Part 16

While the general was at Savannah, he wrote a letter, on the 28th of August, to the French minister, which was committed to Sieur de la Plaine. In that letter he held up these ideas—That it was the exclusive commerce of the colonies which empowered Great-Britain to cope with France—gave to her a decided superiority in the marine department, and of course enabled her, in the frequent wars between the two nations, to reduce her rival to the last extremity—that if France can obtain the monopoly, or the greatest part of this commerce, her opulence, strength and prosperity, must grow to a prodigious height, and that if America is enabled to preserve the independence she has now declared, the greatest part of this commerce must fall to the share of France—that without the colour of injustice, but on the contrary, only assuming the patronage of the rights of mankind, France has it now in her power to become not only the greatest, but the most glorious monarchy which has appeared on the stage of the world—her possessions in the islands will be secured against all possibility of attack—the royal revenues immensely increased—her people eased of her present burdens—an eternal incitement be presented to their industry—and the means of increase, by the facility of providing sustenance for their families, multiplied—in short, there is no saying what degree of eminence, happiness and glory, she may derive from the independence of this continent—that some visionary writers have asserted, that could this country once shake off her European trammels, it would soon become more formidable alone, from the virtue and energy natural to a young people, than Great-Britain can be with her colonies united in a state of dependency—but the men who have built such hypotheses must be utter strangers to the manners, genius, disposition, turn of mind, and circumstances of the continent. As long as vast tracts of land remain unoccupied, to which they can send colonies (if I may so express it) of their offspring, they will never entertain a thought of marine or manufactures—their ideas are solely confined to labor, and to plant for those nations who can, on the cheapest terms, furnish them with the necessary utensils for laboring and planting, and clothes for their families; and till the whole vast extent of continent is fully stocked with people, they will never entertain another idea—that this cannot be effected for ages, and what may then happen is out of the line of politicians to lay any stress upon; most probably they will be employed in wars among themselves before they aim at foreign conquests—that it is worthy of attention, what will be the consequence should Great-Britain succeed in the present contest—America will be wretched and enslaved—but a number of slaves may compose a formidable army and fleet, and the proximity of situation, with so great a force entirely at the disposal of Great-Britain, will put it into her power to take possession of the French islands on the first rupture—that it is for the interest, as well as the glory of France, to furnish the Americans with every mean of supporting their liberties, to effect which they only demand a constant, systematic supply of the necessaries of war, small arms, powder, field-pieces, woollens and linens to clothe their troops, with drugs, particularly bark, in return for which every necessary provision for the French islands may be expected, as corn, rice, lumber, &c. If indeed the French could spare a few able engineers and artillery officers, they may depend upon an honorable reception and comfortable establishment.

