Part 36
Finding this was likely to be the case, I showed your letter to some of your particular friends; and consulted with them on the propriety of making known your wishes with my testimonial of your services to Congress; but they advised me to decline it, under a full persuasion that no discrimination would, or indeed, could, be made at this late hour, as every other officer, from the highest to the lowest grades (not in actual command), were retiring without the retention of rank; and that the remainder, upon a peace establishment (if a Continental one should ever take place), would come in upon the new system, under fresh appointments; so that unless you wished to come into actual command again (which none supposed), they saw no way by which you could preserve your rank.
I have the pleasure to inclose you a brevet, giving you the rank of full Colonel.
I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient servant, G. Washington.
To Colonel Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
New-York, December 8, 1783.
Sir:
Being concerned as counsel for a number of persons who have been, since the annunciation of the provisional treaty, indicted under the confiscation laws of this State, for the part they are supposed to have taken in the late war, we are induced, at the desire of our clients, and in their behalf, to apply to Congress, through your Excellency, for an exemplification of the definitive treaty. We take it for granted, that ere this it will have been direction of the United States. We have found a great strictness in the Courts in this State. It will, we apprehend, be necessary to be able to produce an exemplification of the treaty under the seal of the United States. In a matter so interesting to a great number of individuals, for it does not belong to us to urge considerations of national honor, we hope we shall be excused when we observe, that there appears to be no probability that the legislature of this State will interpose its authority to put a stop to prosecutions, till the definitive treaty is announced in form. In the mean time, a period is limited for the appearance of the indicted persons to plead to their indictments, and if they neglect to appear, judgment by default will be entered against them. It is therefore of great consequence to them, that we should have in our possession, as speedily as possible, an authentic document of the treaty, and of its ratification by Congress; and we, on this account, pray an exemplification of both.
We persuade ourselves that the justice and liberality of Congress will induce a ready compliance with our prayer, which will conduce to the security of a great number of individuals who derive their hopes of safety from the national faith.
We have the honor to be with perfect respect, Your Excellency’s Most obedient and humble servants, A. Hamilton & others.
His Excellency The President of Congress.
HAMILTON TO J. B. CHURCH.
New-York, March 10, 1784.
My Dear Sir:
In my last to you I informed you that a project for a land bank had been set on foot by Mr. Sayre, as the ostensible parent; but that I had reason to suspect the Chancellor was the true father. The fact has turned out as I supposed, and the Chancellor, with a number of others, have since petitioned the Legislature for an exclusive charter for the proposed bank. I thought it necessary, not only with a view to your project, but for the sake of the commercial interests of the State, to start an opposition to this scheme; and took occasion to point out its absurdity and inconvenience to some of the most intelligent merchants, who presently saw the matter in a proper light, and began to take measures to defeat the plan.
The Chancellor had taken so much pains with the country members, that they all began to be persuaded that the land bank was the true Philosopher’s stone that was to turn all their rocks and trees into gold; and there was great reason to apprehend a majority of the Legislature would have adopted his views. It became necessary to convince the projectors themselves of the impracticability of their scheme; and to counteract the impressions they had made by a direct application to the Legislature. Some of the merchants, to effect these purposes, set on foot a subscription for a money bank, and called upon me to subscribe. I was a little embarrassed how to act, but upon the whole I concluded it best to fall in with them, and endeavor to induce them to put the business upon such a footing as might enable you, with advantage, to combine your interests with theirs; for since the thing had been taken up upon the broad footing of the whole body of the merchants, it appeared to me that it never would be your interest to pursue a distinct project in opposition to theirs; but that you would prefer, so far as you might choose to employ money in this way, to become purchasers in the general bank. The object, on this supposition, was to have the bank founded on such principles as would give you a proper weight in the direction. Unluckily, for this purpose, I entered rather late into the measure: proposals had been agreed upon, in which, among other things, it was settled that no stockholder, to whatever amount, should have more than seven votes, which was the number to which a holder of ten shares was to be entitled. At an after meeting of some of the most influential characters, I engaged them so far to depart from this ground, as to allow a vote for every five shares above ten.
