Part 31

I will now, in strict confidence, mention a matter which may be useful for you to be informed of. It is, that some men (and leading ones, too) in this army, are beginning to entertain suspicions that Congress, or some members of it, regardless of the past sufferings and present distress, maugre the justice which is due to them, and the returns which a grateful people should make to men who certainly have contributed, more than any other class, to the establishment of Independency, are to be made use of as mere puppets to establish Continental funds; and that, rather than not succeed in this measure, or weaken their ground, they would make a sacrifice of the army and all its interests.

I have two reasons for mentioning this matter to you: the one is, that the army (considering the irritable state it is in, its sufferings, and composition) is a dangerous instrument to play with; the other, that every possible means, consistent with their own views (which certainly are moderate), should be essayed to get it disbanded without delay. I might add a third: it is, that the Financier is suspected to be at the bottom of this scheme. If sentiments of this sort should become general, their operation will be opposed to this plan, at the same time that it would increase the present discontents. Upon the whole, disband the army as soon as possible, but consult the wishes of it, which really are moderate in the mode, and perfectly compatible with the honor, dignity, and justice, which is due from the country to it.

I am, with great esteem and regard, Dear Sir, your most obedient servant, G. Washington.

To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

April 11, 1783.

Sir:

I have received your Excellency’s letters of the thirty-first of March, and fourth of April; the last to-day. The one to Colonel Bland, as member of the committee, has been read in committee confidentially, and gave great satisfaction. The idea of not attempting to separate the army before the settlement of accounts, corresponds with my proposition. That of endeavoring to let them have some pay, had also appeared to me indispensable. The expectations of the army, as represented by your Excellency, are moderation itself. To-morrow we confer with the Superintendent of Finance on the subject of money. There will be difficulty, but not, we hope, insurmountable.

I thank your Excellency for the hints you are so obliging as to give me in your private letter. I do not wonder at the suspicions that have been infused; nor should I be surprised to hear, that I have been pointed out as one of the persons concerned in playing the game described. But facts must speak for themselves. The gentlemen who were here from the army, General McDougal, who is still here, will be able to give a true account of those who have supported the just claims of the army, and of those who have endeavored to elude them.

There are two classes of men, sir, in Congress, of very different views: one attached to State, the other to Continental politics. The last have been strenuous advocates for funding the public debt upon solid securities; the former have given every opposition in their power; and have only been dragged into the measures which are now near being adopted, by the clamors of the army and other public creditors.

The advocates for Continental funds, have blended the interests of the army with other creditors, from a conviction, that no funds, for

## partial purposes, will go through those States to whose citizens the

United States are largely indebted; or if they should be carried through, from impressions of the moment, would have the necessary stability: for the influence of those unprovided for, would always militate against a provision for others, in exclusion of them. It is in vain to tell men, who have parted with a large part of their property on the public faith, that the services of the army are entitled to a preference: they would reason from their interest and their feelings: these would tell them, that they had as great a title as any other class of the community to public justice; and that while this was denied to them, it would be unreasonable to make them bear their part of a burthen for the benefit of others. This is the way they would reason; and as their influence in some of the States was considerable, they would have been able to prevent any partial provision.

But the question was not merely how to do justice to the creditors, but how to restore public credit. Taxation, in this country, it was found, would not supply a sixth part of the public necessities. The loans in Europe were far short of the balance, and the prospect every day diminishing; the Court of France telling us, in plain terms, she could not even do as much as she had done; individuals in Holland, and every where else, refusing to part with their money, on the precarious tenure of the mere faith of this country, without any pledge for the payment either of principal or interest.

In this situation what was to be done? It was essential to our cause, that vigorous efforts should be made to restore public credit; it was necessary to combine all the motives to this end, that could operate upon different descriptions of persons in the different States: the necessities and discontents of the army presented themselves as a powerful engine.

But, sir, these gentlemen would be puzzled to support their insinuations by a single fact. It was, indeed, proposed to appropriate the intended impost on trade to the army debt; and, what was extraordinary, by gentlemen who had expressed their dislike to the principle of the fund. I acknowledge I was one that opposed this, for the reasons already assigned, and for these additional ones: _That_ was the fund on which we most counted; to obtain further loans in Europe, it was necessary we should have a fund sufficient to pay the interest of what had been borrowed, and what was to be borrowed. The truth was, these people, in this instance, wanted to play off the army against the funding system.