The Carolinians have been engaged in a successful war with the Cherokees, for the origin of which we must go back to the year 1775. John Stuart, esq. an officer of the crown, and wholly devoted to the royal interest, had for years the exclusive management of both them and the Creeks. When the appearance of a rupture between Great-Britain and the colonies took place, he conceived himself under obligations to attach the Indians to the royal interest. The state of public affairs in the colonies, furnished him with many arguments subservient to this design. It was easy for him to persuade them that the colonists had, unprovoked by Britain, adopted measures which prevented the Indians from receiving their yearly supply of arms, ammunition, and clothing. He might also insinuate, that if the colonists succeeded in opposing Britain, they would probably aim next at the extirpation of the Indians. A plan was at length settled by Mr. Stuart, in concert with the king’s governors and other royal servants, to land a British army in Florida, and to proceed with it to the western frontiers of the southern colonies, and there, in conjunction with the tories and Indians, to fall on the friends of congress at the same time that a fleet and army should invade them on the coast. Mr. Moses Kirkland, who has already been mentioned, was confidentially employed by Mr. Stuart, governor Tonyn and other royalists to the southward, to concert with gen. Gage the necessary means for accomplishing the above plan. The whole was fully detected by the providential capture of the vessel which was conveying Kirkland to Boston toward the close of 1775. The publication of the letters found in his possession, produced conviction in the minds of the Americans, that the British administration meant to employ the Indians for the effecting of their schemes. The discovery of the ministerial designs, made it necessary for congress to attend to such measures as might effectually counteract the influence of Mr. Stuart. A meeting of their Indian commissioners with the Cherokees, was appointed at Fort Charlotte, in South-Carolina, and took place on the 22d of April, when about 630 were present. The Cherokees complained heavily of sundry encroachments made on them by the white people, which gave them the greatest uneasiness. When the commissioners came to make their presents, the Indians were displeased at the small quantity of goods and ammunition delivered to them. The commissioners pleaded, that they did not expect to meet with so great a number; and promised, that if the presents were received, they would try and purchase a few more and send them. The Cherokees were not satisfied with the proposal. The commissioners, without goods, were little more than cyphers. Talks alone, if ever so flattering, do not answer. Foreign manufactures were to the Indians indispensably requisite; and it was not to be thought that they could prefer American friendship, naked and hungry, to British, attended with all the necessaries and comforts of life. The British had carried great quantities or goods even to their towns. On the 27th, the congress commissioners met at Augusta, in Georgia, in expectation of the Creeks, who did not attend till the 16th of May, and then amounted to about 350, when a few presents were given them. They were either satisfied, or stifled their resentments, from political principles, so as to decline hostilities. But the Cherokees being disgusted, and abandoned to the full operation of the royal superintendant’s influence, began their massacres at the very time Sir Peter Parker attacked the fort on Sullivan’s-Island. The speedy departure of the fleet from the sea-coast, after his unsuccessful attack, gave an opportunity for uniting the whole force of South-Carolina against the invaders of the country. Though the British plan of a co-operation with the tories and Indians was for the present frustrated; yet the probability that it would be again resumed, determined the popular leaders to make a vigorous expedition into the country of the Cherokees. A joint attack on their settlements over the mountains was agreed upon by the southern states. Col. Williamson of the district of Ninety-Six, was chosen by the government of South-Carolina to command their forces on this occasion. The sixth regular regiment, part of the third, and a large body of militia, were appointed to serve under him. About the same time, and on the same business, gen. Rutherford, with upward of 1900 men from North-Carolina, crosses the Apalachian mountains. In their passage through the Indian country, the forces under col. Williamson were two or three times briskly attacked, but finally repulsed the Indians. The Americans upon this occasion traversed their whole country, and laid waste their corn fields. Above 500 of the Cherokees were obliged for want of provisions, to take refuge with Mr. John Stuart, in West-Florida, where they were fed at the expence of the British government. The Indian settlements to the northward were at the same time invaded by a party of Virginia militia, commanded by col. Christee, and to the southward by the Georgia militia under colonel Jack. Dismal was the wilderness through which the Americans had to penetrate. Many were the dangers they were exposed to from dark thickets, and rugged paths. They were frequently obliged to pass through narrow defiles, in which small parties might harass the bravest and most numerous army. They had to cross rivers, fordable only at one place, and overlooked by high banks, from whence an enemy might attack with advantage, and retreat with safety. They could have no accommodations, but a few plain necessaries carried on pack-horses. They, for the most part, slept in open air, and experienced all the inconveniences of a savage life.

None of all the expeditions before undertaken against the Indians had been so successful as this first effort of the new-born commonwealth. In less than three months, viz. from the 15th of July to the 11th of October, the business was completed, and the nation of the Cherokees so far subdued, as to be incapable of annoying the settlements. The whole loss of the Americans did not exceed fifty men.

The means adopted by the British to crush the friends of congress, have been providentially over-ruled, so as to produce the contrary effect. Their exciting Indians to massacre the defenceless frontier settlers, promoted the unanimity of the inhabitants, and invigorated their opposition to Great-Britain. Several who called themselves tories in 1775, have become active whigs, and cheerfully taken up arms in the first instance against Indians, and in the second against Great-Britain, as the instigator of their barbarous devastations. Before this event, some well-meaning people could not see the justice of contending with their formerly protecting parent state; but Indian cruelties, excited by ministerial artifices, soon extinguished all their predilection for the country of their forefathers[32].

The delegates of _Maryland_, assembled in full convention the 14th of August, have agreed upon the constitution and form of government for that state; to which they have prefixed a declaration of rights. The convention of the _Delaware_ state, formerly stiled “The government of the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex upon Delaware,” after a declaration of rights resolved upon their constitution in September. When the deputations, from the committees of the several counties, met in Philadelphia, they agreed upon the number the general convention should consist of, the time they should meet, and the manner in which they should be elected. No person was excluded from voting: many however, as must have been expected, chose to exclude themselves, as they would not appear by voting to countenance the establishment of a new mode of government. The convention met the 15th of July, and continued by adjournments to the 28th of September, during which period the constitution was settled by a declaration of rights and a frame of government.

