Part 29

When gen. Washington perceived from events in the north, that a proper officer must be chosen to command the eastern militia, he sent on gen. Lincoln, having learned that he had influence over them, and that they confided in him. He arrived at Manchester, from the southward, on the 2d of August, and found about 600 militia there, including 250 that arrived a few days before from New-Hampshire. Lincoln wrote to the Massachusetts council, that a body of troops in that part would not only cover the eastern states, but being in the rear of Burgoyne, oblige him to leave so considerable a part of his army at the different posts he possessed, as would weaken him. Scuyler, attending mainly to making head against Burgoyne’s front, wrote to Lincoln on the 4th, to march his whole force, except Warner’s regiment, and join him with all possible dispatch. On the 6th Lincoln had not been joined by any of the Massachusetts militia, saving a man or two; but was the same day reinforced by the arrival of brigadier gen. Stark, with about 800 more men, from New-Hampshire. That state had been applied to for a large body of militia. Stark, who was one of their brigadier generals, had considerable influence among them; but he was exceedingly secured, thought himself neglected, and that he had not had justice done him by the congress. He had fought courageously at the battle of Breed’s Hill; and shewn himself to be a soldier of sterling courage. He had also no particular liking for Scuyler. When, therefore, he was to be entrusted with the New-Hampshire militia, he would not take the command, but upon the condition of being left at liberty to serve or not under a continental commander, as he pleased; and he determined not to join the continental army till the congress gave him his rank in it. He had about 1400 brave men under him, well officered. Many of them had been in service the two preceding campaigns, and were not raw militia. Scuyler urged him repeatedly to join him; but he declined complying. He was induced so to do, not only from the forementioned reasons, but from considering that Burgoyne would not care what number of enemies he had in front, if he had none in his rear, and the country was open to his incursions. Stark resolved therefore to hang upon his rear, and neglected Scuyler’s application. The matter was brought before congress, so that on the 19th they resolved, “That the council of New-Hampshire be informed, that the instructions which gen. Stark says he has received from them, are destructive of military subordination, and highly prejudicial to the common cause at this crisis; and that therefore they be desired to instruct gen. Stark to conform himself to the same rules which other general officers of the militia are subject to, whenever they are called out at the expence of the United States.” But before this resolve, Stark had assured Scuyler, that he would do every thing to promote the public good, but was not for doing any thing that might prove inconsistent with his own honor; however, if it was thought best that he should march immediately to the camp, he would acquiesce. On the 13th he wrote, that he should throw away all private resentment when put in balance with the good of his country. Gen. Washington did not approve of Scuyler’s apparent intention of uniting all the militia and continental troops in one body, and of making an opposition wholly in front. He was of opinion, that a sufficient body of militia should alway be reserved to fall upon Burgoyne’s flanks or rear, and to intercept his convoys. Stark however had concluded, on the day last mentioned, upon marching from Bennington to meet Lincoln at a certain appointed place, and to proceed with him and join Scuyler; but while writing to the former, he received information that the enemy were on their march to Cambridge.

Gen. Burgoyne’s progress toward Albany was delayed through the want of a speedy and sufficient supply of provisions. He considered in what way the difficulty was to be surmounted. According to information, the Americans had a great deposit of corn, flour and store cattle at Bennington, which was guarded only by militia. Every day’s account confirmed the persuasion of the loyalty of one description of the inhabitants in that part of the country, and of the panic of the other. He therefore entertained the design of surprising the stores at Bennington, and of sending a very large detachment upon the expedition; but was diverted from the latter (as supposed) by major Skeen, who assured him, “The friends to the British cause are as five to one, and they want only the appearance of a protecting power, to show themselves.” Relying upon their attachment, the gen. sent the German lieut. col. Baum, with only about 500 men and 100 Indians, who carried with them two light pieces of artillery. To facilitate the operation, the army moved along the east shore of Hudson’s-River, and encamped nearly opposite to Saratoga; and a bridge of rafts being thrown over, the advance corps passed to that place. Lieut. col. Breymen’s corps, consisting of the Brunswick grenadiers, light-infanty and chasseurs, were posted at Batten-kill, in order, if necessary, to support Baum. Stark hearing that a party of Indians was at Cambridge, sent lieut. col. Gregg, with 200 men to stop their progress. Toward night he was informed by express, that there was a large body of regulars in the rear of the Indians. On that he drew together his brigade and the militia who were at hand, in order to stop their march; sent to Manchester for col. Warner’s regiment, and forwarded expresses to the neighbouring militia to join him with all speed. He then marched, in the morning of the 14th, with colonels Warner, Williams and Brush, and the men present, and in about seven miles met Gregg retreating, and the enemy within a mile of him. The troops drew up in order of battle; and the enemy, upon coming in sight, halted upon a very advantageous piece of ground. Baum perceiving that the Americans were too strong to be attacked by his present force, sent an express to Burgoyne with an account of his situation; and Breymen was immediately dispatched to reinforce him. Mean while small parties of the Americans skirmished with the enemy, killed and wounded 30 of them with two Indian chiefs, without any loss to themselves, which had a good effect upon their courage. The ground Stark occupied, not being suitable for a general action, he retreated about a mile and encamped. In a council of war it was agreed, to send two detachments into the enemy’s rear, while the rest of the troops attacked in front.