As to Mr. Morris, I will give your Excellency a true explanation of his conduct. He had been for some time pressing Congress to endeavor to obtain funds, and had found a great backwardness in the business. He found the taxes unproductive in the different States; he found the loans, in Europe, making a very slow progress; he found himself pressed on all hands for supplies; he found himself, in short, reduced to this alternative, either of making engagements which he could not fulfil, or declaring his resignation in case funds were not established by a given time. Had he followed the first course, the bubble must soon have burst; he must have sacrificed his credit and his character: and public credit, already in a ruinous condition, would have lost its last support.

He wisely judged it better to resign: this might increase the embarrassments of the moment; but the necessity of the case, it was to be hoped, would produce the proper measures; and he might then resume the direction of the machine with advantage and success.

He also had some hope that his resignation would prove a stimulus to Congress.

He was, however, ill advised in the publication of his letters of resignation. This was an imprudent step, and has given a handle to his personal enemies, who, by playing upon the passions of others, have drawn some well-meaning men into the cry against him. But Mr. Morris certainly deserves a great deal from his country. I believe no man in this country, but himself, could have kept the money machine agoing during the period he has been in office. From every thing that appears, his administration has been upright as well as able.

The truth is, the old leaven of Deane and Lee, is, at this day, working against Mr. Morris. He happened, in that dispute, to have been on the side of Deane; and certain men can never forgive him. A man whom I once esteemed, and whom I will rather suppose _duped_ than wicked, is the second actor in this business.

The matter, with respect to the army, which has occasioned most altercation in Congress, and most dissatisfaction in the army, has been the half pay. The opinions on this head have been two: one party was for referring the several lines to their States, to make such commutation as they should think proper; the other, for making the commutation by Congress, and funding it on Continental security. I was of this last opinion; and so were all those who will be represented as having made use of the army as puppets. Our principal reasons were, _Firstly_: By referring the lines to their respective States, those which were opposed to the half pay, would have taken advantage of the officers’ necessities, to make the commutation far short of an equivalent. _Secondly_: The inequality which would have arisen in the different States when the officers came to compare (as has happened in other cases), would have been a new source of discontent. _Thirdly_: Such a reference was a continuance of the old wretched State system, by which the ties between Congress and the army have been nearly dissolved; by which the resources of the States have been diverted from the common treasury, and wasted; a system which your Excellency has often justly reprobated.

I have gone to these details, to give you a just idea of the parties in Congress. I assure you, upon my honor, sir, I have given you a candid state of facts, to the best of my judgment. The men against whom the suspicions you mention must be directed, are, in general, the most sensible, the most liberal, the most independent, and the most respectable characters in our body, as well as the most unequivocal friends to the army. In a word, they are the men who think continentally.

I have the honor to be, With sincere respect and esteem, Your Excellency’s Most obedient servant, A. Hamilton.

P. S. I am chairman of a committee for peace arrangements. We shall ask your Excellency’s opinion at large, on a proper military peace establishment. I will just hint to your Excellency, that our prejudices will make us wish to keep up as few troops as possible.

We this moment learn, an officer is arrived from Sir Guy Carleton with dispatches; probably official accounts of peace.

A. H.

To His Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, April 15, 1783.

Sir:

There are two resolutions passed relative to the restoration of the British prisoners, and to making arrangements for the surrender of the posts in the possession of the British troops; the first of which is to be transacted by you in conjunction with the Secretary at War; the latter by yourself alone. I will explain to you some doubts which have arisen in Congress, with regard to the true construction of the provisional treaty; which may be of use to you in transacting the business above-mentioned.

The sixth article declares, that there shall be no future confiscations, etc., after the _ratification of the Treaty in America_; and the seventh article makes the surrender of prisoners, evacuation of posts, cessation of hostilities, etc., to depend on that event, to wit, _the ratification of the treaty in America_.

Now the doubt is, whether _the treaty_ means the provisional treaty _already concluded_, or the _definitive_ treaty _to be concluded_. The last construction is most agreeable to the letter of the provisional articles; the former, most agreeable to the usual practice of nations: for hostilities commonly cease on the ratification of the preliminary treaty.

There is a great diversity of opinion in Congress. It will be, in my opinion, advisable, at the same time that we do not communicate our doubts to the British, to extract their sense of the matter from them.

