Chapter 54 of 55 · 3710 words · ~19 min read

Part 54

A daring and dangerous enterprise against the enemy’s post at Powles-Hook was committed to major Lee. The object was to throw a lustre upon the American arms by surprising the post, and immediately retiring with such prisoners as the major could conveniently make. Did it appear too hazardous, either in the execution or the difficulty of effecting a retreat, he was at liberty to abandon it. The necessity of making a timely and safe retreat, was strongly inculcated by the commander in chief, and the major was desired to lose no time in attempting to remove or destroy any stores, or even in collecting stragglers. The major, with a party of 300 Virginians, a troop of dismounted dragoons and one company from the Maryland line, proceeded on the service, and very early in the morning [July 19.] before day-light, completely surprised the post. Major Southerland, the commandant, with a number of Hessians, had the good fortune to escape, by reason of the darkness, to a small block-house on the left of the fort. Major Lee killed about 30 of the enemy, and took 161 prisoners, including 7 officers, at the expence of about half a dozen men killed and wounded. In conformity to his orders, he made an immediate retreat, without tarrying to destroy either barracks or artillery. The approach of day, and the vicinity of the enemy’s main body, rendered it absolutely necessary. Lord Stirling took judicious measures to forward the enterprise, and to secure the retreat to Lee’s party. This affair, for the size of it, may be ranked with the most heroic actions of the war, considering the peculiar position of Powles-Hook, and its being garrisoned by 200 men.

The expeditions carrying on against Penobscot by the Massachusetts, and against the Mohawks by the United States, will be related when brought to a close. Gen. Sullivan being called away to command the latter, gen. Gates left Boston and went to Providence. In May, a number of the troops under him, mutinied, and were upon the point of marching off for want of bread; he prevailed upon them to stay a few days. During that period he, by express, ordered flour immediately up from Boston, which however could not have been procured, had it not been from the captures just brought in by the cruisers. The American privateers, the state and continental vessels, have been very successful in capturing and getting safe into port a number of West-India ships and others of great value, more than sefficient to counterbalance by much the losses the United States have sustained in a similar way. It was computed, on the 15th of July, that within six or seven weeks preceding, upward of 20,000 barrels of provisions, designed for the use of the enemy, had found their way into the Massachusetts ports. But for these and such like captures, the inhabitants would have been under the greatest difficulty through a prevailing scarcity. One while there was such a want of bread in Boston, that familes who had lived well were without it many days. The price, however, of all articles, is rapidly raising in a continual succession, occasioned chiefly by the enormous quantity of paper currency, genuine and counterfeit, that is in circulation. The rise of commodities, and the associated depreciation of continental currency, has spread such an alarm, that at Philadelphia and in the Massachusetts, the inhabitants are attempting afresh to remedy both, by a regulation of prices—which like Sisyphus’ stone, will never reach the summit of the evil.

We have heard within these few days, by a letter from Martinico of June 29th, that admiral Byron having left St. Lucie with an intention as it is thought of convoying a large British West-India fleet throught the passages, count d’Estaing immediately embraced the opportunity, and planned an expedition against St. Vincent, which succeeded. We are also informed, that since then, Mr. de la Motte Piquet, with five ships of the line, had joined the count; who finding himself sufficiently strong, had planned an expedition against Grenada, and was to sail for that island the day after the date of the letter.

The count sent lieut. De Trolong du Rumain to St. Vincent, with about 450 men, only half of them regulars, who landed the 16th of June, and were immediately joined by the Carribs; they then possessed themselves of the heights which commanded the town of Kingston. On the 18th the island was delivered up by capitulation without having made any resistance. This may have been owing partly to the inhabitants being in dread of the Carribs, and partly to their apprehended danger from attempting a defence, and none from changing sovereigns.

Mr. Gerard has obtained leave to return to France, on account of the ill state of his health; and the new minister plenipotentiary, the chevalier de la Luzerne, is arrived at Boston in a French frigate. Mr. John Adams accompanied him, his commission having been superseded the last September, by the appointment of Dr. Franklin, minister plenipotentiary at the court of France. The carrying of this appointment was a favorite measure with Mr. de Vergennes as he expects from the doctor singly more obsequious devotion to the pleasure of the French court, than he could have obtained had the doctor been still joined to both or either of his former colleagues, Messes. John Adams and Arthur Lee.

LETTER XVII.

