Part 37

The message which you sent me yesterday, and your letter to-day, were conceived in terms to which I am little accustomed. Were I to consult my feelings only upon the occasion, I should return an answer very different from that which I have, in justice to my own conduct, resolved upon. But in whatever light we are to view each other hereafter, and however harsh and indelicate I may think the method you have taken to obtain an explanation to be, I shall, for my own part, leave no room to suppose that I intentionally gave you any cause to complain. I shall, therefore, explicitly declare, that whatever inattention may have appeared towards you, was solely owing to the continual hurry in which my engagements, for a long time past, have kept me; and that, so far from its having been occasioned by any designed neglect, it was what, under the circumstances, might have happened to my best friend. Indeed, much of what you mention to have been done by you, I am a stranger to. The frequent callings, by yourself and by your servant, did not, that I recollect, come to my knowledge. It is possible some of them might have been mentioned to me, and, in the hurry of my mind, forgotten. Once, I remember, I saw your servant just as I was going out on some urgent business. I sent a verbal message, promising that I would see you; which I intended to do, as soon as I had made up my resolution on the business of the interview. When I received your note I was about sending you an answer in writing; but, upon inquiring for your servant, and finding him gone, I omitted it, with an intention to see you personally.

You say it is near six months since you first applied to me on the business in question. A great part of the time I gave you all the answer I could give you; to wit, that I had written to Mr. Macaulay, and only waited his answer. About two months since, I received it. I have been the greater part of the time out of town on indispensable business. In the intervals I have been occupied about objects of immediate and absolute necessity, which could not have been delayed without letting my business run into utter confusion. Mr. Macaulay’s concerns have been hanging upon my spirits. I have been promising myself, from day to day, to bring them to a conclusion; but more pressing objects have unavoidably postponed it. I thought the delay required some apology to Mr. Macaulay, but I never dreamt of having given occasion of offence to you.

I will not, however, deny, upon a review of what has passed, that there have been, through hurry and inadvertency on my part, appearances of neglect towards you; but between gentlemen and men of business, unfavorable conclusions ought not to be drawn before explanations are asked. Allowances ought to be made for the situations of parties; and the omissions of men, deeply involved in business, ought rather to be ascribed to that cause than to ill intentions.

Had you, in the first instance, expressed to me (in such a manner as respect for yourself and delicacy to me dictated) your sense of these appearances, I should have taken pains to satisfy you that nothing improper towards you was intended by me. But to make one of my clerks the instrument of communication, and the bearer to me of a harsh accusation, was ill-judged and ungenteel. To take it for granted that you had received an injury from me, without first giving me an opportunity of an explanation, and to couch your sense of it in terms so offensive as some of those used in your letter, is an additional instance of precipitation and rudeness.

Inadvertencies susceptible of misapprehension, I may commit; but I am incapable of intending to wound or injure any man who has given me no cause for it; and I am incapable of doing any thing, sir, of which I need be ashamed. The intimation, on your part, is unmerited and unwarrantable. After thus having explained my own conduct to you, and given you my ideas of yours, it will depend on yourself how far I shall be indifferent, or not, to your future sentiments of my character. I shall only add, that to-morrow you shall receive from me my determination on the matter of business between us.

I am, with due consideration, Sir, Your most obedient servant, A. Hamilton.

To John Wilkes, Esq.

WILKES TO HAMILTON.

November 9, 1785.

Sir:

The moment I received yours, I perceived the precipitancy of my own conduct, and was very sorry I had so far mistaken both our characters to act in the manner I have done. I flatter myself, that the same candor which has dictated yours, will be exerted towards mine, and that you will only view it as the act of a man who conceived himself injured. As you have never experienced the cruel reverses of fortune, you can scarcely judge how the least insinuations to their prejudice will affect those persons who have; or how much more suspicious they are of the behavior of mankind towards them.

The morning I left the message for you, I had been called upon by one of the creditors of Mr. Heart, who thought it very strange no dividend was made; and he insinuated, some party must be interested in the delay. It is the first money transaction I have engaged in since my release. I felt the insinuation as alluding to me, and with a force, which, perhaps, I should not. However, that moment I went to your office.

The next morning, when I saw your note to Mr. Atkinson, and found myself totally set aside in a business where I had, most undoubtedly, been originally neglected, I felt myself very much agitated; and in that frame of mind I wrote my last to you.