This may be done by asking them, at what periods they are willing to stipulate the surrender of posts; at the same time that they are asked, in what manner it will be the most convenient to them to receive the prisoners.

If they postpone the evacuation of the different posts to the definitive treaty, we shall then be justified in doing the same with respect to prisoners. The question will then arise, Whether, on principles of humanity, economy, and liberality, we ought not to restore the prisoners, at all events, without delay? Much may be said on both sides. I doubt the expedience of a total restoration of prisoners, till they are willing to fix the epochs at which they will take leave of us. It will add considerably to their strength; and accidents, though improbable, may happen.

I confess, however, I am not clear in my opinion.

I have the honor to be, Your Excellency’s Most obedient servant, A. Hamilton.

P.S. The provisional or preliminary treaty, is ratified by us--for the greater caution.

A. H.

To His Excellency General Washington.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Newborgh, April 16, 1783.

Dear Sir:

My last letter to you was written in a hurry, when I was fatigued by the more public, yet confidential, letter, which (with several others) accompanied it. Possibly, I did not, on that occasion, express myself (in what I intended as a hint) with so much perspicuity as I ought: possibly, too, what I then dropped, might have conveyed more than I intended; for I do not, at this time, recollect the force of my expression.

My meaning, however, was only to inform, that there were different sentiments in the army, as well as in Congress, respecting Continental and State funds: some wishing to be thrown upon their respective States, rather than the Continent at large, for payment; and that, if an idea should prevail, generally, that Congress, or part of its members, or ministers, bent upon the latter, should _delay_ doing them justice, or _hazard_ it in pursuit of their favorite object; it might create such divisions in the army, as would weaken, rather than strengthen, the hands of those who were disposed to support Continental measures; and might _tend_ to defeat the end they themselves had in view by endeavoring to involve the army.

For these reasons I said, or meant to say, the army was a dangerous engine to work with, as it might be made to cut both ways; and, considering the sufferings of it, would, more than probably, throw its weight into that scale which seemed most likely to preponderate towards its immediate relief, without looking forward (under the pressure of present wants) to future consequences with the eyes of politicians. In this light, also, I meant to apply my observations to Mr. Morris, to whom, or rather to Mr. G---- M----, is ascribed, in a great degree, the groundwork of the superstructure which was intended to be raised in the army by the anonymous addresses.

That no man can be more opposed to State funds and local prejudices than myself, the whole tenor of my conduct has been one continual evidence of. No man, perhaps, has had better opportunities to _see_, and to _feel_, the pernicious tendency of the latter than I have; and I endeavor (I hope not altogether ineffectually) to inculcate them upon the officers of the army, upon all proper occasions: but their feelings are to be attended to and soothed; and they assured, that if Continental funds cannot be established, they will be recommended to their respective States for payment. Justice must be done them.

I should do injustice to reports, and what I believe to be the opinion of the army, were I not to inform you, that they consider you as a friend, zealous to serve them, and one who has espoused their interests in Congress, upon every proper occasion. It is to be wished, as I observed in my letter to Colonel Bland, that Congress would send a committee to the army with plenipotentiary powers. The matters requested of me, in your letter of the    , as chairman of a committee, and many other things, might then be brought to a close, with more despatch, and in a happier manner, than it is likely they will be by an intercourse of letters at the distance of one hundred and fifty miles: which takes _our_ Expresses, a week, _at least_, to go and come. At this moment, being without any instructions from Congress, I am under great embarrassment with respect to the soldiers for the war; and shall be obliged, more than probably, from the necessity of the case, to exercise my own judgment without waiting for orders, as to the discharge of them. If I should adopt measures which events may approve, all will be well. If otherwise, Why and by what authority did you do so?

How far a _strong_ recommendation from Congress, to observe _all_ the Articles of Peace, as well as the    , may imply a suspicion of good faith in the people of this country, I pretend not to judge: but I am much mistaken, if something of the kind will not be found wanting; as I already perceive a disposition to carp at, and to elude, such parts of the treaty as affect their different interests; although you do not find a man, who, when pushed, will not acknowledge, that, upon the _whole_, it is a more advantageous Peace than we could possibly have expected.

I am, dear Sir, With great esteem and regard, Your most obedient servant, G. Washington.

To the Hon. Alexander Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Newburgh, April 22, 1783.

