Part 7

[Dec. 29.] Sir Peter Parker and earl Cornwallis, with the Acteon and Thunder bomb, sailed from Portsmouth for Corke, to convoy the troops and transports there to America. The Acteon put into Falmouth, and took on board col. Ethan Allen and his fellow prisoners, who had been confined in Pendennis castle, Cornwall; from whence they were removed by direction of government, upon a discovery that there was an intention of bringing them before the proper magistrate by the habeas corpus act, in order to ascertain whether they were legally chargable with any crime that could warrant their confinement. No assistance was given to Allen in England; but when the ship arrived at Corke, a subscription for him was begun in Ireland, and an ample supply of necessaries given him, of which he and his friends were in great need. About the 20th of Jan. 1776, the fleet and transports were ready to sail; but the lord lieutenant of Ireland, doubting his power of permitting the troops to go, a clause, giving particular leave on this occasion, was inserted in one of the Irish bills. When the bill came to England, the clause was struck out upon the idea, “that the king had a right by his prerogative to send the troops.” The lord lieutenant still retaining his doubts, the clause was inserted in another bill, which was hurried through with all possible dispatch. But so much time was lost by this affair, that it was the 13th of February before the fleet could sail. It consisted of forty-three sail, and about 2500 troops. On the 18th they met with a terrible storm that dispersed them. Some of their transports put back to Corke, others got into Plymouth, Portsmouth and the Western ports. The carcass bomb got into Portsmouth: When she parted with Sir Peter he had only twenty-five sail with him. It is generally thought, he is destined for the middle or southern colonies.

A single rifleman taken prisoner and brought over to England being carried before the mayor to be examined was dismissed; as no crime was charged upon him, of which that magistrate could take cognizance.

His majesty having entered into treaty with the landgrave of _Hesse-Cassel_, the duke of _Brunswick_ and other _German_ princes, for 17000 men, to be employed in America, Lord North moved, [Feb. 29.] “that these treaties be referred to the committee of supply.” The troops were represented as equal to any in Europe for the regularity of their discipline: and one reason assigned for hiring them was, that men could be more readily had that way than by recruiting at home, and upon the whole on cheaper terms. But the measure of employing foreign auxiliaries was reprobated in all its parts by opposition: however, after debating till past two in the morning, his lordship’s motion was agreed to by a majority of 242 to 88. When the treaties came before the house of lords, they met with equal opposition. The duke of Richmond moved for an address to the king, requesting him to countermand the march of the German auxiliaries, and to give immediate orders for a suspension of hostilities in America, in order to lay a foundation for a treaty, to compose the differences between Great-Britain and her colonies. He took an historical view of the treaties between the British and Hessian court for many years past: showing that this had gradually risen in its demands, in every successive treaty. The present was said to have exceeded all the former in the exorbitancy of its conditions. He asserted, from the calculations he had made, that the body of 17,300 foreigners taken into British pay, would, including all contingencies, occasion an expence of no less than £.1,500,000 within the course of a twelvemonth.—It was said in the debates—the colonies are to be devoted to the horrors of war, and to be treated as a nation from which we have experienced every kind of contumelious usage. Unprovided with a sufficient number of troops for the cruel purposes designed, or unable to prevail upon the natives of this country to lend their hands to such a sanguinary business, ministers have applied to those foreign princes who trade in human blood, and hired armies of mercenaries for the work of destruction. An army of foreigners is now to be introduced into the British dominions, not to protect them from invasion, not to deliver them from the ravages of an hostile army, but to assist one half of the inhabitants in massacreing the other. This foreign connection will be productive of the most fatal events. Hitherto this unhappy dispute has been confined to the people of the British empire; the colonies have not shown a disposition for the calling in of any other nation as an umpire. They apparently depend upon themselves for its support and termination; and do not, in all probability, imagine that we can be so imprudent as to associate others to our domestic feuds. But when they see that we have recourse to this odious expedient, they will no longer think themselves bound to stand singly in the contest: they will, after our example, apply to strangers for assistance. They will connect themselves with such, as instead of requiring subsidies, will supply them with men and money—such as will espouse their quarrel, not from mercenary motives, but from hostile considerations to this country—from ancient habits of inveteracy—from a thirst of revenge for the losses and humiliations occasioned by our arms.

