Part 41
Le 5 de Sept. 1788.
Monsieur,
La lettre c’y joint de Mr. R. Peters, contienne une preuve, non équivoque, que dans mes premières applications et immédiatement après la paix, j’ai appuyé mes prétentions aux E. U. sur une stipulation ou contract fait en entrant dans leur service.
Comme vous étiez de cette même committée à Philadelphie, je m’en rapporte à votre mémoire. Dans tous les committées subséquentes j’ai toujours appuyé sur ce même contract, et je me rapporte à tous les Messieurs qui successivement furent des committées sur ce sujet. Comme vous étes de la presente Congrès, je vous prie de communiquer la reporte de Mr. Peters à cette committée.
J’ai l’honneur d’ètre avec affection, Monsieur, Votre très humble, Steuben.
Alexander Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO THEODORE SEDGEWICK.
New-York, Oct. 9, 1788.
Your last letter but one met me at Albany attending court, whence I am just returned. I am sorry for the schism you hint at among the Federalists, but I have so much confidence in the good management of the fast friends of the Constitution, that I hope no ill consequences will ensue from that disagreement. It will, however, be worthy of great care to avoid suffering a difference of opinion on collateral points, to produce any serious division between those who have hitherto drawn together on the great national question. Permit me to add, that I do not think you should allow any line to be run between those who wish to trust alterations to future experience, and those who are desirous of them at the present juncture. The rage for amendments is, in my opinion, rather to be parried by address than encountered with open force; and I should therefore be loth to learn that your parties had been arrayed professedly upon the distinction I have mentioned.
The mode in which amendments may best be made, and twenty other matters, may come as pretexts for avoiding the evil, and securing the good.
Yours, A. Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO CHIPMAN.
1788.
Sir:
Your favor of the 6th of September has been duly handed to me, and I receive great pleasure from the hopes you appear to entertain of a favorable turn of affairs in Vermont in regard to the new Government. It is certainly an object of mutual importance to yourselves, and to the Union, and well deserves the best endeavors of every discerning and good man.
I observe with satisfaction your opinion that Vermont will not make a point of introducing amendments. I mean as a condition of her accession. That ground would be the most hazardous which she could venture upon, as it is very probable that such amendments as might be popular with you would be deemed inadmissible by the friends of the system, who will doubtless be the most influential persons in the national councils; and who would rather submit to the inconvenience of your being out of the Union, till circumstances should alter, than consent to any thing that might impair the energy of the Government. The article of taxation is, above all, the most delicate thing to meddle with; for as _plenary_ power in that respect must ever be considered as the vital principle of government, no abridgment or constitutional suspension of that power can ever, upon mature consideration, be countenanced by the intelligent friends of an effective National Government. You must, as I remarked in my former letter, rely upon the natural course of things, which I am satisfied will exempt you in ordinary times from direct taxation, on account of the difficulty of exercising it in so extensive a country, so peculiarly situated, with advantage to the revenue or satisfaction to the people. Though this difficulty will be gradually diminished from various causes, a considerable time must first elapse; and, in the interim, you will have nothing to apprehend on this score.
As far as indirect taxation is concerned, it will be impossible to exempt you from sharing in the burthen, nor can it be desired by your citizens. I repeat these ideas to impress you the more strongly with my sense of the danger of touching this chord, and of the impolicy of perplexing the main object with any such collateral experiments, while I am glad to perceive that you do not think your people will be tenacious on the point.
It will be useless for you to have any view in your act to the present Congress. They can of course do nothing in the matter. All you will have to do, will be to pass an act of accession to the new Constitution, on the conditions upon which you mean to rely. It will then be for the new Government, when met, to declare whether you can be received on your terms or not.
I am sorry to find that the affair of boundary is likely to create some embarrassment. Men’s minds, every where out of your State, are made up upon and reconciled to that which has been delineated by Congress. Any departure from it must beget new discussions, in which all the passions will have their usual scope, and may occasion greater impediments than the real importance of the thing would justify. If, however, the further claims you state cannot be gotten over with you, I would still wish to see the experiment made, though with this clog, because I have it very much at heart that you should become a member of the Confederacy. It is, however, not to be inferred that the same disposition will actuate every body. In this State, the pride of certain individuals has too long triumphed over the public interest; and in several of the Southern States a jealousy of Northern influence will prevent any great zeal for increasing in the national councils the number of Northern votes.