Dear Sir:

I did not receive your letter of the fifteenth, till after my return from Ringwood, where I had a meeting with the Secretary at War, for the purpose of making arrangements for the release of our prisoners, agreeably to the resolve of Congress of the fifteenth instant.

Finding a diversity of opinion respecting the treaty, and the line of conduct we ought to observe with the prisoners, I requested, in precise terms, to know from General Lincoln (before I entered on the business), whether we were to exercise our own judgment with respect to the _time_, as well as the _mode_, of releasing them; or were to be confined to the latter: being informed that we had no option in the first, Congress wishing to be eased of the expense as soon as possible, I acted _solely_ on that ground.

At the same time, I scruple not to confess to you, that if this measure was not dictated by necessity, it is, in my opinion, an impolitic one; as we place ourselves in the power of the British, before the treaty is definitive. The manner in which Peace was first announced, and the subsequent declarations of it, have led the country and army into a belief, that it was final. The ratification of the preliminary articles, on the third of February, so far confirmed this, that one consequence resulting from it, is, the soldiers for the war, conceive the term of their services has actually expired; and I believe it is not in the power of Congress, or their officers, to hold them much, if any, longer; for we are obliged, at this moment, to increase our guards, to prevent rioting, and the insults which the officers meet with, in attempting to hold them to their duty. The proportion of these men, amount to seven-elevenths of this army: these we shall lose at the moment the British army will receive, by their prisoners, an augmentation of five or six thousand men.

It is not for me to investigate the causes which induced this measure; nor the policy of those letters (from authority) which gave the _ton_ to the present sentiment; but since they have been adopted, we ought, in my opinion, to put a good face upon matters; and, by a liberal conduct throughout, on our part (freed from appearances of distrust) try if we cannot excite similar dispositions on theirs. Indeed, circumstanced as things _now_ are, I wish, most fervently, that all the troops which are not retained for a Peace Establishment, were to be discharged immediately, or such of them, at least, as do not incline to await the settlement of their accounts. If they continue here, their claims, I can plainly perceive, will increase; and our perplexities multiply. A petition is this moment handed to me, from the non-commissioned officers of the Connecticut line, soliciting half pay. It is well drawn, I am told, but I did not read it. I sent it back, without appearing to understand the contents, because it did not come through the channel of their officers. This may be followed by others: and I mention it, to show the necessity, the absolute necessity, of discharging the _Warsmen_ as soon as possible.

I have taken much pains to support Mr. Morris’s administration in the army; and, in proportion to its numbers, I believe he had not more friends any where: but if he will neither adopt the mode which has been suggested, point out any other, nor show cause why the first is either impracticable or impolitic (I have heard he objects to it), they will certainly attribute their disappointment to a lukewarmness in him, or some design incompatible with their interests. And here, my dear Colonel Hamilton, let me assure you, that it would not be more difficult to still the raging billows in a tempestuous gale, than to convince the officers of this army, of the justice, or policy, of paying men, in civil offices, full wages, when _they_ cannot obtain a sixtieth part of their dues.

I am not unapprised of the arguments which are made use of, upon this occasion, to discriminate the cases: but they really are futile; and may be summed up in this: that though both are contending for the same rights, and expect equal benefits, yet, both cannot submit to the same inconveniences to obtain them: otherwise, to adopt the language of simplicity and plainness, a ration of salt pork, with or without pease, as the case often is, would support the one as well as the other; and, in such a struggle as ours, would, in my opinion, be alike honorable in both.

My anxiety to get home, increases with the prospect of it. But when is it to happen? I have not heard that Congress have yet had under consideration, the lands, and other gratuities, which, at different periods of the war, have been promised to the army. Do not these things evince the necessity of a committee’s repairing to camp, in order to arrange and adjust matters without spending time in a tedious exchange of letters? Unless something of this kind is adopted, business will be delayed, and expenses accumulated; or the army will break up in disorder, go home enraged, complaining of injustice, and committing enormities on the innocent inhabitants in every direction.

I write to you unreservedly. If, therefore, contrary to my apprehension, all these matters are in a proper train, and Mr. Morris has devised means to give the army three months’ pay, you will, I am persuaded, excuse my precipitancy and solicitude, by ascribing it to an earnest wish to see the war happily and honorably terminated; to my anxious desire of enjoying some repose; and the necessity of my paying a little attention to my private concerns, which have suffered considerably in eight years’ absence.