The plea of necessity was the constant shield with which the ministry covered all the measures that had been lately adopted. But with regard to the present, they asserted——Treating with foreign princes for the loan of their troops is far from being detrimental; the terms are not exorbitant, considering how indispensably they were known to be wanted, the extraordinary service they are to go upon, the lands and seas they are to traverse in going forth and coming home, and the great uncertainty of their return. The computation of the expences attending them are over-rated. But had the expence been greater, the emergency is such that we must have complied with any terms demanded. The Americans have thrown themselves out of our protection, and are become strangers; so that we should not scruple to employ against them, both our own forces and those of our allies. Little is to be apprehended from the countenance that foreign powers may give to America; it is so evident that their plainest interest militates against their undertaking the defence of the colonies, that it is not a subject deserving of discussion.

After violent debates, the question was carried in favor of ministry, by 100 votes to 32. But not without a protest, wherein the lords say, “We have reason to apprehend, that when the colonies come to understand that Great-Britain is forming alliances and hiring foreign troops for their destruction, they may think they are well justified by the example, in endeavoring to avail themselves of the like assistance; and that France, Spain, Prussia or other powers of Europe, may think they have as good a right as Hesse, Brunswick and Hanau, to interfere in our domestic quarrels.” When this business was decided, another came on, which occasioned no less ferment. The secretary of war gave notice [March 11.] that the sum of £.845,000 would be necessary to defray the extraordinary expences from the commencement of March the preceding year, to the end of last January. This information excited one of the most violent storms of opposition ever known. “Never, said they, was so vast a demand for contingent expences incurred in so short a time.” From the various calculations made on this occasion, they inferred that no less than one hundred pounds a man had been expended on the garrison of Boston, within less than the term of a year; during which time they had been reduced to great extremities through want of provisions; and had endured a variety of wretchedness. The ministry, though assailed with much vehemence, stood their ground, upon the approbation and authority of parliament. They argued—As to the expenditure of those sums, which are loaded with heavy censures, it ought to be remembered, that the operations they were employed in, were numerous and chargable; and that the various undertakings which had been resolved upon, were of so novel and difficult a nature, as to require the most resolute exertions and the most liberal support. The Massachusetts had exercised that resistance for which, not imagining it would have been carried to such extremities, they had not made an adequate preparation; but now that nothing less than the most daring and stubborn opposition was expected from the colonists, they should no longer withhold their strength; but should put it forth in such a manner as would shew that Britain was fully able to crush them. A session or two more of firmness and vigor, would bring about an alteration of affairs, and make the colonies repent of the provocations they had given to this country. The motion for the supply was carried by a majority of 180 to 57.

[March 14.] A fresh attempt was made in the house of lords to prevent a continuance of hostilities. The duke of Grafton moved, that an address should be presented to the throne, requesting that, in order to stop the further effusion of blood, and to manifest the sincere desire of king and parliament to restore peace, and redress grievances, a proclamation might be issued, declaring, that if the colonies should present a petition to the commander in chief of his majesty’s forces in America, or to the commissioners appointed for such purposes, setting fourth what they considered to be their just rights and real grievances, the king would consent to a suspension of arms, and refer their petition to parliament, where they might be confident it would be duly considered and answered. All the reasonings of those who supported the motion were totally ineffectual: it was rejected by a majority of near three to one. Thus ended a debate, which put a period, for a while, to all attempts for concilatory measures in either house of parliament. But the lord mayor, alderman, and commons of the city of London, still continued their endeavors, in an humble and decent address, which they presented to his majesty. [March 22.] The answer, though not according to their petition, was no wise irritating; and expressed as much mercy and clemency to the Americans, adjudged to be in a state of rebellion, as could be expected, considering what coercion was going forward. Some of the Brunswick troops sailed from Spithead [April 4.] under convoy of two men of war, and were followed the next day by generals Burgoyne and Philips; Burgoyne had left Boston in December, and returned home after a short passage.