The stockholders have since thought proper to appoint me one of the directors. I shall hold it till Wadsworth and you come out, and, if you choose to become parties to this bank, I shall make a vacancy for one of you. I inclose you the constitution, and the names of the President, Directors, and Cashier.
An application for a charter has been made to the Legislature, with a petition against granting an exclusive one to the land bank. The measures which have been taken appear to have had their effect upon the minds of the partisans of the land bank.
The affairs of the bank in Pennsylvania appear to be in some confusion. They have stopped discounts; but I have no apprehension that there is any thing more in the matter than temporary embarrassment from having a little overshot their mark in their issues of paper, and from the opposition which the attempt to establish a new bank had produced.
Yours affectionately, A. Hamilton.
J. B. Church, Esq.
HAMILTON TO FITZSIMMONS.
New-York, March 21, 1784.
Dear Sir:
Permit me to introduce to your acquaintance and attention Mr. Seton, Cashier of the Bank of New-York. He is just setting out for Philadelphia to procure materials and information in the forms of business. I recommend him to you, because I am persuaded you will with pleasure facilitate his object. Personally, I dare say you will be pleased with him.
He will tell you of our embarrassments and prospects. I hope an incorporation of the two banks, which is evidently the interest of both, has put an end to differences in Philadelphia. Here a wild and impracticable scheme of a land bank stands in our way; the projectors of it persevering in spite of the experience they have, that all the mercantile and moneyed influence is against it.
A. Hamilton.
WILLIAM SETON TO HAMILTON.
Philadelphia, 27 March, 1784.
Dear Sir:
You will observe by my letter of this day to our President, that I have been requested to postpone my visit to the bank until they shall be well informed that the Bank of New-York has, or actually will, obtain a charter. Although I am confident this is only an ostensible reason for not wishing to see me at the bank, it will be highly necessary I should be regularly informed of what is doing in this respect, that I may be able to speak fully and with firmness to the subject; therefore, exclusive of any letter the director may write to me, I trust you will communicate to me whatever may appear to you essential for me to know.
The fact is (and which cannot be communicated to the many, and therefore not mentioned in my official letter), their motive for not wishing to see me at the bank just now, arises from their being at present in very great confusion--the opposition of the new bank began it, and being pressed so hard by this opposition, they were obliged to lay themselves so open, that it evidently appeared, if carried further, it would strike too fatal a blow. Therefore, for the safety of the community at large, it became absolutely necessary to drop the idea of a new bank, and to join hand in hand to relieve the old bank from the shock it had received. Gold and silver had been extracted in such amounts that discounting was stopped, and for this fortnight past not any business has been done at the bank in this way. The distress it has occasioned to those dependent on circulation and engaged in large speculations, is severe; and, as if their cup of misery must overflow, by the last arrival from Europe, intelligence is received that no less a sum than £60,000 sterling of Mr. Morris’s bills, drawn for the Dutch loan, are under protest. It is well known that the bank, by some means or other, must provide for this sum. The child must not desert its parent in distress, and, such is their connection, that whatever is fatal to the one must be so to the other. However, the man who has more than once, by his consummate abilities, saved the American Empire from ruin, will no doubt be found equal to overcome these temporary inconveniences, and to restore universal confidence and good order. I trust you will be guarded in your conversation with others on this subject, lest it might recoil on me, and not only place me in a disagreeable situation, but defeat the purposes of my coming there. I have had several interviews with our friend Gov. Morris; he is for making the bank of New-York a branch of the bank of North America, but we differ widely in our ideas of the benefit that would result from such a connection.
If it will not be intruding too much upon your time and goodness, may I request that you will now and then inform me what is doing by our Legislature, and permit me to assure you, that it will ever give me singular pleasure to have it in my power to evince the respect and esteem with which
I am, dear Sir, Your ob’t and very humble serv’t, Wm. Seton.
Alexander Hamilton, Esq.
HAMILTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
New-York, April 4, 1784.
Pardon me, my dear sir, for not sooner having obeyed your orders with respect to the inclosed. I part with it reluctantly; for wit is so rare an article, that when we get so much of it in so small a compass, we cannot easily consent to be dispossessed of it. I am very happy to hear of the union of your two Banks; for you will believe me when I tell you, that, on more deliberate consideration, I was led to view the competition in a different light from that in which it at first struck me. I had no doubt that it was against the interests of the proprietors; but, on a superficial view, I perceived benefits to the community, which, on a more close inspection, I found were not real.