[Aug. 15.] It rained all day, which retarded the intended assault, however there were frequent skirmishings in small parties. The heavy rain, together with the badness of the roads, prevented also Breyman’s advancing to Baum’s assistance with dispatch. The next day, [Aug. 16.] Stark being joined in the morning by colonel Seymonds from Berkshire, pursued his plan. Baum in the mean while had intrenched and rendered his post as defensible as time and its nature would admit. Stark detached col. Nichols with 200 men to the rear of his left: col. Henrick, with 300 men, was sent to the rear of his right: they were to join, and then attack. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney, with 200 were ordered still further on his right. A hundred men were also advanced toward his front to draw his attention that way. About three o’clock in the afternoon all were ready for the attack. Before Nichols and Henrick could join, the Indians pushed off between the two corps, but receiving a fire as they passed, had three killed and two wounded. Nichols then began the assault upon Baum, and was followed by the rest; those in front pushing forward. In a few minutes the action became general and lastsed about two hours, with one continued noise like the ruffling of a drum. Baum made a brave defence; and the German dragoons kept together after having expended their ammunition, and led by their colonel charged with their swords, but were soon overpowered. The whole detachment, though well enclosed by two breast works, were forced to give way to the superior number and courage of the Americans, who with their brown firelocks, scarce a bayonet, little discipline, and not a single piece of cannon, ventured to attack 500 well-trained regulars, furnished with the best and completest arms and accoutrements, having two pieces of artillery, being advantageously posted, and accompanied by 100 Indians. When the militia had gained the victory, they dispersed to collect plunder, which they were very desirous of securing. This nearly proved fatal to them. While thus busied, Stark received information, that the reinforcement under Breyman was within two miles of him. Happily at that instant, Warner’s continental regiment, which had been sent for from Manchester, came up fresh, marched on and began to engage; mean while the militia collected as fast as possible, and pushed on to its assistance. The action became general; and the battle continued obstinate on both sides till sunset, when the Germans gave way partly through a failure of ammunition, leaving their two pieces of artillery behind them, and a number of prisoners. They retreated in the best manner they could, improving the advantage of the evening and of the night.

The Americans took four brass field-pieces, twelve brass drums, two hundred and fifty dragoon swords, four ammunition waggons, and about 700 prisoners, among whom was lieut. col. Baum. Three hundred dead are said to have been found upon the spot: but if so surely the slain on each side must have been included. The Americans lost but about 100 killed and wounded. The courage of the men was sharpened by the prospect of advantage, for in gen. Stark’s orders they were promised all the plunder that should be taken in the enemy’s camp. The royal officers were astonished to see how undauntedly they rushed on the mouths of the cannon. Both men and officers are entitled to much honor for their gallant behavior. Colonels Warner and Henrick’s superior skill in military matters was of service to the general, who was less conversant with them than they; but his rank in the army of the United States was afterward given him by congress, on the 4th of October, when they “resolved, That the thanks of congress be presented to gen. Stark of the New-Hampshire militia, and the officers and troops under his command, for their brave and successful attack upon, and signal victory over the enemy in their lines at Bennington: and that brigadier Stark be appointed a brigadier general in the army of the United States.” Never were thanks more deservedly bestowed. This was the first turn of affairs in favor of the Americans in the northern department after the death of gen. Montgomery. It raised the spirits of the country and made the militia willing to turn out beyond what would otherwise have been done. When gen. Gates wrote to the commander in chief some days after his arrival at Stillwater, he thus expressed himself—“Upon my leaving Philadelphia, the prospect this way appeared most gloomy, but the severe checks the enemy have met with at Bennington and in Tryon county, has given a more pleasing view of public affairs. I cannot sufficiently thank your excellency for sending col. Morgan’s corps (of riflemen.) They will be of the greatest service to the army; for until the late successes this way, I am told it was quite panic struck by the Indians, and their tory and Canadian assassins in Indian dress. Few of the militia demanded are yet arrived, but I hear of great numbers on their march.” Stark’s victory gave reputation to the militia, as well as increased their courage. They found that neither British nor German regulars were invincible; but that they could beat both. The artillery and other trophies excited their hope and confidence. While the Americans were exulting upon the occasion on the one side, the royal army under Burgoyne experienced a degree of depression on the other; especially as the disaster at Bennington not only added to their delay, but gave Gates the opportunity of strengthening himself, by the arrival of the militia, who were upon their march to reinforce him. When he was upon his journey to take the command, he was much dejected, no less than the troops which were to be under him; but the Bennington affair put them both in better spirits, and afforded them some promising expectations. They relied on his abilities, so that his appearance at camp, and his mode of conducting military business, at once filled them with courage and resolution; and in a few days they faced about and advanced toward Burgoyne.