[May 6.] Letters patent, by his majesty’s order, passed under the great seal constituting lord Howe and general Howe, to be his majesty’s commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies in North-America, and for granting pardon to such of his majesty’s subjects there, now in rebellion, as shall deserve the royall mercy. The same day, commodore Hotham, with all the transports, having the first division of Hessians on board, sailed from St. Helen’s for North-America. The troops are to assist in forcing the rebels to ask mercy. Five days after, his lordship followed in the Eagle man of war.

According to the estimates laid before parliament, the army to be employed against the Americans, in different quarters amounts to 55,000 men, besides all the recruits raised in Canada and other parts of the continent, which may amount to 5000. These estimates must however have supposed the regiments full. But after deducting for deficiencies in all conceivable ways, we may allow the whole land force, with which the united colonies will have to combat, to be at least 40,000 privates and officers.

[May 23.] His majesty went to the house of peers; gave his royal assent to such bills as were presented; and then put an end to the session. In his speech he said, “It is with pleasure I inform you, that the assurances which I have received of the dispositions of the several powers in Europe, promise a continuance of the general tranquility.”

Many in Britain are more then ever disgusted with coercive measures, from the ill success which has attended their execution. The disasters which have happened, have made a deep impression upon their minds; and they are ready to impute them, rather to the iniquity, than to the imprudence of the schemes in agitation. But administration has been supported by both the press and the pulpit. Several pamphlets, composed with much art and ability, and recommended by many of the beauties of language, have painted in black and hateful colours, the claims and conduct of the Americans; and have, by that mean, not a little inflamed the resentment of the mother country. One of the leading methodist preachers, Mr. W——, has revived the doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance, nearly as asserted in the last century. He declines practising them toward his superiors in the English church, of which he professes himself a member. The doctors Johnson and Shebbeare, as in duty and gratitude bound for their respective pensions, have published many ingenious things on the side of ministry. But none have distinguished themselves more among the political champions of the day, than Dr. Price. He published in February a most admirable peace, stiled “Observations on the nature of civil liberty, the principles of government, and the justice and policy of the American war.” Such was the avidity with which it was read, that it ran through four editions within a month. His opponents may write against it as much as they will, but they will never be able to confute it. On the 24th of March, at a court of common council, a motion was made and carried, “That the thanks of the court be given to Dr. Price, for his excellent pamphlet of civil liberty; also, that the freedom of the city be presented to him in a gold box.” Three days after, at a court of assistants of the drapers company, a motion was made and carried to present the doctor with the freedom of that company. The doctor has conveyed his acknowledgments to the lord mayor, alderman, and common council; and expressed his hope that their approbation would lead the public to fix their views more on such measures as should save a sinking constitution, and preserve us from impending calamities.

You may wish to know the sentiments of the French relative to the American contest. Those of the nobility and gentry, who are tolerably versed in the English language, accustom themselves to the reading of the papers containing the disputes between Britain and the colonies. The generality conceive of the affair as a family quarrel, which the parties will make up after a while. Whatever they may wish, as to its continuance and increase, and however they may covertly contribute towards its support, they will decline, for the present, all public interference, and give the most satisfactory assurances to the court of London, from an apprehension that both sides would otherwise accommodate, unite and fall upon them. Should the late acts which parliament have passed, and the hiring of German auxiliaries, force the congress into a declaration of independence, they will still remain inactive, whatever preparations they may make, until some very favourable occurrences brings them forward. Till then, they will not think of taking the colonies by the hand; lest Britain should, upon its being done, offer every thing short of independence, and thereby unite them afresh to the mother country; which might disgrace France in the eyes of other European powers, if not expose her to worse consequences.

You will easily conceive of my eager expectation of hearing from you shortly. The operations in America will soon be extremely interesting. Let your informations be as early and frequent as possible.

LETTER III.

_Roxbury, July 19, 1776._

The affairs of Canada shall employ our first attention. Sir Guy Carleton has treated the prisoners, taken at the attack of Quebec, both officers and privates, with the utmost humanity. In conversation with major Meigs, when returning his sword, Sir Guy said, “You were certainly deceived in our numbers, and did not expect we were so strong.” The major answered, “No we knew your strength.” Carleton persisted, “You must have been deceived: for you never could have attacked us, had you known that we were double your number.” The major rejoined, “We were not deceived; but were persuaded, that many of your men would not fight, and thought that some of them might join us.” The discourse was changed, and soon ended.

