Part 36

While upon their march to the neighborhood of Boston, the British behaved with such insolence as confirmed the country in their determination never to submit; for the people said, “If they are thus insolent now they are prisoners, what would they be were they our masters? The Germans stole and robbed the houses, as they came along of clothing and every thing on which they could lay their hands, to a large amount. When at Worcester, indeed they themselves were robbed, though in another way. One Dawes, the issuing commissary, upon the first company’s coming to draw their rations, balanced the scales by putting into that which contained the weight, a large stone; when that company was gone (unobserved by the Germans, but not by all present) the stone was taken away before the next came, and all the other companies except the first had short allowance. The troops having finished their march were quartered in the barracks near Cambridge. It was with difficulty gen. Glover could procure quarters for the generals Burgoyne, Reidesel, and Philips, in the town itself. The inhabitants were totally averse to accommodating them. They could not forget the burning of Charlestown. A remonstrance was soon presented to Burgoyne by the officers, complaining, that instead of being conveniently lodged, according to their different ranks, agreeable to the convention, they were put into barracks made of single boards, five, six and seven in a room, without any distinction of rank. Unfortunately for them, there was upon the committee appointed by the general court to the business of quartering them, one John Taylor, who, though of the council, was of a base spirit, and had raised himself by it to the possession of considerable property and influence. He disgraced religion by making a great profession. The last however, gave him much weight with well-meaning men who had only a superficial acquaintance with him. This person could put up with any lodging; and thought that what would do for him, might do for British prisoners, though officers. Thus it happened that they were no better accommodated. They had reason to complain; but the treatment which gen. Burgoyne personally met with, was pleasing. He went to Boston and dined at gen. Heath’s, who commands in this department. He observed with great satisfaction, the good behavior of the town’s people. There was no rabble collected to insult him, either going or returning. He remarked, when re-crossing the ferry to where Charlestown stood (when his eyes surveyed with admiration its awful majestic conflagration) that he should have met with very different treatment even in London.

Suspicions began to be entertained lest the general had some sinister design of conveying the troops to New-York or elsewhere when they could be embarked, instead of sailing with them to Great-Britain; and the public wished to have some pretence for detaining them. It was hinted to congress, that should Sir W. Howe continue obstinately to refuse settling an equitable cartel for the exchange of prisoners, they would be justified in ordering the fulfilling of the convention of Saratoga to be delayed, until the United States received justice in that particular. Congress soon ordered a committee to consider a return of ordnance and stores taken from the enemy, which was enclosed in a letter of the 10th of November, accompanying that hint. Upon the report of the committee, on the 22d, the president was directed immediately to send an express to gen. Gates, desiring answers of several questions. On December the third, the general wrote from Albany to the president—“I had the honor to receive your excellency’s letter of the twenty-third ult. by Mr. Pierce, and immediately proceeded to dispatch to the congress the required answers. Respecting the standards, gen. Burgoyne declared upon his honor, that the colours of the regiments were left in Canada. As to the military chest, its contents might be so easily disposed of, that to have sought for it would have been ineffectual. The British army, all last war, left the paymaster-general and the military chest in some secure town, and warrants were granted upon the paymaster-general there. From the best accounts the enemy’s army had been lately cleared off; so that it is not probable there was any military chest. The medicines were left with the general hospital, which gen. Burgoyne left behind him at Freeman’s farm. Many of the cartouch-boxes were left, and some were carried away. The mentioning of the accoutrements was forgotten in the convention. Those that have been carried off have been sold upon the road to Boston for drams. The quantity of field ammunition and musket cartridges taken, are by no means inconsiderable. The rest was used and destroyed before the treaty commenced. The muskets will ever be less in number than the prisoners, as the drummers and staff officers do not carry firelocks. Many arms were lost in the two hundred batteaux that were taken from the enemy in their retreat from Freeman’s farm, and many others were plundered by the militia on the east side of the river. The bayonets were also pilfered by our own people. The very guards themselves supplied their wants from the piles. Many of the scabbards for the bayonets were disposed of in the like manner. I believe there was no destruction of military stores after the convention, by or with the privity of general Burgoyne or his officers. It is so extraordinary for a British army to surrender their arms, that we ought not to wonder at the violent and disappointed for commiting some irregularities; but I do not conceive that any thing of sufficient consequence was done, to justify our charge of their having violated the convention. On the day general Burgoyne surrendered, I received repeated expresses to inform me, that the enemy’s fleet had advanced up to within a few hours sailing of Albany. The removal of the army was therefore immediately necessary, to cover that city and secure our magazines. My principal attention was of course directed towards that object. Generals Glover and Whipple gave me their assistance and entire approbation in the settlement of the convention. When things of such importance must be done in a hurry, some articles of seeming importance never fail to be omitted. The arms were piled up agreeable to the letter of the convention, and their condition as good as can be expected upon such occasions. Their being wholly unfit for service, is partly owing to the land and water carriages, but chiefly to the want of proper packages to secure them. Our own men have changed them; but here I think we should not imprudently expose the infant state of our military discipline.

