Part 38
I thank you for your communication of the 3d. When I refer you to the state of the councils which prevailed at the period you left this city, and add that they are now, if possible, in a worse train than ever; you will find but little ground on which the hope of a good establishment can be formed. In a word, I _almost_ despair of seeing a favorable issue to the proceedings of the Convention, and do, therefore, repent having any agency in the business.
The men who oppose a strong and energetic government are in my opinion narrow-minded politicians, or are under the influence of local views. The apprehension expressed by them, that the _people_ will not accede to the form proposed, is the _ostensible_, not the _real_, cause of the opposition; but admitting that the _present_ sentiment is as they prognosticate, the question ought nevertheless to be, is it or is it not the best form? If the former, recommend it, and it will assuredly obtain, maugre opposition.
I am sorry you went away; I wish you were back. The crisis is equally important and alarming, and no opposition under such circumstances should discourage exertions, till the signature is fixed. I will not at this time trouble you with more than my best wishes and sincere regards.
I am, dear Sir, Your obedient servant, G. Washington.
Alexander Hamilton, Esq.
HAMILTON TO ----
New-York, ----, 1787.
Dear Sir:
Agreeably to what passed between us, I have had an interview with Mr. Auldjo, and I flatter myself if there is (as I doubt not there will be) as much moderation on the part of Major Peirce as there appears to be on that of Mr. Auldjo, that the affair between them may yet be amicably terminated.
But Mr. Auldjo observes, I confess in my opinion with propriety, that he ought to know with some precision the matters which have given offence to Major Peirce, before he can enter into explanations; which he declares himself to be very ready to do with coolness and candor, the moment he shall be enabled to do it by a specification of the subjects of complaint. If a personal interview is for any reason disagreeable to Major Peirce, I entreat you, my dear sir, to obtain from him, and to communicate to me by letter, the substance of what has occasioned his dissatisfaction, with so much particularity only as will put it in the power of Mr. Auldjo to give an explicit answer. Major Peirce will, I hope, have no scruples about this, for as the door of explanation has been opened by Mr. Auldjo, there is no punctilio which stands in his way; and I trust he will feel the force of a sentiment which prudence and humanity equally dictate, that extremities ought then only to ensue when, after a fair experiment, accommodation has been found impracticable. An attention to this principle interests the characters of both the gentlemen concerned, and with them our own; and from every other consideration, as well as that of personal friendship to the parties, I sincerely wish to give it its full operation. I am convinced you are not less anxious to effect this than myself; and I trust our joint endeavors will not prove unsuccessful.
I remain with sincere regard, Dear Sir, your obedient servant, Alex. Hamilton.
I cannot, however, conclude without making one remark. Though Mr. Auldjo has expressed and still entertains a desire of explanation, it would ill become him to solicit it. Whatever, therefore, in my expressions may seem to urge such an explanation with the earnestness of entreaty, must be ascribed to my own feelings, and to that inclination which every man of sensibility must feel, not to see extremities take place if it be in his power to prevent them, or until they become an absolutely necessary sacrifice to public opinion.
I remain with sincere regard, Dear Sir, your obedient servant, A. Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO AULDJO.
New-York, July 26, 1787.
Sir:
I have delivered the paper you committed to me, as it stood altered, to Major Peirce, from whose conduct I am to conclude the affair between you is at an end. He informs me that he is shortly to set out on a jaunt up the North River.
As you intimate a wish to have my sentiments in writing on the transaction, I shall with pleasure declare that the steps you have taken in consequence of Mr. Peirce’s challenge have been altogether in conformity to my opinion of what would be prudent, proper, and honorable on your part. They seem to have satisfied Mr. Peirce’s scruples arising from what he apprehended in some particulars to have been your conduct to him, and I presume we are to hear nothing further of the matter.
I remain with great esteem, Sir, Your obedient and humble servant, Alex. Hamilton.
To Mr. Auldjo.
HAMILTON TO RUFUS KING.
New-York, August 20, 1787.
Dear Sir:
Since my arrival here, I have written to my colleagues, informing them if either of them would come down, I would accompany him to Philadelphia; so much for the sake of propriety and public opinion. In the mean time, if any material alteration should happen to be made in the plan now before the Convention, I will be obliged to you for a communication of it. I will also be obliged to you to let me know when your conclusion is at hand, for I would choose to be present at that time.
HAMILTON TO WADSWORTH.
August 20, 1787.
My Dear Sir:
The inclosed is said to be the copy of a letter circulating in your State. The history of its appearance among us is, that it was sent by one _Whitmore_ of Stratford, formerly in the Paymaster General’s office, to one James Reynolds of this city.