_Rotterdam, Nov. 10, 1779_

FRIEND G.

Toward the end of April, an expedition against the isle of Jersey was set on foot under Mr. de Nassau, who had no fortune, with a view of putting money into his pocket, from the rapine and plunder that would follow upon its success.[98] It so happened that admiral Arbuthnot, who you have heard sailed the 1st of May, with a squadron of men of war, and a prodigious convoy of merchantmen, and transports for America, fell in with the vessel, going express to England, with an account of the attack, and the apparent imminent danger of the island.—Upon that he ordered the convoy to wait for him at Torbay, and proceeded to the relief of Jersey. Though the failure of the expedition was the consequence, the French comforted themselves when they saw it had the unexpected effect of detaining admiral Arburthnot for a long time at Torbay, and of inducing the admiralty to order ten ships of the line, under admiral Darby, to join the former, for the safe escorting the convoy to a certain distance. Mr. Sartine upon obtaining information of this order, hurried the Brest fleet under count d’Orvilliers to sea.——There was not at the last moment, sailors sufficient to man it; but neither this, nor the non-arrival of two ships expected from Toulon, could prevail with him to risque losing the opportunity on the one hand of intercepting Darby on his return, and on the other of securing the junction of the French and Spanish fleets. Eight thousand land forces were put on board to serve as marrines, and to supply the defect of sailors. With this kind of equipage did the fleet sail on the 4th of June. There was a geeral exultation visible in the countenance of every Frenchman at Paris mixed with surprise, upon hearing that their fleet was sailed, and that there was no British force at sea to oppose them. Not a word was put into the Gazette of France of d’Orvilliers’ sailing. It is asserted, that Sartine being asked why he did not let a thing so public and so interesting, go into the gazette, his answer was—“The English ministry will not know it so soon any other way.” Darby, however, narrowly escaped, to the great disappointment of the keenest expectations of the French, who really looked upon his division as a sure prey. Foreigners are astonished at the present management of the British marine. They look back to former wars, when it was deemed a most consequential service, and the most concise mode of crippling the marine of France, and rendering their projects abortive, to block up the harbours of Brest and Toulon. When d’Orvilliers had sailed, a profound secrecy reigned at the court of France, as to his destination; but by the 6th of July, certain advices were received of his having joined the Spanish fleet upon the 24th of June. Before the junction, though not its apparent certainty, a manifesto was presented [June 16.] by the marquis d’Almodovar, the Spanish ambassador, accompanied with the notice of his immediate departure. The manifesto established this fact, that Spain had taken a decided part with France and America against Great-Britain. It cost the court of Versailles great pains to goad the Catholic king’s ministers to a decided resolution in the councils of Madrid; and after all, it has been said by respectable authority, “That there had been no declaration from Spain, if the English fleet had been at sea,” in force and in season to have prevented the junction, which was regarded as that on which the very salvation of France depended. The spirits of the French were as drooping as can be well conceived, till they had heard of that event, and of the arrival of the two reinforcements forwarded to count d’Estaing.[99]

When the Spanish ambassador once knew that d’Orvilliers sailed on the 4th of June, and that the British grand fleet remained at Spithead on the 14th, he must assure himself that the junction of the French and Spanish ones would take place, and could not be prevented by the other; and that therefore he might proceed without any demur to deliver the manifesto. This event will, most probably, be more favorable in the issue to the American states, than success in the Spanish mediation on the terms his Catholic majesty proposed, which were—That the two crowns of Great-Britain and France should disarm, and agree to a universal suspension of hostilities—that the plenipotentiaries of both should meet at an appointed place, to settle their respective differences—that a like suspension should be granted by Great-Britain to the American colonies (as they were stiled) which should not be broken, without giving to his Catholic majesty an anticipated notice of one year, that he might communicate it to the said American provinces; and that there should be a reciprocal disarming, and a regulation of the limits not to be passed by either, as to the places they might respectively occupy at the time of ratifying this adjustment—that there should come to Madrid one or more commissioners of the colonies and of his Britannic majesty, to agree in settling the preceding particulars, and others relative to the firmness of said suspension, and that, in the mean time, the colonies should be treated as independent in acting. The contents of the manifesto were laid before both houses of parliament the day after its being presented, and were accompanied with a message from the king. They both concurred unanimously in resolving to support with spirit and vigor, the war against the house of Bourbon. An answer was transmitted by his majesty’s secretary, lord Weymouth, to the masquis d’Almodovar, dated July 13th, ten days after the rising of parliament. This answer was received when a state paper was nearly printed off at Madrid, and which related the motives that induced the Spanish monarch to withdraw his ambassador and act hostilely against Great-Britain. This paper asserts that the British ministry, while they rejected the proposals made by Spain, were insinuating themselves at the court of France, by means of secret emissaries, and making great offers to her to abandon the colonies, and to make a peace with Britain, and at the same time were treating, by means of another emissary, with Dr. Franklin, to whom they made various proposals to disunite them from France, and to accommodate matters with Britain, not only holding out conditions similar to those which they had rejected when coming through his Catholic majesty, but including offers much more favorable to the Americans.

Count d’Orvilliers having received instruction, steered with the combined fleet, amounting to 66 ships of the line, for Plymouth. The coasts of Normandy and Brittany being at the same time crowded with troops, and the ports in the bay and channel with shipping, exhibited the appearance of an intended invasion of England or Ireland. D’Orvilliers passed Sir Chas. Hardy who was cruising in the bay, with near forty ships of the line (having sailed from Spithead the day on which the Spanish manifesto was presented) without their having the least knowledge of each other. He appeared off Plymouth in the evening [Aug. 16.] and the greatest part of the two following days; but without making any attempt, which, had it taken place immediately, must have succeeded, as the town was altogether in a defenceless state with “neither men, capable of standing to the guns, nor rammers, sponges, or other impliments for loading them.”[100]—The inhabitants and the neighbouring country were in the greatest confusion and the utmost alarm. But on Wednesday the 18th it providential began to blow almost a storm at east, which continued till the 22d, and forced the fleet below Plymouth; and the wind remaining strong in the same point for same days, prevented its return no less than Sir Charles Hardy’s coming into the channel.[101] The Ardent of 64 guns, on her way from Portsmouth to join Sir Charles, mistaking the combined for the British fleet, was taken in sight of Plymouth. D’Orvilliers ranged about the Land’s End, the Scilly Islands, and the chops of the channel, till the end of the month, without seeking to return and make an attack upon Plymouth. He might conclude, that it would be now too late, the first opportunity having been lost, especially as a very great sickness prevailed among the sailors and soldiers on board the fleet. Thus by a coincidence of circumstances, Plymouth, with the dock, the naval magazines &c.—were happily preserved, notwithstanding the criminal neglect of administration in not putting the place into a proper state of defence. It is a fact, that there was delivered to one of the ministry, on the 28th of July, a letter from France, acquainting him with the destination of the combined fleet, and the intention of attacking and destroying Plymouth.

[Aug. 31.] The wind favoring, Sir Charles Hardy gained the entrance of the channel in sight of the combined fleets, without their being able to prevent him. The enemy pursued him as high up as Plymouth, but did not venture much further. The sickness increasing on board the combined fleet to a most extreme degree, and their ships being otherwise much out of condition, and the equinox approaching, count d’Orvilliers thought it necessary to abandon the British coasts, and repair to Brest early in September. The whole country round about became an hospital, through the many thousands of sick that were landed. It was a most happy circumstance for the British merchants, that a large Jamaica fleet escaped and got into the channel about ten days before he first entered it; and that eight homeward bound East-Indiamen had timely notice of their danger, so as to have the opportunity of putting into Ireland.

In the beginning of September, adm. Barrington arrived with dispatches, giving an account of the taking of the isles of St. Vincent and Grenada, and of an action between adm. Byron and count d’Estaing. The count sailed for Grenada, and arrived off the island [July 2.] with a fleet of five or six and twenty ships of the line, about 12 frigates, and near 10,000 land forces, including marines. The defence of the place lay in about 150 soldiers, 350 militia, 200 volunteers, with some seamen; and its strength consisted in a fortified and entrenched hill, which commanded the fort, harbour, and capital town of St. George. The French landed between 2 and 3000 regulars, under count Dillon, the same evening; and the next day invested the hill, and made the necessary preparations for carrying it by storm the following night, as they would lose no time, lest admiral Byron’s fleet might arrive. The defence was obstinate, considering the force on each side. Although d’Estaing headed a column of the assailants in person, they were repulsed in the first onset, but their superior numbers at length prevailed, and the lines were carried after a conflict of about an hour and a half; the loss of the French, however, in killed and wounded, was considerable. The cannon taken on the top of the hill, being turned at break of day against the fort, the governor, lord Macartney, was under the necessity of proposing a capitulation. D’Estaing granted him but an hour for framing the articles, which, when presented, were rejected in the gross. The count proposed others so extraordinary that his lordship and the principal inhabitants thought it better to trust to the law and custom of nations, and to the justice of one court, and the interposition of the other, by surrendering at discretion, than to bind themselves to such unexampled conditions. His lordship, in expectation that the fortified hill was next to impregnable, had carried thither his plate, jewels and most valuable effects, and his principal officers had followed his example.[102] The count is charged with having exercised great severity and oppression; and it is said that his soldiers were indulged in such unbridled licence that the condition of the inhabitants would have been deplorable beyond description, but for the humanity and tenderness of the officers and privates of Dillon’s Irish regiment.

Meanwhile admiral Byron had returned to St. Lucie, from convoying the West-India fleet; but weakened through the ships he had sent with the trade to Great-Britain. He there received intelligence of the loss of St. Vincent; and immediately concluded with gen. Grant, to proceed with the land and naval forces for its recovery. On their passage they received information that d’Estaing had attacked Grenada, without being acquainted with de la Motte Picquet’s having joined him. They changed their intention, and steered for the relief of Grenada.

The British commanders arrived within sight of the French fleet at break of day, [July 6.] Their force consisted of 21 ships of the line and a single frigate. They were embarrassed by the somewhat greater number of transports which conveyed the troops. The French having received previous information of the approach of the British fleet, were then mostly getting under way, and those ships which had not already hoisted their anchors, slipt their cables, and kept stretching out to sea. The objects of the hostile commanders were totally different. The British admirals wanted to bring the enemy to close action in hopes of conquest and of saving Grenada. D’Estaing sought for no further advantage than the preservation of his new acquisition, which to him was a sufficient victory. His ships being cleaner, and consequently sailed better than the British, he chose a partial action, rather than be exposed to the doubtful issue of a desperate conflict. The first signal made by Byron was for a general chase; and the second, for the ships to engage and form as they could get up. By eight o’clock the action was commenced by adm. Barrington in the Prince of Wales, with the captains, Sawyer and Gardner in the Boyne and Sultan, they having closed with the van of the enemy. Being obliged to endure the whole weight of fire from that division, for a considerable time before they could be supported, and suffered accordingly; beside the damage of the ships and the loss of the men, the admiral was himself wounded. The French eluded every effort made by the British commanders to bring on a close and decisive engagement. When the evolutions on both sides, and the eagerness on one, threw a few of the British ships into a situation, which obliged them to endure a conflict with a much greater number of the enemy, a close engagement ensued. Thus the Grufton, the Cornwall and the Lion, sustained the whole fire of the French fleet. The Monmouth attempting singly to arrest the progress of the enemy’s van, hoping thereby to bring on a general action, but failing, was reduced almost to a wreck. The Suffolk, adm. Rowley with the Fame, suffered also considerably in similar situations.

The action ceased about twelve o’clock; but although renewed at two, and at other times, in a degree, during the evening, yet nothing essential was effected. During the heat of it, some British ships pushing their way to the very entrance of the harbour of St. George’s, beheld French colours on the fort, and were fired at by the batteries. The object of the British commanders was therefore totally changed. The relief of the island was at an end. The protection of the transports, along with that of the disabled ships, was now the main point to be considered. Three of the disabled ships were a great way astern: the Lion was obliged to bear away singly, in the best manner she could, before the wind. That and the other two might seemingly have been cut off by the French: but d’Estaing would not risk the bringing on of a decisive action by attempting their capture. In the evening, the Monmouth and the transports were ordered to make the best of their way to Antigua or St. Kitts. Byron drew up his line, reduced now to 19 ships, about three miles distant from d’Estaing, and expected to be attacked in the morning; but during the night, the count returned to Grenada. The loss of men in the British fleet was moderate; the other circumstances of the action however were exceeding grievous; for the great damage sustained by the ships in their masts and rigging, which could not be easily remedied in that quarter, afforded an astonishing superiority of force to the French, which while it continues, will render it impossible for the British longer to dispute the empire of the sea with them in the West-Indies.—All accounts concur in describing the French loss of men in the action as prodigious. The published number of officers killed and wounded, both in the naval and land departments, is considerable. The other must be in a great degree conjectural.