General Burgoyne was desirous of altering the place for the embarkation of the convention troops from the port of Boston to that of Rhode-Island or the Sound, contiguous to New-York, which as well as Rhode-Island was possessed by the British. He wrote to gen. Washington upon the subject on the 25th of November. The American commander forwarded the letter to congress. They, on the day it was received, the 17th of December, resolved, “That gen. Washington be directed to inform gen. Burgoyne, that congress will not receive, nor consider any proposition for indulgence or altering the terms of the convention of Saratoga, unless immediately directed to their own body.” The next day they received gen. Gates’s letter of December the 3d, enclosing a letter to him from gen. Burgoyne, of November the 14th, wherein he declared, that the public faith, plighted in the convention of Saratoga, was broken on the part of the United States, inasmuch as the officers included in the convention, had not, since their arrival in Massachusetts-Bay, been accommodated with quarters agreeable to their respective ranks. Congress had now obtained what they wanted, a plea for detaining the convention troops. Some of the members, not attending sufficiently to dates and circumstances, imagined that Burgoyne expected to have sailed before his letter of the 14th could have reached congress time enough for them to have detained him; but it was scarce possible that such an expectation could have existed, when he did not write to general Washington on the subject of changing the place of embarkation before the 25th, and could not, till permission was received, possibly embark at Rhode-Island, to which port the transports were sent, and of whose arrival he was informed by letter of December the fifth. The coming from New-York through the Sound, to Rhode-Island, was so much more convenient and less hazardous than going round by Long-Island and Cape-Cod to Boston, especially at such a season, that the application for changing the place of embarkation was natural.

[Jan. 2, 1778.] Congress resolved, “That the charge made by gen. Burgoyne, of a breach of public faith on the part of these states, is not warranted by the just construction of any article of the convention of Saratoga; that it is a strong indication of his intention, and affords just grounds of fear that he will avail himself of such pretended breach of the convention, in order to disengage himself and the army under him, of the obligations they are under to these United States; and that the security which these states have had in his personal honor, is hereby destroyed.” The next day they resolved therefore—“That the embarkation of gen. Burgoyne and the troops under his command, be suspended till a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga shall be properly notified by the court of Great-Britain.” It was then ordered, “That the resolutions, and the report on which the same are grounded, be recommitted.”

[Jan 8.] They took into consideration afresh, the report of the committee, which says, that the cartouch-boxes, &c. agreeable to the spirit of the convention and the technical interpretation of the word _arms_, ought to have been delivered up. It considers Burgoyne’s refusal to give the descriptive lists, which congress had directed to be taken, in an alarming point of view, more especially as nine days previous to the refusal, he had in his letter to Gates declared, that the public faith was broken. It insists upon this charge as a breach of faith, being a deliberate act of judgment, and so of a most serious nature, pregnant with alarming consequences. It attempts to invalidate the charge, and asserts, that by an examination of the articles it will appear, that the stipulation for quartering the officers was not to be construed in that rigorous sense in which Burgoyne affects to consider it, but on the contrary was “agreed to as far as circumstances would admit.” This assertion reduces the stipulation to a mere non-entity, if it is left with the stipulating party wholly to judge of these circumstances. The committee who made the report mentioned, but forbore “to lay any stress on the seemingly inadequate number of vessels (being only twenty-six transports) for an army consisting of 5642 men, in a winter’s voyage to Europe; or on the improbability of the enemy’s being able, on so short a notice, to victual such a fleet and army for a voyage of such length.” It is happy that they did not lay any stress upon it, as it would have manifested how much they were biassed by an eagerness to vindicate the measures they were desirous of adopting. The committee was a committee of the whole. Twenty-six transports, of 250 ton each, would carry 6500 men, allowing a ton for every man. In winter time they could safely stow more close than in warmer weather. The voyage, though long, in going from America to Europe, is performed generally much sooner in that than any other season, by reason of the prevalency of the north-west winds; so that less provision is required for the passage.

