Part 44

The extreme heat of the weather, the distance Sir Henry had gained by marching in the night, and the fatigue of the Americans, made a pursuit on the part of gen. Washington impracticable and fruitless. It would only have been fatal to numbers of the men, several of whom died on the day of action through the excessive heat; for Farenheit’s thermometer was at 96 degrees in the Jerseys, and is said to have been 112 at Philadelphia. It was a deep sandy country through which they marched, almost destitute of water; but had there been a plenty, many more would probably have perished by unguarded drinking to allay their thirst; some were lost in that way. Sir Henry, without having been joined by the brigade of British and the 17th light dragoons from Knyphausen’s division, secured by his manœuvres the arrival of the royal army in the neighborhood of Sandy-Hook on the 30th of June, without the loss of either the covering party or the baggage; but not without a considerable diminution of troops; for by a moderate calculation, from the evacuation of Philadelphia down to that day, about eight hundred deserted, a great number of whom were hessians. By the returns of the officers who had the charge of the burying parties, they left 245 non-commissioned and privates on the field, and four officers. There were also beside these, several fresh graves and burying holes found near the field, in which they had put their dead before they had quitted it.[89] Fifty-nine of their soldiers perished without receiving a wound, in the same manner as several of the Americans, merely through fatigue and heat. The loss of lieut. col. Monckton, who was slain, was much lamented by the British. Upward of a hundred were made prisoners, including the officers and privates left upon the field. On the part of the Americans, lieutenant-colonel Bonner and major Dickinson, officers of distinguished merit, were slain; beside six others of inferior rank, and 61 non-commissioned and privates. The wounded were 24 officers and 136 non-commissioned and privates. The missing amounted to 130, but many of them, having only dropped through fatigue, soon joined the army. General Washington commended the zeal and bravery of the officers in general, but particularized Wayne as deserving special commendation. The behavior of the troops in general, after recovering from the first surprise, occasioned by the retreat of the advanced corps, was mentioned as what could not be surpassed. The public acknowledgments of congress were very flattering to the army, and particularly so to the general and his officers. The general having declined all further pursuit, detached only some light troops to attend the motions of the royal forces, and drew of the main body of his army to the borders of the North-River.

The general, on his second interview with Lee upon the day of action, intimated by his reinstating and leaving him in the command of the advanced corps, that he meant to pass by what had happened without further notice; but the latter could not brook the expressions used by the former at their first meeting; and therefore wrote him two passionate letters, which occasioned his being put under an arrest, and brought to trial four days after the action, on the following charges, exhibited against him by his excellency—1st, For disobedience of orders, in not attacking the enemy on the 28th of June, agreeable to repeated instructions—2dly, For misbehavior before the enemy on the same day, by making an _unnecessary, disorderly and shameful retreat_—3dly, For disrespect to the commander in chief, in two letters, dated the 1st of July and the 28th of June. The letter dated 1st of July, was so dated through mistake, being written on the 28th of June. On the 12th of August, the court-martial, at which lord Stirling presided, found him guilty upon every charge, and sentenced him to be suspended from any command in the armies of the United States of North-America, for the term of twelve months. The terms of the second charge were softened down, as he was only found guilty of misbehavior before the enemy, by making an unnecessary, and in some few instances, a disorderly retreat. Many were displeased with the conduct of the court-martial; and thought he ought not to have been found guilty, except upon the last charge. They argued, “It appears from Washington’s own letter, and other circumstances, that it was submitted to Lee’s judgment whether to attack, in what manner, and when. There was manifest proof of Lee’s intending to attack, in hope of cutting off the enemy’s covering party; but he altered his opinion as to the promising prospect he had of doing it, on his coming into the plain, reconnoitring the enemy, and concluding that they were more numerous than before supposed; and upon finding Scott had quitted the point of wood where he meant to order him to remain, he judged an immediate retreat necessary. The detachment with which Lee was, amounted to no more than one-third of his whole command; Scott’s column, Maxwell’s brigade, and the other troops to his left, being full two-thirds. When he began to retire, the main body was more than six miles distant, though advancing. The enemy’s force was rendered the more formidable by their great superiority in cavalry, which was thought to be between four and five hundred. The ground being open, was by no means advantageous to the Americans, as the British cavalry could have turned their flank. Would then an immediate attack, under these circumstances, though it might have distressed the enemy’s rear on the first onset, have been advisable, as it might probably have involved a general action before the detachment could have received support? Did not prudence dictate falling back, and taking a new position, rather than hazarding an action in the plain? If Lee’s judgment determined for the affirmative, how could he be declared guilty of disobeying orders?” The circumstances already noted are in favor of the retreat’s being necessary in the first instance; and when commenced, the prosecution of it was absolutely necessary till a good position could be taken for making an effectual stand against the enemy, to which position Lee was marching when met by Washington. The strenuous efforts of the British after the main army was drawn up in that position, before they retired three miles from the scene of action, tend also to justify the commencement of the retreat. No mention should have been made of its being in a few instances, unless such instances were really chargeable to Lee’s misconduct; whereas of these few it is certain, that some were owing to fatigue and the enormous heat of the weather. The very sentence of the court-martial is in favor of Lee’s innocence as to the two first charges; for a year’s suspension from command is in no wise proportioned to his crimes, if guilty. Several are of opinion that he would not have been condemned on these two, had it not been for his disrespectful conduct toward Washington. On the other hand, some have surmised, that his manœuvres were owing either to treachery or want of courage; but they who have the opportunity of knowing him most, will be furtherest from such apprehensions.[90]

No sooner had Sir Henry Clinton with the army evacuted Philadelphia, than lord Howe prepared to sail with the fleet for New-York. Repeated calms retarded his passage down the Delaware, so that he could not quit the river till the evening of June the 28th: however he anchored off Sandy-Hook the next day, followed by the transports. The succeeding day Sir Henry arrived, and the artillery, baggage, and part of the troops were removed from the main, as the weather permitted: the rest of the army passed, on the 5th of July, over a bridge of boats across a narrow channel to Sandy-Hook. They were afterward carried up to New-York. On the 7th, lord Howe received advice that the Toulon squadron was arrived on the coast of Virginia. Count d’Estaing anchored at night on the 8th at the entrance of the Delaware, after being 87 days at sea. On that day the count wrote to congress: on the receipt of his letter, they sent word to gen. Washington, that it was their desire he would co-operate with the count, in the execution of such offensive operations as they should mutually approve. The same day the congress resolved that a suitable house should be provided for Monsieur Gerard and chose a committee of five to wait on him upon his arrival, and conduct him to his lodgings. The next morning d’Estaing weighed and sailed toward the Hook, and in the evening of the 11th anchored without it. Had not bad weather and unexpected impediments prevented, the count must have surprised Howe’s fleet in the Delaware, as the latter would not have had time to escape after being apprized of his danger.—The destruction of the fleet must have been the consequence of such surprisal; and that must have occasioned the inevitable loss of the royal army, which would have been so enclosed by the French squadron on the one side, and the American forces on the other, that the Saratoga catastrophe must have been repeated. This fatal stroke would have been of an amount and magnitude (with respect to both the marine and land service, and the consequences hanging upon it) not easily to be conceived. The prevention of it, by the various hindrances that d’Estaing met with on his voyage, ought to be considered by Great-Britain as a signally providential deliverance.

Lord Howe’s fleet consisted only of six 64 gun ships, three of 50, and two of 40, with some frigates and sloops. Count d’Estaing had twelve ships of the line, several of which were of great force and weight of metal, one carrying 90, another 80, and six 74 guns each; he had beside present with him three of the four stout large frigates that had attended him on his voyage. He anchored on the Jersey side, about four miles without the Hook; and American pilots of the first abilities, provided for the purpose, went on board the fleet: among them were persons whose circumstances placed them above the rank of common pilots. Lord Howe had the advantage of possessing the harbor formed by Sandy-Hook, the entrance of which is covered by a bar, and from whence the inlet passes to New-York. As it could no be known whether the French would not attempt passing in force over the bar, it was necessary that the British should be prepared to oppose them. On this occasion a spirit displayed itself not only in the fleet and army, but through every order and denomination of seamen, that is not often equalled. The crews of the transports hastened with eagerness to the fleet, that it might be completely manned; masters and mates solicited employment, and took their stations at the guns with the common sailors, the light-infantry, granadiers, and even wounded officers so contended to serve as marines on board the men of war, that the point of honor was obliged to be decided by lot. In a word, the patriotism, zeal, bravery and magnanimity which appeared at this juncture, was a credit even to Great-Britain. It must however be acknowledged, that the popularity of lord Howe, and the confidence founded on his abilities, contributed not a little to these exertions. But the American pilots declaring it impossible to carry the large ships of d’Estaing’s squadron over the bar into the Hook, on account of their draught of water, and gen. Washington pressing him to sail to Newport, he left the Hook after eleven days tarriance, [July 22.] and in a few hours was out of sight. Nothing could be more providential. While he remained, about twenty sail of vessels bound to New-York fell into his possession: they were chiefly prizes taken from the Americans; but had he stayed a few days longer admiral Byron’s fleet must have fallen a defenceless pray into his hands. That squadron had met with unusual bad weather and being separated in different storms, and lingering through a tedious passage, arrived, scattered, broken, sickly, dismasted, or otherwise damaged, in various degrees of distress, upon different and remote parts of the American coast. Between the departure of d’Estaing and the thirtieth of July, the Renown of 50 guns from the West-Indies, the Raisonable and Centurion of 64 and 50 from Hallifax, and the Cornwall of 74 guns, all arrived singly at Sandy-Hook. By his speedy departure a number of provision ships from Cork escaped also, together with their convoy.—They went up the Delaware within fifty miles of Philadelphia after lord Howe had quitted the river, not having obtained any information of what had happened. The British ministry had neglected countermanding their destination, though orders for the evacuation of Philadelphia had been sent off so early as to have admitted of their receiving fresh directions where to have steered, before sailing. Great rejoicings were made at New-York upon their safe arrival, especially as provisions were much wanted by both the fleet and army.

As the bar prevented all attempts on the part of d’Estaing against Howe’s fleet within the Hook, a plan was concerted for attacking Rhode-Island; and gen. Sullivan, who commanded at Providence, was employed in assembling an additional body of New-England militia. Such was the eagerness of people to cooperate with their new allies, and their confidence of succeeding and reaping laurels, that some thousands of volunteers, gentlemen and others from Boston, Salem, Newbury-Port, Portsmouth, &c. engaged in the service. When d’Estaing was arrived off point Judith on the 29th, the pilots who were to have facilitated his entrance into Newport, were wanting, which occasioned a delay. But on the morning of August the 5th, his operations commenced, when the British set fire to the Orpheus, Lark, Juno and Cerbarus frigates and several other vessels at the appearance of two of his fleet standing in near Prudence island to attack them. The Flora and Falcon were sunk afterward. The next day the American troops marched from Providence to Tiverton under the command of general Greene, who had been dispatched by gen. Washington from the main army to assist in the expedition. His excellency also sent on the marquis de la Fayette at the head of two thousand troops, who by a rapid march joined the militia in season. Gen. Sullivan’s first letter to the count informed him, that he was not ready to act, and desired that the attack might be suspended. It was agreed between them that they should land their forces at Portsmouth on the tenth in the morning. On the eighth the French fleet went up the middle passage leading into Newport harbour, when the British batteries began a severe cannonade, which was returned with great warmth.

The royal troops on the island, having been just reinforced with five battalions, were about 6000 under the command of Sir Robert Pigot, who took every possible means of defence. The force under general Sullivan was composed of about 10,000 men. Upon his receiving intelligence early on the ninth, that the enemy had evacuated their works on the north end of the island, and retreated within their lines, about three miles from Newport, regardless of the agreement with d’Estaing, he concluded (as it appeared to him best) to push over without loss of time. The army was immediately put in motion; about eight o’clock the right wing, under gen. Greene, began to cross from Tiverton, and the rest of the Americans followed in order. The Massachusetts militia were attended by Mr. Hancock as their major-general. About two in the afternoon a fleet consisting of near 25 sail, was discovered standing in for Newport, which came to off Point Judith for the night. Lord Howe had determined to attempt the preservation of the island; but notwithstanding all his exertions, could not reach sight of it till the day after the French fleet had entered the harbour. Though his own exceeded the other in point of number, yet it was far inferior with respect to effective force and weight of metal. He had one ship of 74 guns—seven of 64—five of 50—six from 44 to 32—and twelve smaller vessels including fire ships and bomb ketches. When he first appeared, the garrison were much elated, but upon learning that he brought no provision, of which they were nearly exhausted, they were equally dejected. A sudden change of wind favoring the count, he stood out to sea with all his squadron, about eight o’clock the next morning. They were severely cannonaded as they passed by the batteries, but received no material damage. Howe deeming the weather gage of too great an advantage to be added to the superior force of the count, contended for that object with all the skill of an experienced seaman; while the count was as eager to preserve it. This contest prevented an engagement on that day; but the wind on the following still continuing adverse to the design of Howe, he determined to make the best of present circumstances, and wait the approach of the count. A strong gale, which increased to a violent tempest, and continued for near forty-eight hours, put by the engagement. Two of the French ships were dismasted and others much damaged. The Languedoc, of 90 guns, d’Estaing’s own ship, lost her rudder and all her masts; and was met in that condition on the evening of the 13th, by the Renown, of 50 guns. Captain Dawson bore down without hoisting colours. The count ordered captain Caleb Gardner, who was on board as a pilot, to hail him, that he might know what ship it was. Dawson made no answer, but ran with a full sail and fair wind till he was under the stern of the Languedoc, then hoisted English colours, fired in great and small shot, and musketry, and sailed off. The Languedoc upon that fired two chace guns after him, when he never attempted to approach her more. The same evening the Preston, of fifty guns, commodore Hotham, fell in with the Tonant of eighty guns, with only her main mast standings, and attacked her with spirit, but night put an end to the engagement. The junction of six sail of the French squadron, prevented all further attempts upon their two disabled ships by the Renown and Preston in the morning. On the 16th the Isis of 50 guns, capt. Raynor, was chased by the Cæsar, capt. Bouganville, a French 74 gun. Neither had suffered in the tempest. A close and desperate engagement was maintained on both sides, with the greatest obstinacy, for an hour and an half, within pistol shot. The Cæsar at length put before the wind and sailed off, the captain having lost his arm, the lieutenant his leg, a number of men being killed and wounded, and the ship considerably damaged. The Isis had suffered so in her mast and rigging that she could not attempt a pursuit.