The blockade of Quebec was continued; but great were the fears of the Americans, as they had no more than 400 men to do duty, while there were upward of three times the number in the city. They were in daily expectation, that the latter would sally out upon them. At length capt. Seaborn, with twenty-seven men from the Massachusetts arrived for their encouragement; (Jan. 25.) and was followed by other small reinforcements, whereby they were enabled to rest one night out of two, which had not been the case for a month. They advanced, and began again to erect works before Quebec: but their ordnance proved inadequate. All the troops that could be spared from the garrison of Montreal were sent down: but it was not till late in February, that the army before the city amounted to 960, officers included; of rank and file fit for duty, the number was only 772. Mr. Beaujeu imbodied a party of Canadians, with the design of raising the siege; but was encountered, and easily dispersed (Mar. 25.) by a detachment from the continentals. The misconduct of the American soldiery however, lost them the friendship of the Canadians. The account forwarded by an officer was to the following purport—“When gen. Montgomery first penetrated the country, the Canadians were friendly. His most unfortunate fate and other accidents have produced such a change, that they can be no more looked upon as friends. Their clergy have been neglected, perhaps ill used, and so are unanimously, though privately against the Americans. The peasantry in general have been mal-treated; in some instances have been dragooned with the point of the bayonet, to furnish wood at a lower rate than the current price. They have had given them, for articles furnished, certificates which are not legible, or are without a signature; so that one half them have, of consequence, been rejected by the quarter-master-general. They have had promises of payment, without being paid; and so been brought to look upon the promises as vague, their labor and property as lost, and congress as bankrupt. With respect to the better sort of people, both French and English, seven-eights wish to see the throats of the continentals cut. The whole country has been left without any kind of law, other than that of the arbitrary and despotic power of the sword, in the hands of the several commanding officers, too frequently abused in all cases of this nature. The Americans have themselves brought about by mismanagement, what gen. Carleton himself could never effect. A priest’s house has been entered with great violence, and his watch plundered from him. At another house the Americans ran in debt about twenty shillings sterling; and because the owner wanted to be paid, they ran him through the neck with the bayonet. Women and children have been terrified, and forced to furnish horses to private soldiers, without any prospect of pay. While the Canadians have in this way been alienated from, and imbittered against the continentals, these have been practising the most scandalous waste of provisions, and by it, absurdly adding to the danger arising from their other conduct.” On the receipt of this information, congress resolved [April 13.] “That instructions be sent to the commissioners, to cause justice to be done to the Canadians; and that the commanding officer in Canada be directed to be very attentive to military discipline, and to inflict exemplary punishment on all those who violate the military regulations established by congress.” They had before ordered four battalions to Canada, they now added six more; and directed the commissary-general to forward 2000 barrels of pork thither with all possible dispatch.

While the troops lay before Quebec, they caught the smallpox from a girl who had been a nurse in the city hospital, and came out among them. The distemper spread, and the soldiers inoculated themselves for their own safety, regardless of all orders to the contrary. The reinforcements, which were daily arriving, practised the same method; so that though, by the first of May, the army consisted of more than 3000 men, there were not 900 fit for duty at the several posts; and the whole were greatly scattered for want of barracks. What added to the distress, medicines and every thing necessary for the sick, were wanted. This was the situation of the troops when gen. _Thomas_ arrived to take the command; but still something was attempted. The river about _Quebec_ being sufficiently cleared from ice [May 3.] the Americans took the opportunity of the flood for sending up a fire-ship, about ten o’clock at night, in order to fire the shipping; and drew up ready to attack the walls, if the fire should take place. They were provided with ladders, and their scheme was well laid. Had it succeeded, the garrison must have been thrown into great confusion: and had that opportunity for making an assault been embraced, the town must have been in eminent danger of being taken. The ship coming from below was at first supposed to be a friend, arrived from sea to the relief of the besieged. Being night, it was not till she was very near the shipping, that she was discovered to be an enemy, when a heavy fire at her commenced; the people on board, finding that they were no longer concealed, lighted the train, and in a moment she was in a blaze; her sails took fire, and checked her way; and the tide beginning to ebb, she was carried down the river. The men made their escape in boats.