The former resolves were passed the second time, but not till congress had resolved, “that as many of the cartouch-boxes and several other articles of military accoutrements, annexed to the persons of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers, included in the convention of Saratoga, have not been delivered up, the convention, on the part of the British army, has not been strictly complied with—that the refusal of general Burgoyne to give descriptive lists of the non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to his army, subsequent to his declaration that the public faith was broke, is considered by congress in an alarming point of view; since a compliance could only have been prejudicial to that army in case of an infraction of the convention on their part.” It was in vain that the general explained the intention and construction of the passage objected to in his letter: or that his officers, in order to remove the difficulty occasioned by it, respectively signed their parole. He even pledged himself, that his officers would still join with him in signing any instrument that might be thought necessary for confirming or renewing the validity of the convention: but it was to no purpose. Congress have been unalterable; and the detention of the troops is now settled.

On the ninth of January, the Massachusetts general court permitted Dr. Benjamin Church, whose treachery had subjected him to a long confinement, to take passage on board a brigantine bound to Martinico.[82]

The American privateers and continental shipping have taken a large number of vessels belonging to Great-Britain, and sent them into their own harbors. They have undoubtedly taken many others upon the European coasts, that we have not heard of. We have had accounts of several; and that the coasts of Great-Britain and Ireland have been insulted by them, in a manner never before ventured upon by your hardiest enemies; so as to produce the appointment of a convoy (for the first time ever known) to protect the linen ships from Dublin and Newry.—We learn also that the General Mifflin privateer, after making repeated captures arrived at Brest, and saluted the French admiral, who returned the salute in form, as to the vessel of a sovereign independent state. We are likewise told, that though lord Stormont, on his threatening to return immediately to Great-Britain, unless satisfaction was given, obtained an order requiring not only all American privateers, but their prizes, to leave the French ports, the same is evaded. However, his majesty’s vessels on the American station have not been idle; for they have captured very considerable on these coasts and the West-Indies. Their captures indeed, are generally not of much value singly, yet they have furnished at times some rich prizes, and in the aggregate have been of great amount. But the balance of property will most certainly be in favor of the Americans. The continental frigate Hancock, of thirty-two guns, mostly twelve-pounders, commanded by capt. Manly, was taken on the 8th of July, by Sir George Collier, of his majesty’s ship the Rainbow.

Sir George, in company with the Victor brig, discovered three sail in the morning of the sixth. He chased with all the sail he could crowd: but observing the next day that they steered different courses, about two in the afternoon he tacked after the Hancock, which appeared the largest ship. She seemed at first rather to outsail the Rainbow; but Manly endeavouring to make his ship sail better, started all his water forward, and so put her out of trim. At half past eight the next morning Sir George hailed her, and let the men know, that if they expected quarters, they must strike immediately. Manly endeavoured to avail himself of a fesh breeze just springing up. Sir George therefore fired into him, on which he struck after a chase of thirty-nine hours. He had lately taken the Fox of twenty-eight guns on the banks of Newfoundland; which was one of the three sail, and being discovered by the Flora on the seventh was chased till retaken. The third was the Boston continental frigate of thirty guns, commanded by capt. M’Neal, which escaped. The public are not satisfied with the conduct of the latter, imagining that if he had not left his consort, and that if both had behaved well, neither would have been captured. The Hancock’s compliment was 290 men, near as many as the Rainbow’s.

On the first of December, the ship Flamand, capt. Landais, arrived at Portsmouth, from Marseilles. Mr. John Baptiste Lazarus Thevaneau de Francey is come supercargo and agent for the house of Roderique Hortales and company, alias Mr. Pierre Augustin Coron de Beaumarchais. The ship has brought 48 pieces of brass cannon, four-pounders, with carriages complete—19 nine inch mortars—250 bombs, nine inches—2,000 four-pound balls—a quantity of intrenching tools—3000 fusees—1110 of another quality for dragoons—about 18,000 pounds of gun-powder—and 61,051 of brimstone.

The continent is looking out for important news from France.

LETTER X.