I mention these circumstances (though I dare say they will have occurred to you), to show you the necessity of moderation and caution on your part, and the error of any sanguine calculation upon a disposition to receive you at any rate. A supposition of this nature might lead to fatal mistakes.
In the event of an extension of your boundary beyond the Congressional line, would it be impracticable for you to have commissioners appointed to adjust any differences which might arise? I presume the principal object with you in the extension of your boundary would be to cover some private interests. This might be matter of negotiation. There is one thing which I think it proper to mention to you, about which I have some doubt; that is, whether a legislative accession would be deemed valid. It is the policy of the system to lay its foundations in the _immediate_ consent of the people. You will best judge how far it is safe or practicable to have recourse to a convention. Whatever you do, no time ought to be lost. The present moment is undoubtedly critically favorable. Let it by all means be improved. I remain, with esteem, Sir,
Your obedient and humble servant, A. Hamilton.
Nathaniel Chipman, Esq.
WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
Mount Vernon, October 3, 1788.
Dear Sir:
In acknowledging the receipt of your candid and friendly letter of ---- by the last post, little more is incumbent on me than to thank you sincerely for the frankness with which you communicated your sentiments; and to assure you that the same manly tone of intercourse will always be more than barely welcome. Indeed, it will be highly acceptable to me. I am particularly glad, in the present instance, you have dealt thus freely and like a friend.
Although I could not help observing from several publications and letters, that my name had been sometimes spoken of, and that it was possible the _contingency_ which is the subject of your letter might happen; yet I thought it best to maintain a guarded silence and to back the _counsel_ of my best friends (which I certainly hold in the highest estimation), rather than to hazard an imputation unfriendly to the delicacy of my feelings. For, situated as I am, I could hardly bring the question into the slightest discussion, or ask an opinion, even in the most confidential manner, without betraying, in my judgment, some impropriety of conduct, or without feeling an apprehension that a premature display of anxiety might be construed into a vain-glorious desire of pushing myself into notice as a candidate. Now, if I am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly rejoice in case the Electors, by giving their votes in favor of some other person, would save me from the disagreeable dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am in the next place earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the Government would be just as happily and effectually carried into execution without my aid as with it. I am _truly_ solicitous to obtain all the previous information, which the circumstances will afford, and to determine (when the determination can with propriety be no longer postponed) according to the principles of right reason and the dictates of a clear conscience, without too great a reference to the unforeseen consequences which may affect my person or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold myself open to conviction, though I allow your sentiments to have weight in them; and I shall not pass by your arguments without giving them as dispassionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow on them.
In taking a survey of the subject in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, I will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind as often as I have been taught to expect I might, and perhaps must, ere long be called to make a decision. You will, I am well assured, believe the assertion (though I have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me), that if I should receive and act under the appointment, the acceptance would be attended with more diffidence and reluctance than ever I experienced before in my life. It would be, however, with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that, at a convenient and an early period, my services might be dispensed with, and that I might be permitted once more to retire, to pass an unclouded evening after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity. But why these anticipations? If the friends of the Constitution conceive that my administering the Government will be the means of its acceleration and strength, is it not probable that the adversaries thereof may entertain the same ideas, and of course make it an object of opposition? That many of this description will be amongst the Electors, I have no more doubt than I have of the part they will act at the election, which will be adverse to the choice of any character who, from whatever cause, would be likely to thwart their views. It might be impolitic perhaps in them to make this declaration _previous_ to the election, but I shall be out in my conjectures if they do not act conformably thereto at it, and prove that all the _seeming_ moderation by which their present conduct is marked, is calculated to lull and deceive. Their plan of opposition is systematized, and a regular intercourse between the leaders of it in the several States (I have much reason to believe) is formed to render it more effectual.
With sentiments of sincere regard and esteem, I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, George Washington.
The Hon. Alexander Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO THEODORE SEDGEWICK.
New-York, October 9, 1788.
I thank you, my dear sir, for your obliging congratulations on the event towards effecting which your aid as a joint laborer was so essential. I hope experience may show that, while it promotes the interest of this place, it will not be incompatible with public good. We are making efforts to prepare handsome accommodations for the session of the new Congress.
On the subject of Vice-President, my ideas have concurred with yours, and I believe Mr. Adams will have the votes of this State. He will certainly, I think, be preferred to the other gentleman. Yet _certainly_ is perhaps too strong a word. I can conceive that the other, who is supposed to be a more pliable man, may command anti-federal influence.
