Part 42

In Massachusetts the Electors will, I understand, be appointed by the Legislature, and will be all Federal, and ’tis probable will be, for the most part, in favor of Adams. It is said, the same thing will happen in New Hampshire, and I have reason to believe, will be the case in Connecticut. In this State it is difficult to form any certain calculation. A large majority of the _Assembly_ was doubtless of an Anti-federal complexion, but the schism in the party which has been occasioned by the falling off of some of its leaders in the Convention, leaves me not without hope, that if matters are well managed, we may procure a majority for some pretty equal compromise. In the Senate we have the superiority by one. In New Jersey there seems to be no question, but that the complexion of the electors will be Federal; and I suppose, if thought expedient, they may be united in favor of Adams. Pennsylvania you can best judge of. From Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina, I presume, we may count with tolerable assurance on Federal men; and I should imagine, if pains are taken, the danger of an Anti-federal Vice-President might itself be rendered the instrument of Union. At any rate, their weight will not be thrown into the scale of Clinton, and I do not see from what quarter numbers can be marshalled in his favor, equal to those who will advocate Adams, supposing even a division in the Federal votes.

On the whole, I have concluded to support Adams, though I am not without apprehensions on the score we have conversed about. My principal reasons are these: First--He is a declared partisan of deferring to future experience the expediency of amendments in the system, and (although I do not altogether _adopt_ this sentiment) it is much nearer my own than certain other doctrines. Secondly--He is certainly a character of importance in the Eastern States; if he is not Vice-President, one of two worse things will be likely to happen. Either he must be nominated to some important office, for which he is less proper, or will become a malcontent, and give additional weight to the opposition to the Government. As to Knox, I cannot persuade myself that he will incline to the appointment. He must _sacrifice_ emolument by it, which must be of _necessity_ a primary object with him.

If it should be thought expedient to endeavor to unite in a particular character, there is a danger of a different kind to which we must not be inattentive--the possibility of rendering it doubtful who is appointed President. You know the Constitution has not provided the means of distinguishing in certain cases, and it would be disagreeable even to have a man treading close upon the heels of the person we wish as President. May not the malignity of the opposition be, in some instances, exhibited even against him? Of all this we shall best judge, when we know who are our Electors; and we must, in our different circles, take our measures accordingly.

I could console myself for what you mention respecting yourself, from a desire to see you in one of the executive departments, did I not perceive the representation will be defective in characters of a certain description. Wilson is evidently out of the question. King tells me he does not believe he will be elected into either House. Mr. Gouverneur Morris set out to-day for France, by way of Philadelphia. If you are not in one of the branches, the Government may sincerely feel the want of men who unite to zeal all the requisite qualifications for parrying the machinations of its enemies. Might I advise, it would be, that you bent your course to Virginia.

Affectionately yours, A. Hamilton.

Mr. J. Madison.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Monday morning, January 4, 1789.

Dear Sir:

I feel myself very much obliged by what you sent me yesterday. The letter from Governor Johnston I return, much pleased to find so authentic an account of the adoption by North Carolina of the Constitution.

Yours, sincerely and affectionately, G. Washington.

HAMILTON TO SEDGEWICK.

New-York, Jan. 29, 1789.

My Dear Sir:

I thank you for your two letters of the 4th and 7th instant, which arrived here during my absence at Albany, from which place I have but recently returned. I believe you may be perfectly tranquil on the subject of Mr. Adams’s election. It seems to be certain that all the Middle States will vote for him to Delaware inclusively, and probably Maryland. In the South, there are no candidates thought of but Rutledge and Clinton. The latter will have the votes of Virginia, and it is _possible_ some in South Carolina. Maryland will certainly not vote for Clinton, and New-York, from our Legislature having by their contentions let slip the day, will not vote at all. For the last circumstance, I am not sorry, as the most we could hope would be to balance accounts and do no harm. The Anti-federalists incline to an appointment notwithstanding, but I discourage it with the Federalists. Under these circumstances, I see not how any person can come near Mr. Adams; that is, taking it for granted that he will unite the votes in New Hampshire and Massachusetts. I expect that the Federal votes in Virginia, if any, will be in favor of Adams.

You will probably have heard that our Legislature has passed a bill for electing Representatives. The houses continue to disagree about Senators, and I fear a compromise will be impracticable. I do not, however, entirely lose hope. In this situation, you will perceive that we have much to apprehend respecting the seat of Government. The Pennsylvanians are endeavoring to bring their forces early in the field. I hope our friends in the North will not be behindhand. On many accounts, indeed, it appears to be important that there be an appearance of zeal and punctuality in coming forward to set the Government in motion.

I shall learn with infinite pleasure that you are a Representative. As to me, this will not be the case--I believe, from my own disinclination to the thing. We shall, however, I flatter myself, have a couple of Federalists.

I remain your affectionate and obedient, A. Hamilton.

WADSWORTH TO HAMILTON.

Hartford, February, 1789.

My Dear Sir:

Your favor of the 25th January came in good time. Our votes were given agreeably to your wishes--Washington, 7; Adams, 5; Governor Huntington, 2. By letters from Carrington, I learn that Clinton is the Anti-federal Vice-president; but I think we have nothing to fear. I believe New Hampshire will give Adams 4; Massachusetts, 6; Georgia, 6--as letters from Georgia say he will have at least so many--which, with ours, makes 21, which is more than Clinton can get, and we may certainly reckon on three more for Adams in South Carolina, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. We waived an answer to your State, and to Virginia. As you did not get my letter in season to answer me on that subject, I feared we should not do any good by an answer; and as the Anti-federalists did not move it, I thought we had best let it sleep. * * *

I am, dear sir, Your affectionate friend, Jeremiah Wadsworth.

END OF VOL. I.

Transcriber’s Notes

A number of typographical errors were corrected silently. The French needed particular attention.

New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the public domain.

The impossible dates of April 31, 1777 and June 31, 1788 are in the original.

Three consecutive blank lines were replaced by three ellipses.