Part 40

When the news of the Saratoga convention reached France, and was communicated to the court of Versailles by the American commissioners, the latter were almost instantly received and publicly treated in that character. The capture of Burgoyne’s army convinced the French, that the American opposition to Great-Britain was not owing to a faction, a few leading men that had gotten into power, but that the body of the people must be engaged, and that they were numerous, or that they could not have made such an effort as not only to have stopped a conquering army, but to have captivated it. It was therefore determined by a majority of the French court, to take the Americans by the hand, and to acknowledge their independence. They knew that Great-Britain could not subdue, though they might distress France; and that if the United States would persevere, these must at length establish their independence in connection with France, though they might be reduced to greater difficulties than they had already felt. The marquis de la Fayette’s correspondence with his family and friends, undoubtedly proved influential in procuring the determination. His letters were eagerly sought after; and counteracted those prejudices that were raised by several Frenchmen who returned from America in disgust. His sentiments were imbibed from their being frequently confirmed by events. The American cause being now popular in his native country, and the French court having adopted it, they cannot longer resent the early part he took in it, notwithstanding the offence given at the moment by his disobedience and departure.

Such is the present state of the contest between Great-Britain and the Americans, that it will more than ever suffice to give you a few occasional hints upon the parliamentary debates respecting it. In one that took place on the second of December, a federal commercial union was talked of by some, as the only hope left with regard to America; but reprobated by ministry. Fox moved for laying certain papers before the commons—while the matter was debating, intelligence was received that a similar motion had been complied with in the house of lords, by the lords in administration agreeing to it; and yet such was the influence of the ministry in the house of commons, that Mr. Fox’s motion was, in a manner which in other seasons would have been deemed incredible, rejected upon a division of 178 to 89.

[Dec. 3.] The succeeding day was marked with the melancholy catastrophe of Burgoyne’s expedition; a disclosure which excited no less grief and astonishment in both houses, than dismay on the side of the ministers, who were bitterly reproached upon the occasion. The business relating to the pecuniary supplies, being finished, and little short of nine millions voted for the service of the ensuing year, by the 10th of December, an adjournment to the 20th of January, was that day moved for on the side of ministry, and after considerable debates, carried in both houses.

Two days after, the American commissioners at Paris, finding all attempts to establish a cartel with lord Stormont, ineffectual, transmitted a letter to lord North, couched in strong terms of complaint, on the subject of the rigorous treatment exercised toward the American prisoners. It contained a particular charge which has not been publicly refuted, that a number of them were in a state of bondage, on the coasts of Africa and in the East-Indies, being compelled to submit to that condition, under the menaces of an immediate and ignominious death.

On the 16th of December, Mr. Gerard delivered to the American commissioners the preliminaries of a treaty between France and America. The same conveyance that brought an account of the Saratoga convention to the commissioners, and the letter to Dr. Fothergill, brought also a letter from the Rev. Dr. Cooper, of Boston, to Dr. Franklin, in which was mentioned the opinion given in the one to Dr. Fothergill; before this last was sent to England, care was taken to open and procure a copy of it for the commissioners. Dr. Cooper’s letter was long and full, contained much information, and urged that France should step forward at once in the cause of America, or that her opportunity of gaining a connection with the United States might be lost. Dr. Franklin communicated it to the French minister, on whom it had a good effect. A number of circumstances, not publicly known, came at the same time to the knowledge of the doctor; they were well adapted to quicken the court of France, and he improved them to the purpose of showing the importance and necessity of her taking an open and decisive part. The ministry however, were for keeping that part private when taken, as long as convenient to their own nation, and subservient to the general good of both countries.

December the 24th, there was a meeting of merchants at the King’s Arms tavern, in Cornhill, for the purpose of raising a sum of money to relieve the distress of the American prisoners. A petition from several of these at Portsmouth prison, sent the 1st of the month, to certain lords and others, was read. The petition sets forth, that admiralty was petitioned the last year in behalf of certain sick prisoners, and the petition disregarded;—that they were about one hundred and forty, in want of warm clothing as well as of almost every comfort, many without shoes and stockings:—that they were under a man, as overseer, void of all humanity, who detains every charitable supply sent by humane neighbors, denies them the common supplies of milk, and allows them neither candle nor fire in that cold season;—that their whole allowance is only eight ounces of meat each man per day, including the bone, and beer that is very small indeed;—and that captains and other officers are penned up altogether like cattle, with the common sailors, and with their own servants. Lord Abingdon had taken up the matter in the house of peers, and moved for accounts relative to their treatment. No relief however was obtained by his effort in parliament; the merchants therefore engaged in the business, and by the 29th, fourteen hundred and eighty-six pounds six-shillings and six-pence was subscribed.