So much I thought it necessary to add in explanation.

I am convinced, now, I have been too hasty; and I am sorry for it. It will put me on my guard in future, and I make no doubt prove beneficial to me, provided it has not been the means of hurting me in your estimation, which I am now more desirous than ever of obtaining.

I am, Sir, with respect, Your much obliged, And most obedient servant, John Wilkes.

To Colonel Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

November 23, 1785.

Dear Sir:

Major Fairly is just setting out on a visit to you, I believe on some business relating to the Cincinnati. The society of this State met some short time since, and took into consideration the proposed alterations in the original frame of the Institution: some were strenuous for adhering to the old Constitution, a few for adopting the new, and many for a middle line. This disagreement of opinion, and the consideration that the different State societies pursuing different courses--some adopting the alterations entire; others rejecting them in the same way; others adopting in part and rejecting in part--might beget confusion and defeat good purposes, induced a proposal, which was unanimously agreed to, that a committee should be appointed to prepare and lay before the society, a circular letter, expressive of the sense of the society on the different alterations proposed, and recommending the giving powers to a general meeting of the Cincinnati, to make such alterations as might be thought advisable, to obviate objections and promote the interests of the society. I believe there will be no difficulty in agreeing to change the present mode of continuing the society; but it appears to be the wish of our members, that some other mode may be defined and substituted, and that it might not be left to the uncertainty of legislative provision. We object, too, to putting the funds under legislative direction. Indeed, it appears to us, the Legislatures will not, at present, be inclined to give us any sanction.

I am of the committee: and I cannot but flatter myself, that when the object is better digested, and more fully explained, it will meet your approbation.

The poor _Baron_ is still soliciting Congress, and has every prospect of indigence before him. He has his imprudences; but, upon the whole, he has rendered valuable services; and his merits and the reputation of the country, alike, demand that he should not be left to suffer want.

If there could be any mode by which your influence could be employed in his favor, by writing to your friends in Congress, or otherwise, the Baron and his friends would be under great obligations to you.

I have the honor to be, With sincere esteem, Your ob’t and humble serv’t, Alex. Hamilton.

To His Excellency General Washington.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Mount Vernon, December 11, 1785.

Dear Sir:

I have been favored with your letter of the twenty-third of November, by Major Fairly.

Sincerely do I wish that the several State societies had, or would adopt the alterations that were recommended by the general meeting, in May, seventeen hundred and eighty-four. I then thought, and have had no cause since to change my opinion, that if the society of the Cincinnati mean to live in peace with the rest of their fellow-citizens, they must subscribe to the alterations which were at that time adopted.

That the jealousies of, and prejudices against, this society, were carried to an unwarrantable length, I will readily grant; and that _less_ than was done, _ought_ to have removed the fears which had been imbibed, I am as clear in, as I am that it would not have done it. But it is a matter of little moment, whether the alarm which seized the public mind was the result of foresight, envy, and jealousy, or a disordered imagination: the effect of perseverance would have been the same. Wherein, then, would have been found an equivalent for the separation of interests which (from my best information, not from one State only, but many) would inevitably have taken place?

The fears of the people are not yet removed; they only sleep; and a very little matter will set them afloat again. Had it not been for the predicament we stood in with respect to the foreign officers and the charitable part of the Institution, I should, on that occasion, as far as my voice would have gone, have endeavored to convince the narrow-minded part of our countrymen, that the _amor patriæ_ was much stronger in our breasts than theirs, and that our conduct, through the whole of the business, was actuated by nobler and more generous sentiments than were apprehended, by abolishing the society at once, with a declaration of the causes, and the purity of its intention. But the latter may be interesting to many, and the former is an insuperable bar to such a step.

I am sincerely concerned to find, by your letter, that the Baron is again in straitened circumstances. I am much disinclined to ask favors of Congress; but if I knew what the object of his wishes are, I should have much pleasure in rendering him any service in my power, with such members of that body as I now and then correspond with. I had flattered myself, from what was told me some time ago, that Congress had made a final settlement with the Baron much to his satisfaction.

I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, G. Washington.

To Alex. Hamilton, Esq.

HAMILTON TO NATHANIEL HAZARD.

April 24, 1786.

Sir:

Your letter of the twenty-first was only delivered me this morning. The good opinion of liberal men I hold in too high estimation not to be flattered by that part of your letter which relates to me personally. The other part I have communicated to General Schuyler, and he assures me he will see all his friends this afternoon upon the subject; so that I have no doubt, as far as his influence extends, it will be employed in favor of the success of the bill in the Assembly, as it has already been in the Senate.

In taking this step, however, I would not be understood to declare any opinion concerning the principles of the bill, with which I am not sufficiently acquainted to form a decided opinion. I have merely made your letter the occasion of introducing the subject to General Schuyler, whose sentiments are as favorable to your wishes as you could desire.

I make this observation from that spirit of candor which I hope will always direct my conduct. I am aware that I have been represented as an enemy to the wishes of what you call your corps. If by this has been meant that I do not feel as much as any man, not immediately interested, for the distresses of those merchants who have been in a great measure the victims of the Revolution, the supposition does not do justice either to my head or my heart. But if it means that I have always viewed the mode of relieving them as a matter of peculiar delicacy and difficulty, it is well founded.

I should have thought it unnecessary to enter into this explanation, were it not that I am held up as a candidate at the ensuing election; and I would not wish that the step I have taken, in respect to your letter, should be considered as implying more than it does; for I would never wish to conciliate at the expense of candor. On the other hand, I confide in your liberality not to infer more than I intend from the explanation I have given; and hope you will believe me to be, with great cordiality and esteem,

Dear Sir, Your obedient servant, A. Hamilton.

To Mr. Hazard.

CUSHING, DANA, AND BRECK TO HAMILTON.

New-York, Sept. 10, 1786.

Gentlemen:

Understanding, on our arrival in this city last Friday evening, that you had gone on for the Convention at Annapolis the week past, we take the liberty to acquaint you, and beg you to communicate to the Convention, if it should be opened before we arrive there, that we shall set off from this place to-morrow to join them, as Commissioners from the State of Massachusetts, which we hope to do in the course of this week. The Commissioners from Philadelphia were to sail from thence for this city, on the seventh instant, so that they may be expected soon after us.

With great respect, Your most obedient humble servants, Thomas Cushing. F. T. H. Dana. Saml. Breck.

The Gentlemen Commissioners for New-York.

LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.

Paris, April 12, 1787.

My Dear Hamilton:

It is an age since I heard from you. Of you I hear by some of our friends, and in the newspapers. But although I have a right to complain, I want to let you know the proceedings of our Assembly, which, as it is unusual in France, may raise your curiosity.

Our Constitution is pretty much what it was in England before it had been fairly written down and minutely preserved; so that we have great claims to freedom, to a National Representation, to the denial of taxes, &c., &c. But disposition on one hand, and levity on the other have manœuvred us out of almost every privilege. They will still subsist, however, more or less, in some provinces, and particularly in those of Bretagne.

Now that the follies of Courts had obliged Government to saddle us with new taxes, and the opposition of our magistrates did present itself as an obstacle to the ministers, they have thought proper to call an Assembly of Notables, chosen by the king, but taken among the first people in _each_ order, and to begin with granting them what is more wished for by the nation, an Assembly in each Province.

The last Assembly of Notables, in 1626, had been obedient to the ministers. This one came at a more enlightened period. It happened under a minister, who, although he has parts, is not equal to some of the members--men of fine abilities. We are backed by the nation, and although not her representatives, have behaved as her interpreters, and we have formed a great majority in favor of popular measures.

The speeches from the throne, those of M. de Calonne, have been printed: the last one contains many falsehoods. The first measure we took was for the clergy to declare they were ready to pay in the same proportion with other people, for the Noblesse to make the same declaration, and reject a pecuniary privilege that was offered, in lieu of the other that is taken off.

We have gratefully accepted the provincial elective assemblies, but have united on such alterations as will invigorate them. M. de Calonne had made a mixture of democracy and despotism which did annihilate those checks and gradations that are necessary evils, wherever there is a king. But I think the provincial assemblies, as they are proposed by us, may lay a foundation for a good building.

Several plans for the removal of internal Custom offices, for the free exportation of corn, for the change in the salt tax, for the annihilation of some duties, and now for the disposal of the king’s domanial possessions, have been examined, and underwent several alterations. To some we have only left the titles of the chapters, but changed them, in my opinion, much for the better.

The idea of a general tax in kind, was proposed by the government, but we said it was not practicable. As to any new imposition, we have answered, it is impossible to form an opinion before we know the return of the exports of the two last years, and the plans of economy that are intended. We have not, it is true, any powers from the nation, but our opinion is asked, and in a measure has become necessary, and a majority of us do not think their opinion can be given, until those preliminaries are fulfilled.

There is a very interesting contrast between the king’s power at Versailles, and the opposition of that Assembly which is held there, and divided in seven committees of twenty, or twenty-two each, presided by a prince of the blood. Hitherto we have not voted in a General Assembly, although we had some to hear the Minister. But the opinions of the committees only are now taken, and in the end each vote will be pronounced in the whole house, beginning from the last up to the first in rank. You know that we have the Clergy, Magistracy, Noblesse, and Tiers Etat.

At the last meeting we had before the recess of these holidays, I had a personal battle of some importance. The king’s domanial property has been a pretence to lavish money on the princes of the blood, favorites, and the powerful people of the country. I had the day before moved for an examination of those bargains, wherein more than fifty millions have been thrown away. The great people being afraid of being found out, and particularly M. de Calonne, who is guilty of the most indecent depredation, thought they must intimidate me and the Bishop of Langres, M. de la Luzerne’s brother, who had seconded my motion. They, in consequence of it, persuaded the king to have us told by his brother, our president, that such motions ought to be signed. Upon which, we signed the inclosed paper; and the bishop said, that after the rents, he would bring in some accounts, signed by him, of the bargain of sinecure, made by M. de Calonne. The king was very angry with me; M. de Calonne, who had his confidence, intended signal revenge. I was preparing to support what I had said, when we suddenly heard that M. de Calonne had been dismissed. The keeper of the seal was also sent off. I am glad we got rid of M. de Calonne; and with his successor, who, unfortunately, is an old broken man, may improve the opportunity of this Assembly, and let us make useful arrangements.

Adieu, my dear Hamilton; my best respects wait on Mrs. Hamilton. Remember me to Gen. Knox, Wadsworth--all our friends, and particularly the good doctor.

Most affectionately yours, La Fayette.

P. S. Don’t tell the French Chargé d’Affairs that you have this paper from me, except that there is nothing in it, for topics have spread every _where_.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

New-York, July 3, 1787.

Dear Sir:

In my passage through the Jerseys, and since my arrival here, I have taken particular pains to discover the public sentiment, and I am more and more convinced that this is the critical opportunity for establishing the prosperity of this country on a solid foundation. I have conversed with men of information, not only of this city, but from different parts of the State; and they agree that there has been an astonishing revolution for the better in the minds of the people.

The prevailing apprehension among thinking men is, that the Convention, from the fear of shocking the popular opinion, will not go far enough. They seem to be convinced, that a strong, well-mounted government will better suit the popular palate, than one of a different complexion. Men in office are, indeed, taking all possible pains to give an unfavorable impression of the Convention; but the current seems to be moving strongly the other way.

A plain, but sensible man, in a conversation I had with him yesterday, expressed himself nearly in this manner:--The people begin to be convinced that “their excellent form of government,” as they have been used to call it, will not answer their purpose, and that they must substitute something not very remote from that which they have lately quitted.

These appearances, though they will not warrant a conclusion that the people are yet ripe for such a plan as I advocate, yet serve to prove that there is no reason to despair of their adopting one equally energetic, if the Convention should think proper to propose it. They serve to prove that we ought not to allow too much weight to objections drawn from the supposed repugnance of the people to an efficient constitution. I confess, I am more and more inclined to believe, that former habits of thinking are regaining their influence with more rapidity than is generally imagined.

Not having compared ideas with you, sir, I cannot judge how far our sentiments agree; but, as I persuade myself, the genuineness of my representations will receive credit with you. My anxiety for the event of the deliberations of the Convention, induces me to make this communication of what appears to be the tendency of the public mind.

I own to you, sir, that I am seriously and deeply distressed at the aspect of the counsels which prevailed when I left Philadelphia. I fear that we shall let slip the golden opportunity of rescuing the American Empire from disunion, anarchy, and misery.

No motley or feeble measure can answer the end, or will finally receive the public support. Decision is true wisdom, and will be not less reputable to the Convention, than salutary to the community.

I shall of necessity remain here ten or twelve days. If I have reason to believe that my attendance at Philadelphia will not be mere waste of time, I shall, after that period, rejoin the Convention.

A. Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 10th July, 1787.

Dear Sir: