indies, with reference to traffic; in short, the passions of human nature, are abundant sources of contention and hostility. I will not trespass further on your Excellency’s patience. I expected, indeed, that my last letter would have finished my official communications; but Messrs. Duane and L’Hommedieu having transmitted the extract of your letter to Mr. Floyd and myself, in order that we might comply with what your Excellency thought would be expected by the Legislature, it became my duty to give this explanation. Mr. Floyd having been at Congress but a little time after the concurrent resolutions arrived, and being now at a great distance from me, occasions a separate communication.
I have the honor to be, With perfect respect, Your Excellency’s Most obedient servant, A. Hamilton.
N. B. I did not at the time inclose the resolution, directing the General to provide for garrisoning the frontier posts, because I understood it would in course be transmitted to you by the President, or the Secretary at War.
A. H.
To his Excellency Governor Clinton.
MADISON TO HAMILTON.
Princeton, October 16, 1783.
Dear Sir:
Your favor of the sixth of July, by some singular ill luck, never found its way to my hands till yesterday evening.
The only part that now needs attention, is a request that I would answer the following question: “What appeared to be my ideas and disposition respecting the removal of Congress: did I appear to wish to hasten it, or did I not rather show a strong disposition to procrastinate it?” If this request had been received at the time it ought, it might have been answered as fully as you then wished. Even after the delay which has taken place, my recollection enables me, with certainty, to witness, that the uniform strain of your sentiments, as they appeared, both from particular conversations with myself, and incidental ones with others in my presence, was opposed to the removal of Congress, except in the last necessity; that when you finally yielded to the measure, it appeared to be more in compliance with the peremptory expostulations of others than with any disposition of your own mind; and that after the arrival of Congress at Princeton, your conversation showed that you reviewed the removal, rather with regret than with pleasure.
Perhaps this obedience to your wishes may be too late to answer the original object of them. But I could not omit such an opportunity of testifying the esteem and regard with which I am
Your obedient servant, J. Madison, Jr.
To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton, Esq.
WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
Rocky Hill, October 18, 1783.
Dear Sir:
I am favored with your two letters of the thirtieth of September.
The debate on Indian affairs, which, I believe, is got through, and that on the residence of Congress, which is yet in agitation, have entirely thrown aside, for some time, the consideration of the peace establishment. When it is resumed, I will take care that your application comes into view; and shall be happy if any thing in my power may contribute to its success; being, with great truth,
Dear Sir, Your most obedient servant, G. Washington.
To Colonel Hamilton.
McHENRY TO HAMILTON.
Princeton, October 22, 1783.
Dear Hamilton:
The homilies you delivered in Congress are still recollected with pleasure. The impressions they made are in favor of your integrity; and no one but believes you a man of honor and republican principles. Were you ten years older and twenty thousand pounds richer, there is no doubt but that you might obtain the suffrages of Congress for the highest office in their gift. You are supposed to possess various knowledge, useful, substantial, and ornamental. Your very grave and your cautious, your men who measure others by the standard of their own creeping politics, think you sometimes intemperate, but seldom visionary: and that were you to pursue your object with as much cold perseverance as you do with ardor and argument, you would become irresistible. In a word, if you could submit to spend a whole life in dissecting a fly, you would be, in their opinion, one of the greatest men in the world. Bold designs; measures calculated for their rapid execution; a wisdom that would convince from its own weight; a project that would surprise the people into greater happiness, without giving them an opportunity to view it and reject it; are not adapted to a council composed of discordant elements, or a people who have thirteen heads, each of which pay superstitious adorations to inferior divinities.
I have been deterred, from day to day, from sending you the extract you desire, by a proclamation on the subject, which I expected would have passed. It is still _in dubio_. I have reported on Fleury’s case, on the principle you recommend. I fear his half-pay will not be granted.
Congress, some time ago, determined to fix their Federal town on the Delaware, near Trenton. Yesterday they determined to erect a second Federal town on the Potomac, near Georgetown; and to reside equal periods (not exceeding one year) at Annapolis and Trenton, till the buildings are completed. We adjourn the twelfth of next month, to meet at Annapolis the twenty-sixth.
Adieu, my dear friend; and in the days of your happiness drop a line to yours.
James McHenry.
P.S. Our exemplification of the Treaty has passed, and will be transmitted to the State officially.
J. McH.
To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton, Esq.
WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
Rocky Hill, November 6, 1783.
Dear Sir:
The inclosed is a letter which I had written, and was about to dispatch at the date of it; but, upon second thoughts, determined to postpone it, and try, if, from the importance of the matter, I could not bring forward the peace establishment previously.
I have tried in vain. Congress, after resolving, on the ---- of last month, to adjourn upon the twelfth of this, did, equally unexpectedly and surprisingly to me, finish their session at this place the day before yesterday; without bringing the peace establishment, or any of the many other pressing matters, to a decision.