I am at a loss clearly to understand its object, and have some suspicion, that it has been fabricated to excite jealousy against the Convention, with a view to an opposition to their recommendations. At all events, I wish, if possible, to trace its source, and send it to you for that purpose.
Whitmore must of course say where he got it, and by pursuing the information we may at last come at the author. Let me know the political connections of this man, and the complexion of the people most active in the circulation of the letter. Be so good as to attend to this inquiry somewhat particularly, as I have different reasons of some moment for setting it on foot.
I remain, &c. A. Hamilton.
To Jeremiah Wadsworth.
COL. WADSWORTH TO HAMILTON.
Hartford, August 26, 1787.
My Dear Sir:
I received your favor this day, with the inclosed copy of a letter, said to be circulating in this State. Some time since a paragraph in the New Haven papers hinted at such a letter, and appeared to be written to secure the Anti-federal party or alarm them. And I believed it was well intended, as it seemed to be meant to prepare them to comply with the doings of the Convention, lest worse befell them; but the close of the letter appears to be calculated for other purposes. Wetmore has always associated with men who wished well to America, and a good Government. He is half-brother to the spirited Federal writer in our papers, who signs himself Cato; and if he has really written or circulated the letter in question, I am quite at a loss to know his intentions. I have communicated this matter to Col. Humphreys, in confidence, who is on his way to New Haven, where Wetmore lives, though formerly of Hartford. He will inquire carefully into the matter, and write you. He has lived in the same town with Wetmore, and can easily fathom him. Wetmore is naturally sanguine, has some talents, and I believe, is enterprising, but fickle. Who the active people in this business are, I have yet to learn, as it certainly has not circulated hereabouts. But from Humphreys you may expect to know all that is true, in Wetmore’s neighborhood. I have always been Humphreys’ friend, but a nearer acquaintance with him convinces me he is a man of great integrity, and such talents as would wear well in any employment of confidence. If he comes to New-York I wish you to be more acquainted with him.
I am, dear Sir, Your very humble servant, Jerh. Wadsworth.
HAMILTON TO RUFUS KING.
New-York, August 28, 1787.
Dear Sir:
I wrote you, some days since, to request you to inform me when there was a prospect of your finishing, as I intended to be with you, for certain reasons, before the conclusion. It is whispered here, that some late changes in your scheme have taken place, which give it a higher tone. Is this the case? I leave town to-day to attend a circuit in a neighboring county, from which I shall return the last of the week, and shall be glad to find a line from you, explanatory of the period of the probable termination of your business.
COLONEL HUMPHREYS TO HAMILTON.
New Haven, Sept. 16, 1787.
My Dear Sir:
Our friend Col. Wadsworth has communicated to me a letter, in which you made inquiries respecting a political letter that has lately circulated in this State. I arrived in this town yesterday, and have since conversed with several intelligent persons on the subject. It appears to have been printed in a Fairfield paper as long ago as the 25th of July. I have not been able to trace it to its source. Mr. Wetmore informs me, that when he first saw this letter it was in the hands of one Jared Mansfield, who, I believe, has formerly been reputed a Loyalist. Indeed it seems to have been received and circulated with avidity by that class of people, whether it was fabricated by them or not. I think, however, there is little doubt that it was manufactured in this State. I demanded of Mr. Wetmore what he thought were the wishes and objects of the writer of that letter. He said, he believed it might be written principally for the amusement of the author, and perhaps with some view to learn whether the people were not absolutely indifferent to all government and dead to all political sentiment.
Before I saw the letter in question, a paragraph had been published by Mr. Meigs, giving an account of it, and attempting to excite the apprehensions of the Anti-federalists, with an idea, that the most disastrous consequences are to be expected, unless we shall accept the proceedings of the Convention. Some think this was the real design of the fictitious performance, but others, with more reason, that it was intended to feel the public pulse, and to discover whether the public mind would be startled with propositions of Royalty. The quondam tories have undoubtedly conceived hopes of a future union with Great Britain, from the inefficacy of our Government, and the tumults which prevailed in Massachusetts during the last winter. I saw a letter, written at that period, by a Clergyman of considerable reputation in Nova Scotia, to a person of eminence in this State, stating the impossibility of our being happy under our present Constitution, and proposing (now we could think and argue calmly on all the consequences) that the efforts of the moderate, the virtuous, and the brave, should be exerted to effect a reunion with the parent State. He mentioned, among other things, how instrumental the Cincinnati might be, and how much it would redound to their emolument. It seems, by a conversation I have had here, that the ultimate practicability of introducing the Bishop of Osnaburgh is not a novel idea among those who were formerly termed Loyalists. Ever since the peace it has been occasionally talked of and wished for. Yesterday, where I dined, half jest--half earnest--he was given as the first toast.