You will call our proceedings here _strange doings_. If some folks were paid to counteract the prosperity of the State, they could not take more effectual measures than they do. But it is in vain to attempt to kick against the pricks.
Discrimination bills; partial taxes; schemes to engross public property in the hands of those who have present power; to banish the real wealth of the State, and to substitute paper bubbles; are the only dishes that suit the public palate at this time.
Permit me to ask your opinion on a point of importance to the New-York Bank--the best mode of receiving and paying out gold. I am aware of the evils of that which has been practised upon in Philadelphia--_weighing in quantities_; but I cannot satisfy myself about a substitute, unless there could be a coinage.
Favor me with your sentiments on this subject as soon as you can.
Believe me, with equal warmth and sincerity,
Yours, A. Hamilton.
To Gouverneur Morris, Esq.
HAMILTON TO DE CHASTELLUX.
New-York, June 14, 1784.
Monsieur Le Chevalier:
Colonel Clarkeson, who will have the honor of delivering you this, being already known to you, I give him this letter more for the sake of renewing to you the assurances of my attachment and esteem, than from a supposition that he will stand in need of any new title to your attention. I will therefore only say of him, that his excellent qualities cannot be known without interesting those to whom they are known, and that from a personal and warm regard for him, I should be happy, if any thing I could say, could be an additional motive for your countenance and civilities to him.
I speak of him in the light of a friend. As the messenger of Science, he cannot fail to acquire the patronage of one of her favorite ministers. He combines with the views of private satisfaction, which a voyage to Europe cannot but afford, an undertaking for the benefit of a Seminary of learning, lately instituted in this State. Learning is the common concern of mankind; and why may not poor republicans, who can do little more than wish her well, send abroad to solicit the favor of her patrons and friends? Her ambassador will tell you his errand. I leave it to your mistress to _command_ and to the trustees of the institution to _ask_ your interest in promoting his mission.
Permit me only to add, that if there is any thing in this country by which I can contribute to your satisfaction, nothing will make me happier at all times, than that your commands may enable me to give you proofs of the respectful and affectionate attachment with which
I have the honor to be, Monsieur Le Chevalier, Your most ob’t and humble serv’t, A. H.
Le Chevalier De Chastellux.
GOUVERNEUR MORRIS TO HAMILTON.
Philadelphia, June 30, 1784.
Dear Hamilton:
This is rather a late period to acknowledge yours of the seventh of April. I have lived in the constant intention to answer it, and I now execute my purpose. But why not sooner? “Procrastination is the thief of time,” says Dr. Young. I meant to have written fully on the subject of the gold. But I waited some informations from Annapolis on the probability of a Mint. I afterwards intended a long letter upon a subject I mentioned to Mr. Seton, namely, a coalition between your Bank and the National Bank. I do not find either party inclined to it. And yet both would be the better for it. You, I believe, will soon be out of blast unless it should take place. I could say a great deal on this subject, but it would be very useless. When you find your cash diminish very fast, remind Seton of my predictions, and let him tell you what they were. If the Legislature should attempt to force paper money down your throats, it would be a good thing to be somewhat independent of them. But I must check myself, or I shall go too far into a business which would plague us both to no purpose. It shall be left, therefore, until we meet.
Very affectionately yours, Gouv. Morris.
Alexander Hamilton, Esq.
LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Albany, Oct. 8, 1784.
Dear Hamilton:
* * * * *
Several delays have retarded the opening of the Treaty; and when I was upon the ground, it has been found that my influence with the Indians, both friendly and hostile tribes, was much greater than the Commissioners, and even myself, had conceived; so that I was requested, even by every one of the tribes there, to speak to those nations. There were some, more or less, from each tribe. I stayed as long as the Commissioners thought I could do them some good; and that has rather cramped my private plans of visits.
Now, my dear friend, I am going to Hartford, Boston, Newport; from thence, by water, to Virginia, in order to save time; and about the twentieth of next month I hope to be again with you in New-York: but before that time will write you from Newport.