On Saturday, January the 3d, five gentlemen attended on the lords of the admiralty, who expressed their approbation of the humane motives of the subscribers, and promised official countenance to the application of the money, and to lay the committee under no other restraints than what were necessary for the good order and safe custody of the prisoners. Lord Sandwich, at the time, in the handsomest manner, directed the commissioners of sick and hurt to give immediate orders to the surveyor to erect a temporary building, where the prisoners might have the benefit of a fire in the approaching inclement season.

[Jan. 9.] The committee advertised, that the town subscriptions, (independent of the country) amounting to upward of three thousand seven hundred pounds, being fully adequate for the present to the end proposed, the subscription was therefore closed. Subscriptions had been opened at Bristol, Nottingham, in Yorkshire and other places. The whole sum by February the 17th amounted to four thousand six hundred and forty-seven pounds fifteen shillings, including what had been sent from the country.

During the recess of parliament, measures were pursued by the ministry and their friends for obtaining a body of new troops by a voluntary supply from the people. The towns of Manchester and Liverpool were leaders in this business; engaged in it with the greatest fervor; and immediately sent to court an offer to raise each a regiment of 1000 men. In other places, public meetings of towns, counties and great corporate bodies were encouraged, at which resolutions were proposed for the levying of men for the service. Much artifice was practised to draw the city of London into the like measure; and the ministerial party, with the chief magistrate at their head (who might have received instructions and encouragement from his superiors) expected to have effected it; but to their astonishment found themselves deserted by the greater part of those who had hitherto regularly obeyed all their mandates respecting elections to city offices. Such was the effect of the original aversion to the American war, and such the disgust toward ministry on the late unfavorable events. But the chief magistrate would not desist; he suddenly called a court on this business; when they met [Jan. 16.] it was softened down to a proposal for the city to give a bounty for the raising of men for the land and sea service. Warm debates ensued, and the motion was thrown out by a very great majority of the common council. Then followed a resolution, condemning in strong terms, the giving of any countenance to, or being in any manner instrumental in the further continuance of the present ruinous and destructive war. The disappointed persons however, opened a subscription, “to support the authority of Great-Britain over her rebellious colonies in America;” the stile proving offensive, it was changed for the support of king and government; as they were monied men, and liberal, £.20,000 was soon subscribed.

A similar attempt was made in Bristol, and the event was similar. But a number of names to large sums of money, appeared in a private subscription, which rivalled in the amount, that at London. Neither of these subscriptions have been found to produce any great effect. The ministerial measure succeeded no better in the counties. A strong government interest was foiled in Norfolk; and the attempt produced a petition of uncommon force and energy from the freeholders of the county to parliament, against the American war.

The measure of raising new regiments was adopted in Scotland with the greatest avidity. The cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow, raised a regiment of 1000 men each; and were indulged, like Manchester and Liverpool, with the nomination of officers. Several individuals undertook and performed the raising of regiments in the highlands. The conditions were generally the same, and very advantageous to both the raisers and officers. Several independent companies, amounting to about a regiment in point of number, were raised in Wales; but the battalions, except those of Manchester and Liverpool, were all formed in Scotland.

When the measures of raising men and money came to be debated, a great law lord pronounced the measure of raising troops, without the consent and during the sitting of parliament, to be absolutely illegal, unconstitutional, and a high violation of the fundamental privileges of parliament; and declared that the committees at the London Tavern and at Bristol, who conducted the subscriptions in these cities, had acted a daringly illegal and truly alarming part, having assumed a legislative power, and acted in that capacity, in which, according to the spirit of the constitution, and the express meaning of the bill of rights, parliament only were empowered to act.

The question of benevolence and free gifts did not undergo less discussion, nor their being brought into practice incur less censure, than the doctrine of raising forces without the participation of parliament. They were declared to have been illegal at all times, and in all the stages of the constitution. It was observed, that the present measure overthrew the only colourable argument ever brought to justify the conduct of parliament in endeavouring to tax the colonies. It had held out, “That if the colonies, now that they are grown powerful and opulent, should give free grants to the crown, as they have hitherto customarily done upon requisition, the crown may become independent on parliament for supplies.” This, it was said, became the constant cry of ministers to amuse and deceive the people, and the cloak to hide their worst designs.

On the 6th of February, the treaties between France and the United States were signed. The alliance between these two powers had not been concluded much more than eight and forty hours before it was known by the British ministy.

Mr. Fox, in a debate five days after, made it appear from different calculations, that the number of men lost to the army, in killed, disabled, deserted, and from various other causes, since the commencement of hostilities, amounted to about twenty thousand.

The duke of Richmond in a committee of the house of lords stated, about the same time, the following facts—that since the commencement of hostilities, the number of vessels belonging to Great-Britain and Ireland, taken by the American ships of war and privateers, amounted to seven hundred and thirty-three; forty-seven of which had been released, and one hundred and twenty-seven retaken:—That the loss of the remaining five hundred an fifty nine appeared from the examination of merchants to have been worth at least two millions and six hundred thousand pounds: That of two hundred ships employed every year, in the African trade, before the present troubles, whose value upon an average was nine thousand pounds each, only forty remained in that branch of trade, which was therefore diminished one million four hundred and forty thousand pounds annually;—and that the number of American ships of war and privateers, amounted to one hundred and seventy-three, carrying two thousand five hundred and fifty-six guns, and about fourteen thousand seamen. Lord Sandwich on the other side, stated the number of American prizes that had been taken at nine hundred and four, which he estimated at two thousand pounds each, making altogether one million eight hundred and eight thousand pounds; to which he added the value of the fisheries, from which the Americans were excluded, and then fixed the damage they had sustained at two millions two hundred thousand pounds. Upon another occasion the duke stated the extraordinary war-expences of each of the four last years separately; and the whole being ascertained, as near as could be possibly done for the present, amounted to the gross sum of twenty-three millions eight hundred ninety-four thousand seven hundred and ninety-two pounds. He showed also, that was a pacification to take place, no less than nine millions more would be requisite to bring all matters relating to the war to a final settlement.

[Feb. 17.] Lord North introduced his conciliatory propositions. His plan was to enable the crown to appoint commissioners to treat with the colonies concerning the means of putting an end to the present contest between them and Great-Britain. Five persons were to be invested with ample powers; and authorized to treat with congress as a lawful assembly, representing America—with any of the provincial assemblies—and with any individuals. They were to be empowered to order a suspension of arms; to suspend the operation of laws; and to grant pardons, immunities and rewards. The title of Independent States might be allowed till the treaty had been ratified by the king and parliament: The commissioners were to negociate, upon a re-union of the empire, for a reasonable contribution to its common exigencies; but this demand was not to be insisted on, and to be given up rather than not terminate the quarrel. His lordship said in his speech, that Sir W. Howe had been, in the late actions and in the whole course of the campaign, not only in the goodness of troops, and in all manner of supplies, but also in point of numbers, much superior to the American army which opposed him in the field; that general Burgoyne had been in numbers, until the affair of Bennington, near twice as strong as the army of the enemy: that he promised a great army should be sent out; and that a great army had accordingly been sent out, to the amount of 60,000 men and upward. The speech was long, able and eloquent, and kept him up two full hours.—A dull melancholy silence for some time succeeded. It was heard with profound attention; but without a single mark of approbation. Astonishment, dejection and fear, over-clouded the whole assembly. It was conjectured that some powerful motive had induced ministry to adopt such an alteration of measures. The idea was confirmed by the positive assertion of Mr. Fox, that a treaty had been signed at Paris, between the colonies and France by which she recognized their independence. Some of the country gentlemen being piqued at Lord North’s having said, that “they had not been misled or deceived,” rose with great warmth, and asserted with indignation, that they had been grossly deceived and misled by the uniform language of government for three years past. In general the party declared, that as the point of taxation, which could be the only rational ground of the war, was now given up, peace should be procured by any means, and in the speediest manner.”

His lordship should have early attended to the hints contained in the letter to Dr. Fothergill, which the doctor got transcribed and sent him, but the minister thought the doctor’s correspondent too sanguine. The intimation that a foreign power might interfere, should have produced a determination to treat immediately——a message to the American commissioners assuring them of it—and the introduction, if possible of the passing of the conciliatory bills before the delivery of the preliminaries to the commissioners on the 16th of December; whereas they were not passed till the 2d of March.

The day before the conciliatory propositions were introduced, a particular incident happened in the house of lords.——After the Saratoga convention, general Gates wrote a very pathetic and interesting letter to the earl of Thanet, with whom he had formerly lived upon a footing of great intimacy. It related chiefly to the situation of affairs between Great-Britain and America. He lamented the misfortunes that had befallen his native country, and the danger to which it was exposed; and then stated the necessity of speedily applying the only remedy remaining, for the cure of the many evils that afflicted or threatened Great-Britain. This remedy he declared to be an acknowledgment of American independence, which he said the United States never would part with. “A wise minister,” he added, “by rescinding the resolutions passed to support that system which no power on earth can establish, will endeavor to preserve so much of the empire in prosperity and honor, as the circumstances of the times, and the mal-administration of those who ruled before him, have left to his government. The United States of America are willing to be the friends, but never will submit to be the slaves of the parent country. They are by consanguinity, by language, and by the affection which naturally springs from these more attached to England than to any other country under the sun. Therefore spurn not the blessing which yet remains; instantly withdraw your fleets and armies; cultivate the commerce and friendship of America. Thus, and thus only can England hope to be great and happy. Seek that in a commercial alliance; seek it ere it be too late; for there only you must expect to find it.” The earl of Thanet produced this letter in the house; and after some controversy it was read; and the duke of Richmond moved that it should lie upon the table. The motion was rejected after a warm debate, to the concern of several, who flattered themselves that the letter might have afforded an opening to a favorable accommodation.

The French ambassador delivered a rescript to lord Waymouth, in which he informed the court of London, that the king had signed a treaty of friendship and commerce with the United States of America. The knowledge of this transaction was communicated under the parade of cultivating the understanding subsisting between France and Great-Britain; and was accompanied with a declaration, that the contracting parties have paid great attention not to stipulate any exclusive advantages in favor of France; and that the United States have reserved the liberty of treating with every nation whatever, upon the same footing of equality and reciprocity. The rescript concludes with an intimation that the French king being determined to protect effectually the lawful commerce of his subjects, and to maintain the dignity of his flag, had, in consequence, taken eventual measures for these purposes, in concert with the United States of America. No sooner was the account conveyed to the French court, of the immediate effects which the delivery of the rescript seemed to have produced in London, than orders were issued for the seizure of all the British vessels in any of the French ports. The example was followed by a similar order in Great-Britain. But there were few ships in the ports of either. The French are still for preserving certain appearances, and therefore the king’s ordnance, affording new and extraordinary advantages to the captors of prizes, although signed on the twenty-eighth of March, is kept dormant, without publication or effect.

The reception of this rescript was notified by the minister to the house of commons on the 17th. The notice was accompanied with a message from the king, intimating that he should be under the necessity of resenting so unprovoked and so unjust an aggression on the honor of his crown and the essential interests of his kingdom, and expressing his firm confidence on the zealous and affectionate support of his faithful people. An address was moved for in answer to it, to assure the king of the readiness of his people to stand by him in asserting the dignity of his crown and the honor of the nation, and to submit with cheerfulness and spitit, to the expences that would be requisite for that necessary purpose; and was carried after a long debate. In the house of lords, the debates upon the like occasion, were attended with an acrimony of language and a freedom of thought, that seemed to scorn all restraint. In the course of them it was said in substance—“The treatment we have received from France is mortifying; but if we are wise, we shall suppress our resentment at the present hour, and reserve it for a more convenient opportunity. In the continual vicissitude of political events on the continent of Europe, we need not wait long for a favorable occasion of returning the blow given us by France in the present instance. Nor let us forget, that we have ourselves, on former occasions, acted a part similar to that of which we now so grievously complain. When the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, threw off the yoke of Spain, England befriended them in the same manner France does now the United States of America. When France was torn by civil dissentions, we made it our business to interfere, and to espouse the cause of one of the parties. The frequency of the practice, has rendered it a common rule of European politics. Every nation is watchful of what passes among its neighbors, to the well known intent of profiting by their divisions. It was by a strict and constant observance of this maxim, that some of the greatest princes and ministers had made so splendid a figure. Queen Elizabeth in England, and cardinal Richlieu in France, had ruled with so much prosperity, and risen to such fame, by never losing sight of it. The safest way of revenging ourselves, will be by following their example.” The question for an address was carried by a majority of nearly three to one.

[March 21.] A public audience and reception was given to the American commissioners, Messrs. Franklin, Deane and Lee, by the French monarch. They were introduced by Monsieur Vergennes, and received by the king with the usual formalities and ceremonials. This striking acknowledgment of the plenipotentiaries from the United States, must have mortified the ministry and crown of Great-Britain; and may be pronounced the political phenomenon of Europe. The day before it was exhibited, the French ambassador, in consequence of orders to quit London, set out for Paris.