Part 5

Be careful to conduct thyself well at home and abroad, so as not to put either me or thyself to shame. Consort with our friends according to usage; make thyself acquainted with what is doing in the company, and learn what is going on.

Try to get back that book on ethics from the son of Messer P. Corro,[31] and the Sallust and Suetonius I lent to G. Lignacci, in one volume. If they have done with them get them back before S. Lucia (13th December). Also get back a small volume of Chrysostom which they say they want to translate. Keep the books from Nicola de Servi, as is said in the minute given to Ser G., and send back twenty or twenty-five volumes of our books of each subject. Thou canst put them with the quilts, or in other bales, so that they should not be spoiled, and take care that those which remain are not gnawed or spoiled.

As I said before, for many reasons I think it would be better for thee to remain at Venice, for nothing of any good is doing here. But if thou wishest to return here, do as thou wilt. Nought else to say.--[No date.]

Cosimo.[32]

The letter of Lorenzo de’ Medici and those of Francesco Sforza to Cosimo relate to a second war with Lucca, and need some explanation. The recall of Cosimo from exile, as told in his diary, was followed by a wholesale banishment of his enemies from Florence, and left him practically master of the Republic. The exiled Florentines naturally desired to return, and according to the custom of the time were eager to invoke foreign aid. The times for long offered no opportunity. But in 1436 Genoa at last shook off the yoke of the Duke of Milan and became a republic. The sister republics of Florence and Venice at once allied themselves with the new free State, and Filippo Visconti believed himself to be seriously threatened by the new league. He had at the same time lost the services of one of his two great generals. Francesco Sforza, determined to acquire a principality for himself, had seized part of the Marches which nominally belonged to the Popes. In these circumstances the Duke of Milan resolved to attack Florence, the one of the allies which lay nearest to him. While the Florentines engaged mercenary troops (Taliano, or Tagliano, mentioned in the letters, being one of the leaders of small bands) and named Sforza the General of the Republic--a very untrustworthy general, as events proved. In the war which ensued Lucca was attacked by the Florentines and defended by the troops of Milan. In 1438 Florence was twice threatened by Visconti’s army, then in the territory of Lucca. The second time they were led by the famous condottiere Niccolò Piccinino, and Francesco Sforza had orders to oppose him and if possible to seize Lucca. The attempt failed, partly because Sforza, always hoping to obtain the hand of Madonna Bianca, Visconti’s illegitimate daughter, did not wish to offend him by fighting against his troops, partly because Venice, jealous of the possible acquisition of Lucca by Florence, laid claim to his services and refused to pay her share of his stipend unless her commands were obeyed. Cosimo went to Venice “thinking,” writes Machiavelli, “to be able to persuade her. To the Senate he pointed out the condition of Italy, the power of the Duke of Milan, his reputation and the number of his troops, and concluded by saying that if the Count (Sforza) went over to him they would together command the sea, and the liberty of Venice would be endangered. To this the Venetians replied that they well knew their own power and the power of the Italians, and believed they could defend themselves. Adding that they were not in the habit of recompensing soldiers for serving others, and that the Florentines, having made use of the Count, might pay him themselves. They considered it more necessary for the safety of their State to lower his pride than to give him money; and the ambition of men being unlimited, if he were paid now without serving them, he would eventually advance far more dishonest and dangerous demands. Thus it seemed to them desirable to curb his insolence before it became too great. But if out of fear, or for any other reason, the Florentines desired to retain his friendship, they were at liberty to pay him. Thus Cosimo returned without concluding anything.”[33]

Cosimo never forgave the Venetians for traversing his plans, and the enmity between the two Republics began from that day.

Niccolò Fortebraccio _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici _and_ Neri di Gino Capponi

_Magnifico Domino et spectabili viro Fratibus carissimus Cosme de Medicis civitatis Flor. Vexillifero et Nero Gino de Capponibus._

_Magnifice Domine ac spectabilis vir frates carissimi_,--In order that you may be kept informed of what sometimes happens here I tell you that the messengers of your magnificent General Count Francesco [Sforza] had the courtesy to come rather to us than to those to whom they were sent. For your information I send you the enclosed copy of a letter from the aforesaid Count found in the bosom of one of his people, by which you will understand, &c. You will no doubt take counsel about it with your friends, so that I shall not have to call you blind Florentines,[34] as others have called you before. By my faith you ought not to be, but rather you should have a hundred eyes like Argus.--Assisi, January 5, 1436 (1437).

Nicolaus Fortebraccis.[35]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his brother_ Cosimo de’ Medici, _ambassador to Ferrara, in the name of the “Dieci di Balìa”_

_Spectabilis collega noster carissime_,--Yesterday I wrote to thee by Messer Alexio. Since then we have nought from thee. Now we write because having turned over in our own minds this affair of Taliano and consulted with other citizens about it, it seems to us that it would be an excellent thing for the State of Count Francesco and for the League if some arrangement could be come to between His Holiness the Pope and the aforesaid Count as to the Marches, as thou art aware was once proposed. We therefore tell thee to employ every possible means to achieve this, which would be a most excellent thing, and as soon as thou canst learn aught about the intention of the Holy Father let us know, because until we hear from thee we shall not communicate with the Count.

To-day we have received a letter from our ambassadors to the Count, of which we enclose a copy. It appears to us a new departure, of which we know nothing, which we do not understand, nor can we judge how the Signoria of Venice will take it when they hear. Think over it well, and if it seems good to thee to tell them or to take any other steps, do so, only make them understand perfectly that we have nothing to do with this affair, which is quite outside our intentions, and above all declare that it is our desire to live in perfect brotherhood and friendship with that Signoria, and thus to cause the Count to keep on good terms with them. If this letter finds thee at Ferrara, and thou thinkest well to send or to write to Venice about this business, or if thou thinkest better neither to send or to write, do as it seemeth best to thee, for we place complete trust in thy well-known prudence. To-day Messer Giuliano Davanzati has been named ambassador to Venice by the Signori and the Colleges, and they have sent for him to Pisa.--Florence, January 29, 1437 (1438).

Decem Balie.[36]

Count Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici

_Spectabilis ac Magnifice vir tanquam pater carissime_,--I have read your letter and see you suspect that Niccolò Piccinino is not following the course traced by the Illustrious Duke of Milan, and you beg me to come to a good understanding with Niccolò, lest danger to the Magnificent Commune of Florence and to myself should ensue. As to the said Niccolò, I cannot believe he would act thus. First, on account of the great honours he has received and is receiving from the Illustrious Lord Duke, who only now has with great pomp declared him Marquess and Count of the house of Visconti with the right of bearing their arms. Secondly, because being of a certain age and with so great a reputation in the past, I do not believe that he would run the risk of being reviled in the present. Also he must know that he cannot swallow the world, and that it might happen to him as it does to oxen when they leave their stables in the morning, who think they are going to pasture, but are put to the plough; to him also the contrary might happen to what he expected. Thirdly, as you know, he has published everywhere a letter declaring his allegiance to the Duke of Milan.

As to your advice about being good friends with him, I think you say well; and by the copies of my letters to Niccolò, which Lorenzo must have sent you, you will see whether it is my fault or his that this has not succeeded. It is true, and I declare to you, that I do not intend to lose my honour or my possessions for the sake of his friendship, and it would be a strange thing if in order to gain the friendship of the said Niccolò, I, who have always transacted and settled all disputes between the Duke and myself, and those arising from them, should be the first to lose what is mine, and what has been gained by my own exertions. I am certain that even should I wish to give away my possessions, or to make any sort of compromise which would indicate a doubt as to my ownership, you, whom I regard as a father, would not allow it, seeing how my reputation would suffer.

* * * * *

To conclude, I have agreed with the Duke of Milan and have the agreement in my house, which I quite believe he will observe. In the document there is no mention, either for good or for evil, of Niccolò Piccinino, so I have nothing to do with him, and am much astonished at the things he demands of me. Now either he does this with the knowledge and consent of the Duke or not. If with the Duke’s consent it is done with the intent that this affair should go on and that your Signoria should break the promises and contracts with me, which I do not believe; if done without the Duke’s knowledge it is most probable he will take another course. In so doing he would give us every right to oppose him, and he might in many cases be a loser, in one among others which would bring infinite loss and ignominy upon him, that is his Company, for eight out of ten of the men have wives or children, so that what would happen I know not, and do not see that Niccolò would gain either profit or honour. My opinion, which I have not breathed to man alive, is that the Duke has consented to Niccolò putting forward these demands, not seeing how to refuse him permission to make them, but not with the intention that we should come to blows. And you will see that Niccolò will eventually follow the course traced out by the Duke, and that all these intrigues and demonstrations, and loud talk, wherein Niccolò shows such valour, are rather scarecrows to frighten people; but scarecrows are good for frightening kites and such-like birds of prey, I do not heed them, being the son of a Sforza and not of a kite. Let what will happen, as long as none can say that I have been the cause of any troubles. I am not; and I believe I shall be held guiltless by God and by the world. But whoso tries to take from me what is mine will find it far harder and more thorny than to demand it, as at present. I have replied to the Marquess, so there is no more to say.--Given in my Camp near Arezzo, 28th May 1438.[37]

Count Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici

_Magnifice tanquam Pater carissime_,--I have received your letter in cipher and have understood what you say about the affairs of Florence, Venice, and Macerata; I need say no more, because Messer Rinaldo will inform you of everything. I thank you for the news about Lombardy. I had heard something of the sort here, and that the Venetian troops were as though they did not exist, so little are they esteemed by those of the Duke of Milan. The arrival of the person sent by the magnificent Signoria of Florence will be most welcome to me, the sooner he comes the better I shall be pleased.

Piero Gian Paolo [Orsini] passed through here and sent to tell me that if I wished he would join me, as he is disengaged, and says he has been badly treated with regard to money, and also that others no better than himself, such as Tagliano and Luigi del Verme, have been set above him and have received more honours, so nothing will induce him to remain there, which may be useful. It would be good in every respect to have him, but you know what are my expenses, so that I cannot alone undertake to engage him. Therefore I wish the Signoria of Florence would do so at the rate of 8 ducats a month and 1 for commission, whereas the Signoria pays 12 for each man. I pray you let me know quickly as to the intentions of the Signoria, so that I may know what to do. Until I have your reply I shall keep the affair in suspense, although I am not sure whether he really means what he says or not. If he does, the thing may be arranged; if he does not, it will fall of itself, and at any rate we may discover why he came here. For it is better to be forewarned and on one’s guard against the craft of others. I have no more to say save that I am advancing into the Marches and shall be near there.--_Paratus ad omnia_, 11th August 1438.

Francesco Sforza Vicecomes, _Comes et Marchie_, _&c._[38]

Count Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici

_Magnifice tanquam Pater carissime_,--The honourable Alamano is going to inform the Signoria exactly how things are, and from him you will have ample information. And as I think you will discuss whether it will be better to side with the Signoria of Venice as has been suggested, or with Niccolò Piccinino, as you will see in the despatch brought by the said Alamano, I hereby give you my opinion. Seeing that the Signoria of Venice are up to their throats in water, and that their State is half ruined, and that now, when the need is great, they do nothing; and also considering that to remedy this state of things they will need much time, and will delay when quickness is necessary; and also considering that the Signoria of Florence, yourself, and others, were always advised to ally yourselves with the said Piccinino, I conceive that it is far more dangerous to steer a middle course than to side with one or the other. For these reasons it is far better to side with Niccolò Piccinino, particularly as the Duke of Milan has several times advised me to do so, and has just written me duplicate instructions, saying he will never give me Madonna Bianca, or anything else I desire from him, unless I am in perfect accord with and make an alliance with Niccolò Piccinino. This can be done to avoid all trouble. So I send Battista my secretary with my conclusions for you to see, and have taken time enough to answer for the reply to come from Florence; for whatever you decide is to be done, will be well done. In case you do not agree, take the course that seems best to that Magnificent Commune, only let me know; for what I once said I say again, that my wishes are those of that Magnificent Commune. Only I wanted to give my opinion. If the Magnificent Commune and you decide for Niccolò Piccinino, you can tell Battista to write at once without referring to me, and to follow his instructions, because the Commune is contented with what I have done. Despatch the courier to Mantua, for he knows that road, and in case he has not passed through let him wait. But if the alliance with Niccolò Piccinino does not please you do not write there, but to me here as quickly as possible. In any case negotiations with Venice must be kept open, and if you write to Battista be so good as to tell me at once, so that I may know how things go.--Given in our Camp, 22nd August 1438.

Francesco Sforza, _Vicecomes et Marchio_, _&c._[39]

The careful, rather fussy nature of Contessina is shown in this letter to her son, who was evidently staying, together with his younger brother Giovanni, with his uncle Lorenzo, perhaps at Trebbio, the old castle on a hill above Cafaggiuolo in the Mugello.

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici

Most dear Son,--Thou tellest me to send thee the grey cape lined with lynx, because thou hast suffered from the cold. But why? For hadst thou asked for it before I should have sent it as I did the other. It appears to me you have all decided not to return to Careggi on Monday where, thanks be to God, we are all well. It will be a happy hour, for it seems to me a thousand years till you come home again. I am sure you are all very busy there, particularly Ginevra,[40] so help her in every way that thou knowest and canst, and keep thy things in order and don’t leave one thing here and another there, and tell the other boy to do the same. It would be well that both of you should order a pair of shoes from P. Thou hast a pair of hose with the shoes, but he has not. So I send thee a pair of his oldest hose which button on to the shoes. Tell the bearer who it was that sent thee those new shoes which do not fit, and he will inform Francesco Martelli who ordered them for thee. If thou hast aught to send in the bag of Antonio Martelli’s messenger do so, unless it is something that has to pay duty. I was going to send some cloth hose, but as thou art coming back so soon I shall not trouble about them. Let me know what thou sendest by the messenger. No more. God guard thee.--Florence, the 14th day of October 1438.[41]

The two following documents relate to the celebrated Council of the Church which met at Florence during Cosimo’s second term of office as Gonfalonier, or chief magistrate. The Œcumenical Council of Basel had actually come into conflict with Pope Eugenius, in the end deposed him, and declared the papal chair vacant. Whereupon Eugenius ordered the Council to transfer its sittings to Ferrara, excommunicated all its members who refused to obey and packed the assembly with his adherents. But a pestilence broke out at Ferrara, and proposals were made to bring the assembled ecclesiastics to Florence. The citizens were eagerly excited, for both the Patriarch and the Emperor of Constantinople were expected to attend. The Pope arrived in Florence on January 2nd, 1439-40, the Patriarch on the 12th, and the Emperor John Palæologus on the 15th February (the entry of the latter is represented in the fresco in the chapel of the Riccardi palace), and were all sumptuously lodged. The essential findings of this Council are important, for they were reproduced in the Canons of Trent. It was supposed to unite the Greek and Latin Churches, but its real result was to introduce the Italians to ancient Greek literature, and, if such things can be dated, it marks the beginning of the Italian Renaissance.

Cosimo’s brother Lorenzo de’ Medici was sent to Ferrara in December 1438 to arrange with the Pope about transferring the Œcumenic Council to Florence. The instructions given by the Signory are curious and show how burdensome the Councils were to the cities in which they were held.

Commissio Laurentii de’ Medicis, _3 Decembris 1438_

Thou art to go to Ferrara and present thyself at the feet of H.H. Pope Eugenius, commending to him our city, and this Signoria and our whole people, as faithful and devout sons of Holy Church and of His Holiness, offering our city and our people to His Holiness.

To descend now to substantial matters; thou wilt say that this Signoria has heard that His Holiness is inclined to come to Florence with his Court, and the Greeks, and the other members of the Council gathered together there. Having heard this the Signoria send thee to H.H. to devoutly offer our city as the residence and the abode of H.H. and his Court and the others above mentioned; being moved thereto, as in all matters, by their special devotion towards H.H.

Should His Sanctity ask anything special for the Greeks thou wilt answer that we shall willingly provide houses for them gratis, without demanding any rent, and that we shall strive to render the houses suitable for their various degrees of nobility. If money for the maintenance of the Greeks is mentioned, which we hear amounts to 1500 florins a month, thou art to say that our Commune is very short of money on account of the long war, &c., and for this reason our Commune would be most grateful not to be burdened, but nevertheless if absolutely necessary we are ready to lend H.H. the said amount of 1500 florins, or of ducats, every month, on receipt of a promise and valid security as to repayment at a given date, to be agreed upon by both parties. For as the Greeks come on business of the Church, it is only reasonable that the Church should pay and bear the burden. It is enough if we advance the money every month, which will only be repaid after some time. Otherwise it would seem as though we had bought his visit, which would not be at all to the honour of our Commune, and we are certain His Sanctity does not desire us to do anything which would be dishonourable to our Commune.

We consent to begin the payment of 1500 florins, or ducats, per month, from the day the Greeks leave Ferrara, and to continue it while they are in Florence, but not for more than eight months.

If agreements and conventions for the Court are mentioned, such as taxes on houses, jurisdiction, immunity from excise duties in and out of the town and such things, and houses for the Lord Cardinals, &c., thou art to say we are ready to concede everything that is reasonable and just, and that the last time H.H. was at Florence with his Court, agreements and conventions were made, and the same thing can be done now. When H.H. is here we can settle, and add or correct whatever is reasonable on one side and the other.

_Additio facta Commissioni Laurentii de’ Medicis_