I leave you now, my dear friend, to reflect how ripe we are for the most mad and ruinous project that can be suggested, especially when, in addition to this view, we take into consideration how thoroughly the patriotic part of the community--the friends of an efficient Government, are discouraged with the present system, and irritated at the popular demagogues who are determined to keep themselves in office, at the risk of every thing. Thence apprehensions are formed, that though the measures proposed by the Convention, may not be equal to the wishes of the most enlightened and virtuous, yet that they will be too high-toned to be adopted by our popular assemblies. Should that happen, our political ship will be left afloat on a sea of chance, without a rudder as well as without a pilot.
I am happy to see you have (some of you) had the honest boldness to attack in a public paper, the Anti-federal dogmas of a great personage in your State. Go on and prosper. Were the men of talents and honesty, throughout the Continent, properly combined into one phalanx, I am confident they would be competent to hew their way through all opposition. Were there no little jealousies, bickerings and unworthy sinister views, to divert them from their object, they might by perseverance, establish a Government calculated to promote the happiness of mankind, and to make the Revolution a blessing instead of a curse.
I think it is probable that I shall soon go to the southward; in the mean time, I beg you to be persuaded that I am, with sentiments of sincere friendship and esteem,
My dear Hamilton, Your most obedient and most humble serv’t, D. Humphreys.
Col. Hamilton.
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
1787.
Dear Sir:
You probably saw, some time since, some animadversions on certain expressions of Governor Clinton, respecting the Convention. You may have seen a piece, signed “A Republican,” attempting to bring the fact into question, and endeavoring to controvert the conclusions drawn from it, if true. My answer you will find in the inclosed. I trouble you with it merely from that anxiety, which is natural to every man, to have his veracity at least stand in a fair light. The matter seems to be given up by the Governor, and the fact, with the inferences from it, stand against him in full force, and operate as they ought to do.
It is, however, of some importance to the party to diminish whatever credit or influence I may possess, and to effect this, they stick at nothing. Among many contemptible artifices practised by them, they have had recourse to an insinuation, that I _palmed_ myself upon you, and that you _dismissed_ me from your family. This I confess hurts my feelings, and if it obtains credit, will require a contradiction. You, sir, will undoubtedly recollect the manner in which I came into your family, and went out of it; and know how destitute of foundation such insinuations are. My confidence in your justice will not permit me to doubt your readiness to put the matter in its true light in your answer to this letter. It cannot be my wish to give any complexion to the affair which might excite the least scruple in you; but I confess it would mortify me to lie under the imputation, either of having obtruded myself into the family of a General, or of having been turned out of it.
The new Constitution is as popular in this city as it is possible for any thing to be, and the prospect thus far is favorable to it throughout the State. But there is no saying what turn things may take when the full flood of official influence is let loose against it. This is to be expected; for though the Governor has not publicly declared himself, his particular connections and confidential friends are loud against it.
Mrs. Hamilton joins in respectful compliments to Mrs. Washington.
I remain with perfect esteem, Your Excellency’s obedient servant, A. Hamilton.
LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Paris, October 15, 1787.
My Dear Hamilton:
While you have been attending your most important Convention, debates were also going on in France respecting the constitutional rights, and matters of that kind. Grave reforms are taking place at court. The parliaments are remonstrating, and our provincial assemblies begin to pop out. Amidst many things that were not much to the purpose, some good principles have been laid out; and, although our affairs have a proper arrangement, the nation will not in the last be the loser. The prime minister is a man of candor, honesty, and abilities. But now the rumor of war sets us a-going. Not that France is wishing for it, and Great Britain ought to be satisfied with an advantageous treaty of commerce, and the profit of hers and Prussia’s treachery in Holland. But, while I consider the madness of the Turks, the movements of the Imperial Court, the folly of his Prussian Majesty, the late catastrophe in Holland, and the cry of England for war, I hardly think that the peaceful dispositions of this ministry--and, they say, of Mr. Pitt--will be able to extinguish a fire that is catching in every corner of Europe. It would be consistent with my inclination and best views that America be engaged in an active co-operation. But as I do not think it consistent with her interest, I have taken the liberty to express my ideas in an official letter to Mr. Jay, to whom I refer you. It seems to me, that a friendly, helping neutrality, would be useful to France, profitable to the United States, and perfectly safe on the footing of the treaties. Should America be forced to war, I wish it would be for the last campaign--time enough to occupy Canada and Newfoundland. But I see no inconvenience in privateering with French letters of marque.
Inclosed is the journal of a preliminary assembly in Auvergne. I am returning there as soon as we have done some arrangements respecting American commerce, which will result on as good footing in this kingdom as it is for the moment possible. The ministry are more favorably disposed.
I hope you will be satisfied with Count de Maurice and the Countess de Brehan, his sister-in-law. I beg leave to introduce them both to you and Mrs. Hamilton, to whom I offer my most affectionate regards. Remember me to the rest of the family and all friends. My best compliments wait on Gen. Schuyler and the doctor. Adieu, my good friend. The post is going to town. I have only time to tell that I am ever
Your most affectionate friend, La Fayette.
WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
Mount Vernon, October 18, 1787.
Dear Sir:
Your favor, without date, came to my hand by the last post. It is with unfeigned concern I perceive that a political dispute has arisen between Gov. Clinton and yourself. For both of you I have the highest esteem and regard. But as you say it is insinuated by some of your political adversaries, and may obtain credit, “that you _palmed_ yourself upon me and was _dismissed_ from my family,” and call upon me to do you justice by a recital of the facts; I do, therefore, explicitly declare, that both charges are entirely unfounded. With respect to the first, I have no cause to believe that you took a single step to accomplish, or had the most distant idea of receiving an appointment in my family till you were invited thereto. And with respect to the second, that your quitting it was altogether the effect of your own choice.
When the situation of this country calls loudly for unanimity and vigor, it is to be lamented that gentlemen of talent and character should disagree in their sentiments for promoting the public weal; but unfortunately this ever has been, and more than probable ever will be, the case in the affairs of man.
Having scarcely been from home since my return from Philadelphia, I can give but little information with respect to the _general_ reception of the new constitution in _this_ State. In Alexandria, however, and some of the adjacent counties, it has been embraced with an enthusiastic warmth of which I had no conception. I expect, notwithstanding, violent opposition will be given to it by _some_ characters of weight and influence in the State.
Mrs. Washington unites with me in sending her best wishes for Mrs. Hamilton and yourself.
I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and affectionate friend, G. Washington.
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
October 30, 1787.
I am much obliged to your Excellency for the explicit manner in which you contradict the insinuations mentioned in my last letter. The only use I shall make of your answer will be to put it into the hands of a few friends.
The constitution proposed has in this State warm friends, and warm enemies. The first impressions every where are in its favor; but the artillery of its opponents makes some impression. The event cannot yet be foreseen. The inclosed is the first number of a series of papers to be written in its defence.
I send you also, at the request of the Baron De Steuben, a printed pamphlet, containing the grounds of an application lately made to Congress. He tells me there is some reference to you, the object of which he does not himself seem clearly to understand; but imagines it may be in your power to be of service to him.
There are public considerations that induce me to be somewhat anxious for his success. He is fortified with materials, which, in Europe, could not fail to establish the belief of the contract he alleges. The documents of service he possesses are of a nature to convey an exalted idea of them. The compensations he has received, though considerable, if compared with those which have been received by American officers, will, according to European ideas, be very scanty in application to a stranger who is acknowledged to have rendered essential services. Our reputation abroad is not at present too high. To dismiss an old soldier empty and hungry, to seek the bounty of those on whom he has no claims, and to complain of unkind returns and violated engagements, will certainly not tend to raise it. I confess, too, there is something in my feelings which would incline me in this case to go farther than might be strictly necessary, rather than drive a man, at the Baron’s time of life, who has been a faithful servant, to extremities. And this is unavoidable if he does not succeed in his present attempt. What he asks would, all calculations made, terminate in this, an allowance of his five hundred and eighty guineas a year. He only wishes a recognition of the contract. He knows that until affairs mend no money can be produced. I do not know how far it may be in your power to do him any good; but I shall be mistaken if the considerations I have mentioned do not appear to your Excellency to have some weight.
I remain, with great respect and esteem, Your Excellency’s obedient servant, A. Hamilton.
His Excellency General Washington.
WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
Mount Vernon, November 10, 1787.
Dear Sir:
I thank you for the pamphlet, and for the Gazette, contained in your letter of the 30th ult. For the remaining numbers of Publius, I shall acknowledge myself obliged, as I am persuaded the subject will be well handled by the author.