The only hesitation in my mind with regard to Mr. Adams has arisen within a day or two, from a suggestion by a particular gentleman that he is unfriendly in his sentiments to General Washington. Richard H. Lee, who will probably, as rumor now runs, come from Virginia, is also in this style. The Lees and Adams’s have been in the habit of uniting, and hence may spring up a cabal very embarrassing to the Executive, and of course to the administration of the government. Consider this,--sound the reality of it, and let me hear from you.
What think you of Lincoln or Knox? This is a flying thought.
Yours, with sincere regard, A. Hamilton.
Mr. Sedgewick.
SEDGEWICK TO HAMILTON.
Stockbridge, Oct. 16, 1788.
My Dear Sir:
Your favor of the 9th I have this moment received, and detain the post a while that I may make a very few observations on a subject I conceive highly interesting to the efficient operations of the future Government.
Mr. Adams was formerly infinitely more democratical than at present, and possessing that jealousy which always accompanied such a character, he was averse to repose such unlimited confidence in the Commander-in-chief as then was the disposition of Congress.
Mr. Adams is not among the number of my particular friends, but, as a man of unconquerable intrepidity, and of incorruptible integrity, as greatly experienced in the interests and character of this country, he possesses my highest esteem.
His writings show that he deserves the confidence of those who wish energy in government, for although those writings are too tedious and unpleasant in perusal, yet they are evidently the result of deep reflection, and as they encounter popular prejudices are an evidence of an erect and independent spirit.
Lincoln and Knox I love, their characters, too, I respect, but it is now too late to push in this State the interests of either. The minds of all men here seem to be fixed either on Adams or Hancock.
Our Legislature meet on the 29th. From Boston I will early write you on the subject, and am with sincere respect,
Yours, affectionately, Theodore Sedgewick.
Hon. Mr. Hamilton.
SEDGEWICK TO HAMILTON.
Boston, Nov. 2, 1788.
My Dear Sir:
In my last hasty letter I engaged to write to you soon after my arrival in this town. Various questions will be agitated in the Legislature (of considerable magnitude) which respect the organization of the government.
There is a party of Federalists who are of opinion, that the Electors should be chosen by the people, and the Representatives not in districts, but at large. These will be joined by all the antis probably. I yet hope they will not succeed. We yesterday committed to a committee of both Houses the circular letter from your Convention. The event is uncertain, but a considerable number of Federalists have been brought over to the amendment system. The prospect is, notwithstanding, that the real friends of the Constitution will prevail. Every thing depends upon it, and the exertion will be proportionate to the magnitude of the object.
Should the Electors be chosen by the Legislature, Mr. Adams will probably combine all the votes of Massachusetts. I am very certain, that the suggestion that he is unfriendly to General Washington, is entirely unfounded. Mr. Hancock has been very explicit in patronizing the doctrine of Amendment. The other gentleman is for postponing the conduct of that business until it shall be understood from experience. * * * *
I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient servant, Theodore Sedgewick.
The Hon. Mr. Hamilton.
COL. OLNEY TO HAMILTON.
Providence, 3d Nov., 1788.
Dear Sir:
Your favor of 6th ulto., was duly received. I thought proper to postpone replying to it till after the session of the General Assembly should be over, which terminated on Saturday night last, in order that I might have it in my power to give you, with more certainty, the proceedings of the Legislature, on the subject of the New Constitution. The minority, both in of the House, took unwearied pains during the session, to procure a Convention in the legal mode pointed out for considering the New Constitution; but, sir, it proved, as heretofore, an unsuccessful attempt; for Mr. Hazard, who is an implacable and powerful enemy to the new system, and the leading character in all the vile politics carrying on in this _devoted_ State, had so well prepared the majority, that when the question was put, whether this State should appoint a Convention or not, the question was lost nearly three to one; fifteen in favor of the motion and forty-four against it. After which (late on Saturday night) Mr. Hazard moved that a vote be passed, for printing copies of the circular letter from the Convention of New-York, to be distributed throughout this State, and submitting to the people at large, the propriety of appointing delegates to meet a _proposed_ Convention, for considering amendments, agreeably to the recommendations of said circular letter. The vote being put, after much debate, it was carried in favor of the measure by three to one, notwithstanding every exertion of the minority, to prevent the adoption of so novel and unprecedented a proceeding. It was urged, and with truth, that should a Convention finally meet for the purpose of amending the Constitution, that it would be composed entirely of the adopting States; and, as such, this State could not, upon any principles of right, expect to be admitted to a seat in that Honorable Body, as we so obstinately (and with our eyes open) have refused, and still neglect to accede to the new system. But, sir, reason and argument will avail nothing with those wicked and designing opposers to a just and honorable Federal Government. The Assembly have made an adjournment to the last Monday in December next, in an expectation to hear the report from the respective towns. Mr. Hazard, and a Col. John Gardener (who is entirely under the influence of Mr. Hazard’s politics), are ordered by the Assembly to go on from this State, and take their seats in Congress, as soon as they can leave home; so that in a short time you will have those two antis to deal with.
I am, with sincere esteem, Sir, Your obedient humble serv’t, Jeremiah Olney.
Col. Alexander Hamilton.
WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
Mount Vernon, Nov. 6, 1788.
Dear Sir:
The Count de Moustier affording a very favorable conveyance for Capt. Cochran’s watch, I have requested the favor of him to take charge of it; and he will deliver it to you, accordingly, with Mrs. Washington’s and my best wishes for you and Mrs. Hamilton.
I am, dear Sir, Your obedient and affectionate serv’t, G. Washington.
The Hon. Alexander Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO SEDGEWICK.
New-York, Nov. 9, 1788.
Your last letter but one met me at Albany, attending court, from whence I am but just returned. Yours of the 2d instant is this moment handed me.
I am very sorry for the schism you hint at among the Federalists, but I have so much confidence in the good management of the fast friends of the Constitution, that I hope no ill consequences will ensue from that disagreement. It will, however, be worthy of great care to avoid suffering a difference of opinion on collateral points, to produce any serious division between those who have hitherto drawn together on the great national question.
Permit me to add, that I do not think you should allow any line to be run between those who wish to trust alterations to future experience, and those who are desirous of them at the present juncture. The rage for amendments is, in my _opinion_, rather to be parried by address than encountered with open force. And I shall, therefore, be loth to learn that your parties have been arranged professedly upon the distinction I have mentioned. The _mode_ in which amendments may best be made, and twenty other matters, may serve as pretexts for avoiding the evil and securing the good.
On the question between Mr. H. and Mr. A., Mr. King will probably have informed you that I have, upon the whole, concluded that the latter ought to be supported. My measures will be taken accordingly. I had but one scruple, but after mature consideration I have relinquished it. Mr. Adams, to a sound understanding, has always appeared to me to add an ardent love for the public good; and as his further knowledge of the world seems to have corrected those jealousies which he is represented to have been once influenced by, I trust nothing of the kind suggested in my former letter will disturb the harmony of administration. Let me continue to hear from you, and believe me to be, with very great esteem and regard,
Your friend and servant, A. Hamilton.
T. Sedgewick, Esq.
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
November 18, 1788.
Dear Sir:
Your last two letters have duly come to hand, and the Count de Moustier has delivered me the watch you committed to his charge. Your obliging attention to this matter claims my particular acknowledgments. I will make no apology for asking you to take the additional trouble of forwarding the inclosed to the General. I take the liberty of passing it through you, that you may, by perusing the contents, know the situation of the business.
The demand of fifty guineas is to me quite unexpected. I am sorry to add, that there is too good evidence that it cost a mere trifle to the General. This, however, I mention in confidence. Nor shall I give you any further trouble on the subject. Whatever may be proper will be done.
Mrs. Hamilton requests her affectionate remembrances to Mrs. Washington, and joins me in the best wishes for you both.
I remain, dear Sir, Your affectionate humble serv’t, A. Hamilton.
P. S. Your last letter, on a certain subject, I have received. I feel a conviction that you will finally see your acceptance to be indispensable. It is no compliment to say, that no other man can sufficiently unite the public opinion, or can give the requisite weight to the office, in the commencement of the Government. These considerations appear to me of themselves decisive. I am not sure that your refusal would not throw every thing into confusion. I am sure that it would have the worst effect imaginable. Indeed, as I hinted in a former letter, I think circumstances leave no option.
HAMILTON TO MADISON.
New-York, Nov. 23, 1788.
I thank you, my dear sir, for yours of the 20th. The only part of it which surprises me, is what you mention respecting Clinton. I cannot, however, believe that the plan will succeed. Nor, indeed, do I think, that Clinton would be disposed to exchange his present appointment for that office, or risk his popularity by holding both. At the same time, the attempt merits attention, and ought not to be neglected as chimerical or impracticable.