_Roxbury, June 1, 1778._

The hint you have received of a design to remove general Washington from the command of the American army, will have made you desirous of knowing more of that business; let it then be first related. The general being applied to by one of his correspondents, answered from Valley-forge, January the 23d, 1778—“Whether a serious design of placing general Lee, (before captivation) at the head of the army, had ever entered into the head of a member of congress or not, I never was at the trouble of enquiring. I am told a scheme of that kind is now on foot by some, in behalf of another gentleman—whether true or false—serious or merely to try the pulse—I neither know nor care. Neither interested nor ambitious views led me into the service. I did not solicit the command; but accepted it after much entreaty, with all that diffidence which a conscious want of ability and experience equal to the discharge of so important a trust must naturally excite in a mind not quite devoid of thought; and after I did engage, pursued the great line of my duty, and the object in view (as far as my judgment could direct) as pointedly as the needle to the pole. So soon as the public gets dissatisfied with my services, or a person is found better qualified to answer her expectation, I shall quit the helm with as much pleasure, and retire to a private station with as much content, as ever the wearied pilgrim felt upon his safe arrival at the holy land, or haven of hope; and shall wish most devoutly, that those who come after, may meet with more prosperous gales than I have done, and less difficulty. If the expectation of the public has not been answered by my endeavors, I have more reasons than one to regret it; but at present I shall only add, that a day may come, when the public cause is no longer to be benefited by a concealment of our circumstances, and till this period arrives, I shall not be among the first to disclose such truths as may injure it, however my character in the mean while may suffer.” On the 15th of February he had occasion for writing—“I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great-Britain, operate with additional force at this day; nor is it my desire to withdraw my services while they are considered of importance in the present contest. But to report a design of this kind, is among the arts which those who are endeavoring to effect a change, are practising to bring it to pass. There is not an officer in the service of the United States, that would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heart-felt joy than I should, but I mean not to shrink in the cause. The design is not only seen through, but reprobated.” On the 20th, Patrick Henry, esq. governor of Virginia, forwarded an anonymous letter which had been sent him, to the general, and added—“There may be some scheme or party forming to your prejudice. The enclosed leads to a suspicion. Believe me, Sir, I have too high a sense of the obligations America has to you, to abet or countenance so unworthy a proceeding. I really think your personal welfare, and the happiness of America are intimately connected.” The anonymous letter was dated—York-Town, January 12, 1778. It begins with highly complimenting Mr. Henry, and then proceeds to sketch out a dismal picture, and to hint at the remedy—“America can be only undone by herself. Her representation in congress is dwindled to only twenty-one members—her Adams—her Wilson—her Henry—are no more among them. Her counsels weak—and partial remedies applied constantly for universal diseases. Her army—what is it? _a mob_. Discipline unknown, or wholly neglected—the quarter-masters and commissioners departments filled with idleness, ignorance and peculation.——Our hospitals crowded with six thousand sick, and more dying in one month than perished in the field during the whole of the last campaign. The country distracted with the Don Qnixote attempts to regulate the price of provisions. An _artificial_ famine created by it, and a _real_ one dreaded from it. The northern army has shown what Americans are capable of with a _general_ at their head. The southern army is no ways inferior. A Gates, a Lee, or a Conway, would in a few weeks render them an irresistible body of men. The last in one of his letters to a friend, says, “A great and good God hath decreed America to be free; or the——and weak councellors would have ruined her long ago. You may rest assured of _each_ of the facts related in this letter.” When Conway had recovered his original letter, which was written in October, he said to gen. Washington, in one of January the 27th—“I find, with great satisfaction, that the paragraph so much spoken of, does not exist in said letter, nor any thing like it. I must depend upon your justice, candor and generosity, for putting a stop to this forgery.” Had he sent the letter itself, the conviction of the forgery might have been deemed much stronger; whereas many will doubt whether there was a forgery, upon being told that one of his warmest friends quoted the paragraph as authentic so early as October the 21st. Periodical letters were published and circulated in the continental newspapers, under the signature of De Lisle, and the pretence of being translations from the French, artfully calculated to promote the design against Washington, by insinuating into the mind of the reader, ideas tending to lessen him in the eye of the public. The writer of the preceding anonymous letter, is supposed to be the author of them. The design has not succeeded. The general has had too great a share of the people’s confidence and affection, to admit of an open attempt to remove him. Several members of congress were engaged in the business—some of the Massachusetts delegates—particularly Mr. Samuel Adams. The army was so confident of it, and so enraged, that persons were stationed to watch him as he approached the camp, on his return home. But he is commonly possessed of good intelligence, and was careful to keep at a safe distance. Had he fallen into the hands of the officers when in that paroxism of resentment, they would probably have handled him so as to have endangered his life, and tarnished their own honor.