Great numbers in Pennsylvania are not satisfied with their constitution, apprehending that it possesses too great a proportion of democracy; and that the state is not sufficiently guarded against either the evils which may result from the prevalency of a democratic party, or the dangerous influence of demagogues. Mr. Samuel Adams has been thought, or known to have concerned himself so unduly in the business, as to have provoked some drop distant hints of an assassination. While the constitution was forming, a motion was made to add a second assembly to the legislative body, under the name of a senate or council. It was urged by several members, some for the affirmative, and some for the negative. Before the question was put, the opinion of the president, Dr. Franklin, was requested. He rose and said, that “Two assemblies appeared to him like a practice he had somewhere seen, of certain waggoners, who, when about descending a steep hill, with a heavy load, if they had four cattle, took off one pair from before, and chaining them to the hinder part of the waggon, drove them up hill; while the pair before, and the weight of the load, overbalancing the strength of those behind, drew them slowly and moderately down the hill.” The simile drew the generality of the convention into an opinion, that the doctor was for a single assembly, and it wrought accordingly. Some imagine however, that the answer was designedly that of a Delphic oracle, to be taken either way, as inclination might dictate the interpretation. “The real force of the simile was certainly misunderstood; if there is any similitude or any argument in it, it is clearly in favor of two assemblies. The weight of the load itself would roll the waggon on the oxen, and the cattle on one another, in one scene of destruction, if the forces were not divided and a balance formed; whereas by checking one power by another (as was the wish of those who were for a second assembly) all descend the hill in safety, and avoid the danger.”[33]

We cannot quit Philadelphia without making mention of the acts of congress. It has been resolved to confiscate the property of the subjects of Great-Britain, taken on the high seas, or between high and low water mark, but the inhabitants of the Bermudas, and Providence or Bahama Islands are excepted. General Washington has been empowered to agree to the exchange of governor Skeen for Mr. Lovell, who was made close prisoner at Boston by order of general Howe; and to whose inflexible fidelity to his country, congress bore testimony the beginning of January. Mr. Lovell contrived to send out intelligence to the Americans, while investing Boston; and the reasonable suspicion of it, without positive proof might occasion his confinement. Commodore Hopkins, has been censured for not paying a regard to the tenor of his instructions, which directed him to annoy the enemy’s ships upon the coasts of the southern states; and his reasons for not going from Providence immediately to the Carolinas, have been declared by no means satisfactory. To prevail on the foreign officers, if possible, to quit the royal army, congress have proposed, upon their choosing to become citizens of the states, to give to them and their heirs in absolute dominion, unappropriated lands in the following proportions: to a colonel, 1000 acres; to a lieutenant-colonel, 800; to a major, 600; to a captain, 400; to a lieutenant, 300; to an ensign, 200; and to every non-commissioned person, 100. They complied with general Howe’s proposal of exchanging general Sullivan for general Prescot, and lord Stirling for gen. M’Donald, on the 4th of September.

[Sept. 16.] They resolved upon raising eighty-eight battalions to serve during the war, and agreed upon bounties to all who enlist during that term, unless sooner discharged. The enlistment is further encouraged by a proposal for granting lands; each non-commissioned officer and soldier is to have 100 acres; a colonel 500; and the other officers in proportion. The congressional offer of lands, whether to foreigners or natives, is no present actual expence, as the event of the war must determine whose they will be; but the proposal may counteract the effect of a similar measure adopted by the British government, which has engaged to grant large tracts of vacant lands, at the close of the troubles, to the highland emigrants, and other new troops raised in America, as a reward for their expected zeal and loyalty in the reduction of the country. It may also destroy the influence of intimations thrown out to the mercenaries, of their being to be rewarded in like manner. The appointment of all officers in the battalions, and filling up vacancies (except general officers) is left to the governments of the several states; every state has its respective quota assigned, which it is to furnish with arms, clothing and every necessary. The quotas will never be answerable in the numbers of men to the numbers of the battalions, so that the actual strength of the continental forces will be far short of the appearance.

[Sept. 26.] It being resolved to appoint three commissioners to the court of France, congress balloted, and elected Messrs. Franklin, Deane and Jefferson. Dr. Franklin, notwithstanding his great age, was unanimously elected. Dr. Rush sat next him when the choice was announced, and was the first in congratulating him; the reply was, “I am old and good for nothing, but as the shop keepers say of their fragments of cloth, you may have me _for what you please_.” Mr. Deane was so little in the good graces of his own state, that it was the only one out of the thirteen that declined voting for him. He had been before appointed by the secret committee, commercial agent with Mr. Thomas Morris, and moveover _political_ agent; and had arrived in France so long back as in June. This appointment was a natural introduction to his being elected one of the commissioners. Mr. Jefferson having declined through a present incapacity for going, Mr. Arthur Lee has been chosen in his room.

Congress may have been encouraged to this measure, by a letter of last June to Dr. Franklin, wherein his correspendent writes, “I have been at Versailles to see the ministers, and every thing which approaches them. I have obtained among other things, under the name of Mr. de la Thuillerie, the undertaker of a manufactory of arms, that there shall be delivered to him immediately, from the kings arsenel, fifteen thousand muskets for the use of infantry, to be employed in his commerce, on condition that he replaces them in the run of a year. I hope your brave soldiers will be pleased with them; but you must caution not to trust to the ordinary muskets of commerce, which are called muskets for exportation, that are almost as dangerous to friends as to enemies.” But without such or any other direct encouragement, they must have adopted the measure through the urgency of their affairs. The commissioners are to arm and fit for war any number of vessels not exceeding six, at the expence of the United States, to war upon British property, provided it will not be disagreeable to the court of France. There has been approved in congress a plan of a treaty with his most christian majesty, which has been delivered to the commissioners with instructions to the following purport:——

“You are to use every means in your power for concluding a treaty conformable to the plan you have received. If you shall find that to be impracticable, you are hereby authorised to relax the demands of the United States, and to enlarge the offers agreeable to the subsequent directions. The eighth article will probably be attended with some difficulty. If you find his most christian majesty determined not to agree to it, you are empowered to add to it as follows: “That the United States will never be subject, or acknowledge allegiance, or obedience to the king, or crown, or parliament of Great-Britain, nor grant to that nation any exclusive trade, or any advantages, or privileges in trade, more than to his most christian majesty, neither shall any treaty for terminating the present war between the king of Great-Britain and the United States, or any war which may be declared by the king of Great-Britain, against his most christian majesty, in consequence of this treaty, take effect until the expiration of six calendar months after the negociation for that purpose shall have been duly notified, in the former instance by the United States to his most christian majesty, and in the other instance by his most christian majesty to the United States, to the end that both these parties may be included in the peace if they think proper.” If his majesty should be unwilling to agree to the 16th and 26th articles, you are directed to consent, that the goods and effects of the enemy on board the ships and vessels of either party, shall be liable to seizure and confiscation. You will solicit the court of France for an immediate supply to twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, and a large supply of ammunition, and brass field-pieces to be sent under convoy by France. The United States engage for the payment of the arms, artillery and ammunition, and to endemnify France for the expence of the convoy. It is highly probable that France means not to let the United States sink in the present contest; but as the difficulty of obtaining true accounts of our condition, may cause an opinion to be entertained, that we are liable to support the war on our own strength and resources longer in fact than we can do, it will be proper for you to press for the immediate and explicit declaration of France in our favor, upon a _suggestion_ that a re-union with Great-Britain may be the consequence of a delay. Should Spain be disinclined to our cause, from an apprehension of dangen to her dominions in South-America, you are empowered to give the strongest assurances, that that crown will receive no molestation from the United States in the possession of these territories.”

“You will transmit to us, the most speedy and full intelligence of your progress in the business, and of any other transactions that it may import us to know. You are desired to get the best and earliest information that you possibly can, of any negociation that the court of London may be carrying on for obtaining foreign mercenaries to be sent against these states the next campaign: and if any such design is in agitation, you will endeavor to prevail with the court of France to exert its influence, in the most effectual manner, to prevent the execution of such designs. You are desired to obtain as early as possible, a public acknowledgment of the independency of these states on the crown and parliament of Great-Britain by the court of France.”

“In conducting this important business, the congress have the greatest confidence in your address, abilities, vigilence, and attachment to the interests of the United States, and wish you every success.”