Adieu, my dear Hamilton. Most affectionately I am yours, La Fayette.
P.S. I am told Mr. Jay is not determined upon accepting. I much wish he may consent to it; the more so, as his probable successor does not hit my fancy. Indeed, I very much wish Mr. Jay may accept the office.
To Colonel Hamilton.
LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Boston, Oct. 22, 1784.
My Dear Hamilton:
Every step I move, there comes upon me a happy necessity to change my plans. The reception I met with in Boston no words can describe; at least it is impossible to express what I have felt. Gratitude as well as propriety conspired with all other inducements to keep me here some time longer. Rhode Island and New Hampshire I must visit, and intend embarking by the first or second day of next month for Virginia, in the Nymph frigate, which has been sent on my account. In less than four weeks’ time from this day, I hope to be with Congress; and when my business there is concluded, will come to New-York, where I hope we will spend some days together. My stay in your city has been too short, far inadequate to the feelings of my gratitude, and to the marks of goodness bestowed upon me; but this time I will be some days longer with my New-York friends.
Upon reflecting on my situation, my circumstances, my love for America, and yet the motives that might render it improper for her to employ me in a public capacity, I have confined myself to a plan which, at the same time that it gratifies my attachment and serves the United States, cannot have any shadow of inconvenience. After having told me they know my zeal, I wish Congress to add, they want me to continue those friendly, and, I might say, patriotic exertions; that in consequence of it, their ministers at home, and their ministers abroad, will have a standing order to look to me as one whose information and exertions will ever be employed to the service of the United States; and when they think it is wanted, to communicate with me upon the affairs of America; that Congress will, whenever I think it proper, be glad of my correspondence.
Upon that general scale, every minister may conceal from me what he pleases, may write to me only when he pleases; and should he ever think my assistance is wanting, he has a title to ask, I have one to give it; and my connection with America is for ever kept, without giving jealousy, upon such a footing as will remain at the disposition of each public servant of Congress.
It seems to me, my dear friend, this idea already met with your approbation. In case it does, do promote it with your delegates and others. If it does not, write it to me by the bearer whom I send by land to apologize to the General for my delays.
Our friend Knox has been most affectionate and kind to me.
Yours for ever, La Fayette.
P.S. I have written to Wadsworth, and spoken to Bostonians respecting the Baron’s affairs. I will do the same in Virginia, Maryland, and elsewhere.
To Alexander Hamilton, Esq.
LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Paris, April 13, 1785.
My Dear Hamilton:
Although I have just now written to McHenry, requesting him to impart my Gazette to you, a very barren one indeed, I feel within myself a want to tell you, I love you tenderly. Your brother Church has sailed for America, since which I had a letter from his lady, who is in very good health. By an old letter from our friend Greene, I have been delighted to find he consents to send his son to be educated with mine; the idea makes me very happy. I wish, dear Hamilton, you would honor me with the same mark of your friendship and confidence. As there is no fear of a war, I intend visiting the Prussian and Austrian troops. In one of your New-York Gazettes, I find an association against the slavery of negroes, which seems to me worded in such a way as to give no offence to the moderate men in the southern States. As I ever have been partial to my brethren of that color, I wish, if you are one in the society, you would move, in your own name, for my being admitted on the list. My best respects wait on Mrs. Hamilton. Adieu.
Your affectionate friend, La Fayette.
JOHN ADAMS TO HAMILTON.
Grosvenor-Square, London, Oct. 19, 1785.
Sir:
At the instance of Mr. Hartley, in behalf of his friend, Mr. Francis Upton, I advised Mr. Upton to apply to some counsellor in New-York, and particularly to Mr. Hamilton, whose reputation was known to me, although his person was not.
Mr. Hartley now requests for Mr. Upton a letter of introduction. As a total stranger, but by character, it would be very difficult to find a pretence to excuse the liberty I take in presenting Mr. Upton to you, and recommending his case to your attention. But, as we say at the bar, where I wish I was, _valeat quantum valere potest._ With much esteem,
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, John Adams.
Mr. Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO WILKES.
November, 8, 1785.
Sir: