Part 11

Domestic insurrections have been excited amongst us, and endeavors have been used to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. The declaration proceeds, saying,

“In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence.—They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. WE, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, DO, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all political connection between them and the state of Great-Britain, is, and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.”

The declaration was by order of congress engrossed and signed by the following members, _JOHN HANCOCK_—NEW-HAMPSHIRE, _Josiah Bartlett_, _William Whipple_, _Mathew Thornton_—MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, _Samuel Adams_, _John Adams_, _Robert Treat Paine_, _Elbridge Gerry_—RHODE-ISLAND and PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS, _Stephen Hopkins_, _William Ellery_—CONNECTICUT, _Roger Sherman_, _Samuel Huntington_, _William Williams_, _Oliver Wolcott_—NEW-YORK, _William Floyd_, _Philip Livingston_, _Francis Lewis_, _Lewis Morris_—NEW-JERSEY, _Richard Stockton_, _John Witherspoon_, _Francis Hopkinson_, _John Hart_, _Abraham Clark_—PENNSYLVANIA, _Robert Morris_, _Benjamin Rush_, _Benjamin Franklin_, _John Morton_, _George Clymer_, _James Smith_, _George Taylor_, _James Wilson_, _George Ross_—DELAWARE, _Cæsar Rodney_, _George Read_—MARYLAND, _Samuel Chase_, _William Paca_, _Thomas Stone_, _Charles Carroll of Carrollton_—VIRGINIA, _George Wythe_, _Richard Henry Lee_, _Thomas Jefferson_, _Benjamin Harrison_, _Thomas Neilson, jun._, _Francis Lightfoot Lee_, _Cartar Braxton_—NORTH-CAROLINA, _William Hooper_, _Joseph Hewes_, _John Penn_:—SOUTH-CAROLINA, _Edward Rutledge_, _Thomas Hayward, jun._, _Thomas Lynch, jun._, _Arthur Middleton_:—GEORGIA, _Button Gwinnett_, _Lyman Hall_, _George Walton_.

The declaration of Congress is intended for their act of separation from the crown of Great-Britain; they therefore no longer regard that prudential state maxim, _the king can do no wrong_ in his official character; but, in making their complaints, charge the specified grievances to majesty itself; by which they mean to justify, in the sight of mankind, the renunciation of their former allegiance. Thus has an event been produced which was not had in contemplation by any of the colonies, or even by any delegate, scarce by Mr. Samuel Adams, as what was so soon to happen, when congress first met in the year 1774. When Lexington engagement had taken place, he and some of his colleagues judged that the contest must then issue in independence, or slavery; and therefore laboured to establish the first, that the last might be prevented. But had a serious proposal of separating from the crown of Great-Britain been early introduced into congress, the dissolution of that body would have followed, through the general aversion of the people at large and of particular colonies to such separation. The Massachusetts delegates had a very nice part to act. The southern colonies were jealous of their republican spirit, and of their aiming at independency. These therefore, by a most prudent policy, secured those of the Virginia delegates that verged toward republicanism, with whom they intrusted any favourite measure which they wanted to have carried; and who brought the same forward and supported it in congress, against the other southern delegates, while their Massachusetts brethren attended the debates without showing themselves particularly interested, so that the jealousies of such as were most against it were not alarmed. They took occasion also, from the various occurrences that offered, gently to infuse their own sentiments into the minds of such as had before opposed them. Their wise procedure aided, on the one hand by certain trusty friends in congress, and on the other by the persevering blundering politics of the British ministry, have under the direction of Providence produced independency. It remains to be seen whether Providence will give to the same an abiding establishment. The measures which congress have adopted, may be deemed by some presumptuous, considering the weakness of their own army: the strength of the British, assisted by a powerful navy; and that they have not the least assurance of aid from foreign power. But how could it have been avoided? The people were ripe for it. Prudence dictated a compliance with their expectations and wishes. A disappointment might have disgusted, and produced disorder. The declaration may give confidence to the timid; and animate the friends of liberty to greater exertions. It may lead France to think, that the Americans have resources more than are known, and so incline her to entertain the thought of giving them assistance; while it admits of their applying for the same, with perfect consistency as an independent people. They have nothing worse to apprehend from the declaration than before. The force destined to act against them proves, that if possible, they are to be reduced to unconditional submission; the declaration cannot add to the misery of such submission. Beside, the quarrel is in such a stage, that it cannot be ended with safety to the inhabitants, but by their separating from Great-Britain, and becoming independent: any thing short of that must now prove a continual source of dissention and wretchedness. The members of congress have had it for some time rung in their ears.

“The middle way, the best, we sometimes call, “But ’tis in politics no way at all.”

[July 8.] This day at twelve o’clock, the declaration of independence was proclaimed at the state-house in Philadelphia, amidst the greatest acclamations. The day, in consequence of general orders, it was read at the head of each brigade of the continental army at New-York, and every where received with loud huzzas, and the utmost demonstrations of joy. The same evening the equestrian statue of the king was laid prostrate on the ground. The lead of which it is made, is doomed to be run into bullets. The New-York congress have unanimously resolved, that they will at the risk of their lives and fortunes, join with the other colonies in supporting the declaration; and have authorised their delegates to adopt all such measures as may be conducive to the happiness of the United States.

The New-Jersey convention have declared their late governor, William Franklin, esq. a virulent enemy to the country, and a person who may prove dangerous, and who ought to be confined in such place and manner as congress may direct; congress have ordered him to be sent under guard to governor Trumbull of Connecticut, who is to admit him to his parole; but if he refuses to give it, he is to be secured the same as other prisoners. Matters are drawing on to such a crisis, that the next letter must necessarily contain very interesting intelligence.

LETTER IV.

_Roxbury, Sept. 16, 1776._

Lord Dunmore has at length quitted Virginia and joined the British forces. He arrived with lord Campbell and Sir Peter Parker off Staten-Island. [August 14.] His lordship continued on the coast, and in the rivers of Virginia, till the closeness and filth of the small vessels in which the fugitives were crowded, together with the heat of the weather, the badness and scarcity of water and provisions, produced the pestilential fever, which made great havock, especially among the negroes, many of whom were swept away. When at length every place was shut against him, and neither water nor provisions were to be obtained, but at the expence of blood, it was found necessary, toward the beginning of August, to burn several of the smaller and least valuable vessels, to prevent their falling into the hands of the Americans, and to send the remainder, amounting to between forty and fifty, with the exiled friends of government, to seek shelter in Florida, Bermudas, and the West-Indies; a great number of negroes were sent at the same time to the last of these places for sale. The Virginians lost about 1000 of them in the whole, including those who were killed or died while attached to his lordship’s service. Thus have ended the hopes entertained of suppressing the opposition to government in Virginia by employing the negroes—a measure which being rather invidious than powerful, tended infinitely to inflame the discontents of the people without adding to the strength of the royal arms. The New-Jersey congress were so irritated by the plot for destroying the American army, that they used the utmost dispatch in forming their constitution, and finished it by the second of July.

Though they knew that the subject of independence was before the continental congress, and that these were upon the point of declaring the United Colonies independent: and though they had empowered their own delegates to join in the declaration, yet that not being made at the time, they closed with saying, “provided always, and it is the true intent and meaning of this congress, that if a reconciliation between Great-Britain and these colonies should take place, and the latter be taken again under the protection and government of the crown of Britain, this charter shall be null and void, otherwise to remain firm and inviolable.”

The New-Jersey legislature, in the following September, chose William Livingston, esq; a gentleman of the law and of first-rate abilities, to be their governor. There was an equal number of votes for him and Mr. Stockton; but the latter having just at that moment, refused to furnish his team or horses for the service of the public, and the legislature coming to the knowledge of it, the choice of Mr. Livingston took place immediately.

[July 5.] The general convention of Virginia agreed upon a constitution. They began their session the fifth of May, and ten days after, when they were present 112 members, resolved ananimously, that their delegates should be instructed to propose to congress that the United Colonies be by that respectable body declared free and independent states. It might be from a full confidence of receiving such instructions, that Mr. R. Henry Lee gave notice, that he should move for a declaration of independence. One gentleman of eminence, who was employed in the great work of planning the constitution made it his incessant study so to frame the portrait of government, that a kindred with New-England might be discerned in it.

Let us now repair to New-York, and the neighbourhood.

Lord Howe arrived off Halifax toward the end of June; upon learning that the fleet and army had left that port on the 10th, and receiving the letter which the general his brother had left for him, he proceeded to New-York without coming to an anchor, and reached Staten-Island by the 12th of July; from whence he sent ashore by a flag to Amboy, a circular letter, together with a declartion to several of the late governors of the United States, then colonies, acquainting them with his powers, and desiring them to publish the same as generally as possible, for the information of the people. The declaration and letters were forwarded to congress by general Washington; and ordered by them to be published in the several news-papers, that the inhabitants might be informed of what nature the commissioners were, and what the terms, with the expectation of which the court of Britain had endeavoured to amuse and disarm them; and that the few who were still suspended by a hope founded either in the justice or moderation of the parties concerned, might be convinced, that the valor alone of their country was to save its liberties.

[July 14.] Lord Howe sent up a flag to New-York with a letter, under the subscription of “George Washington, esq.” but which the general refused to receive, as not being directed to him with the title and the stile suitable to his station. Congress applauded him for acting with a becoming dignity; and then directed that none of their officers should receive letters or messages that were not addressed to them according to their respective rank. Adjutant-general Paterson was at length sent [July 20.] with a letter addressed to “George Washington, &c. &c. &c.” The general exempted him from being blind-folded, as customary in passing through fortifications, and received him with the greatest politeness; but notwithstanding all the adjutant could offer, the _et ceteras_ would not remove the impediments to the correspondence attempted. The general told him, “it is true the _et ceteras_ imply every thing; but it is no less true they imply any thing.” The letter therefore was not accepted. The business served to discover the cast of the general’s temper, and to show that he was firm and guarded. A conference ensued on the subject of prisoners, and complaints on both sides, relative to the treatment they had received. The adjutant asserted on his honor, that the prisoners at Boston, whenever the state of the army there admitted it, were treated with humanity, and even indulgence. Upon his observing that the commissioners were entrusted with great powers, the general answered, “Their powers are only to grant pardon. They who have committed no fault, want no pardons. The Americans are only defending what they think their indisputable rights.” Thus ended a conference, from which it was evident, that all attempts in the same line, would prove ineffectual at present. The adjutant, through the whole conversation, addressed the general by the title of excellency, and behaved with the utmost attention and politeness. The arrival of the fleet and army in the neighborhood of New-York, made little impression on congress. They continued with the same inflexibility, in the pursuit of the measures they had adopted. Wherever the declaration of independence was published, it was received with the greatest joy. It reached Charleston within a few days, and was proclaimed in the most solemn manner to the troops under arms; and followed with all the usual parade of a public rejoicing. It found the people of South-Carolina exasperated against Great-Britain for her late hostile attack, and elated with their successful defence of the fort on Sullivan’s Island, henceforward to be called Fort Moultrie, in honor to the brave colonel who defended it. The declaration was equally acceptable to the military at New-York; and gave them fresh spirits and vigor. The fear of fighting for, what they apprehended would be a patched reconciliation, was finally at an end. Two days before, col. Paterson waited upon gen. Washington, and as if in defiance of all the then formidable appearances, independence was solemnly proclaimed by the civil authority; after which the king’s arms, and an elegant picture of his majesty, were destroyed. The episcopal clergy, however, upon these proceedings shut up their churches.

The military operations on the part of the British being delayed for want of the expected reinforcements, the _Americans_ had the opportunity of strengthening themselves. Having endeavored to fortify the entrance of the harbour, so as to make it dangerous for the shipping, they expected that the military operations would commence on the side of _Long-Island_, where they threw up lines and erected redoubts, next to New-York, in order to prevent gen. Howe’s advancing to and possessing himself of those heights which overlook the city, and so attacking it from that quarter. Gen. Greene was entrusted with the command of this post; and studiously acquainted himself with all the defiles leading to it, that he might reap the full advantage of them whenever occasion required. Notwithstanding the efforts to prevent the passage of the British ships up the North-River, the same was effected [July 15.] by the Phœnix, the Rose, and two tenders, with little damage from a heavy cannonade. They sailed 25 miles, and took their station opposite Tarry-town, where the river is about four miles wide. Only 5000 of the new levies had arrived [July 21.] in the American camp, out of 15,000 ordered. The exertions of the states should have been far more vigorous, considering the formidable force their army had soon to cope with, such as no part of this new world had seen before, viz. a body of 30,000 excellent troops; great numbers of them experienced veterans, rendered the more formidable by the abundance of their military stores and warlike materials, by the goodness and quantity of the artillery with which they are provided, and by the numerous fleet that supports them.

The particular jealousies and prejudices of the continental troops from the different states, led them frequently to throw out reflections tending to irritate each other, and injure the common cause; so that the commander in chief interposed his influence to suppress it by general orders. [August 1.] This was a measure absolutely necessary, considering the state of his army; which was as follows [Aug. 8.] for the several posts on New-York, Long and Governor’s Islands and Powle’s-Hook, 10,514 fit for duty; sick present, 3039; sick absent, 629; on command, 2946; on furlough, 97—total 17,225. These were little other than raw troops, and much scattered, some being 15 miles apart.[16] The two fleets of transports, with the expected reinforcements, arrived [Aug. 12.] under convoy of commodore Hotham and the Repulse, as did the camp equipage; so that general Howe was enabled to proceed upon the operations of the campaign, which ought to have commenced at least two months sooner. The scarcity of lead obliged the citizens of New-York to part with their window leads for the use of the American army. One house supplied them with 1200lb. and another with 1000lb. Gen. Washington provided some fire ships for hostile purposes, and the defence of the North-River. One of them, commanded by capt. Fosdick and another by capt. Thomas, went up after the Phœnix and Rose [Aug. 16.] the night being dark, they passed the Phœnix without seeing her; capt. Thomas fell on board the tender belonging to them, and burnt her. The light gave direction to capt. Fosdick, who grappled the Phœnix, but by the lowness of his vessel and the dexterity of the Phœnix’s hands, the latter got clear of the fire ship and sunk her. The enemy, however, thought it prudent to quit their station two days after; and just before day-light, taking the advantage of a fine wind, the tide and a very heavy rain, went down the river, through a continual fire from the American forts, but received no such damage as to prevent their rejoining the British fleet. Gen. Greene was so ill that he could serve no longer, and gen. Washington was obliged to appoint gen. _Sullivan_ to command on _Long-Island_, notwithstanding the damage that might accrue to the public by the change at such a critical moment.

About one half of the Hessians were yet wanting; gen. Howe however, had under him the troops formerly at Boston, the reinforcement which arrived on the 12th, the forces from South-Carolina, which got in on the 14th, and some regiments from Florida and the West-Indies; so that he felt himself sufficiently strong to resolve upon attempting the island. The necessary measures being taken by the fleet for covering the descent, the army was landed [Aug. 22.] without opposition, between two small towns, Utrecht and Gravesend, not far from the Narrows, on the nearest shore to Staten-Island. The American works, erected under the eye of gen. Greene, cover the breadth of a small peninsula, having the East-River (which separates Long-Island from New-York) on the left, a marsh, extending to the water side, on the right, with the bay and Governor’s-Island at the back.—Within these works lies Brooklyne, where gen. Sullivan encamped with a strong force, a few miles distant from Utrecht. From the point of land which forms the east side of the Narrows, runs a ridge of hills about north-east, in length about five or six miles, covered with a thick wood, which terminates in a small rising land near Jamaica. Through these hills are three passes only; one near the Narrows; a second on the road called the Flatbush road; and a third called the Bedford road, being a cross road from Bedford to Flatbush, which lies on the southerly side of these hills. These passes through the mountains or hills, are easily defensible, being very narrow, and the lands high and mountainous on each side. These are the only roads which can be passed from the south side of the hills to the American lines, except a road leading round the easterly end of the hills to Jamaica. An early attention had been given to the importance of these passes. To the second of them the small American parties patrolling on the coast, retired upon the approach of the British boats with the troops. Lord Cornwallis pushed on immediately with the reserve and some other forces; but finding the Americans in possession of the pass, in compliance with orders, risked no attack. [Aug. 25.] Three days after, gen. _de Heister_, with two brigades of Hessians from Staten-Island, joined the army. It is said, that when landed, he was told by one high in command, “The Americans will give the foreigners no quarter;” and that he answered, “Well, as I know it, I am ready to fight on these terms.” The foreign officers and soldiers were let to believe that the Americans are a set of savages and barbarians, and to dread falling into their hands, under the apprehension of meeting with the cruelest treatment. The common men were taught to expect, that if taken, they should have their bodies stuck full with pieces of pine wood, and then be burnt to death. The propagation of these falshoods might be considered as just retaliation upon congress for advising and adopting a plan for encouraging the Hessians and other foreigners to desert the British service. Officers and men are totally ignorant of the nature of the quarrel between Britain and the United States; and have high notions of subjection to princely authority. They detest the thoughts of rebellion, and the Americans being stiled rebels, they are hearty in desiring and attempting their reduction, and need no incentives to whet their resentments.

The Americans had on each of the three above mentioned passes or roads, a guard of eight hundred men; and to the east of them in the wood, col. Miles was placed with his battalion, to guard the road from the south of the hills to Jamaica, and to watch the motion of the enemy on that side, with order to keep a party constantly reconnoitering to and across the Jamaica road. The sentinels were so placed as to keep a continual communication between the three guards on the three roads.