On the 30th of August, the British commander had occasion to write to him; and in his letter complained of inhumanity exercised toward the provincial soldiers in the king’s service after the affair of Bennington; and then hinted a retaliation. Gen. Gates, in his answer of September the 2d, invalidated the charge, and then retorted the Indian cruelties, which he imputed to Burgoyne, saying, “Miss M’Rea, a young lady, lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable disposition, engaged to an officer of your army, was with other women and children, taken out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in a most shocking manner. Two parents with their six children, were all treated with the same inhumanity, while quietly residing in their once happy and peaceful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M’Rea was particularly aggravated, by her being dressed to receive her promised husband, when she met her murderer employed by you. Upward of 100 men, women and children, have perished by the hands of the ruffians, to whom, it is asserted, you have paid the price of blood.” General Burgoyne, in his reply of the 6th of Sept. vindicated his own character; showed that Miss M’Rea’s death was no premeditated barbarity; and declared that instance excepted, Gates’s intelligence, respecting the cruelties of the Indians, was false. It might be erroneous in point of numbers and other circumstances; but Burgoyne was undoubtedly mistaken in pronouncing it all false, with only a single exception. The number of Indians that joined him was 500. The first party sent out paid attention to the restrictions he had laid them under, in his speech of June the 21st, near Crown-Point; and when they had made several of the Americans prisoners in the heat of the action, treated them with European humanity. But they could not long brook such restraints. They grew uneasy, and reverted to their cruelties and habits of plunder; and several persons became victims to their mode of war. My account of Miss M’Rea’s death will differ only circumstantially from Burgoyne’s. Mr. Jones, her lover, anxious on her account, engaged some Indians of two different tribes to convey her away from among the Americans for the purpose of security. He might fear for her on account of her father’s being interested in the royal cause and of her attachment to himself. He promised to reward the person, who should bring her safe to him, with a barrel of rum. The two who took her and carried her to some distance, disputed who of them should convey her to Mr. Jones. Each was anxious for the reward; and that the other might not receive it, one of them struch his tomahawk into her skull and killed her.[61] As no whisper contrary to her being of an unblemished character ever reached me, in any place or company; be it far from any future European writer to tomahawk her reputation.[62] Upon the first intelligence of what had happened, Burgoyne obliged the Indians to deliver up the murderer, and threatened to put him to death. Many thought the threat would have been executed; but he was pardoned, upon the Indians agreeing to terms enjoined them by Burgoyne, which the general thought would be more efficacious, than an execution to prevent similar mischiefs. He told their interpreter, that he would lose every Indian rather than connive at their enormities, or to that effect.[63] They were not however satisfied and to his astonishment some of the tribes told him, at a council held the beginning of August, that they intended to return home, and demanded his concurrence and assistance. The general was convinced, that a cordial reconciliation was only to be effected by a renunciation of all his former prohibitions, and an indulgence in blood and rapine; but he firmly adhered to the controuls he had established; and the speech he made to them seemed to have the desired effect. But a desertion took place the next day, and they went off by scores, loaded with what plunder they had collected.

The murder of miss M’Rea exasperated the Americans; and from that and other cruelties, occasion was taken to blacken the royal party and army. The people detested that army which accepted of such Indian aid, and loudly reprobated that government which could call in such auxiliaries. General Gates was not deficient in aggravating, by several publications, the excesses which had taken place; and with no small advantage to his own military operations.

General Lincoln, about this time marched from Manchester to Pawlet, with the few militia that had joined him. Having received some reinforcement, in order to divide and distract the royal army, he sent off, with the advice of his officers, on the 13th, colonel Brown and five hundred men, to the landing at Lake George, to release the prisoners and destroy the British stores there; and the same number of men under colonel Johnson, to Mount Independence. The latter was to give a diversion to the enemy, while the former executed his command; and if an opportunity offered without risking too much, to push for Mount Independence, while col. Brown attempted Tyconderoga. Further to amuse and divide the enemy, by attacking the out-posts, &c. a like number of men were sent under col. Woodbridge, to Skeensborough, thence to Fort Anne, and so on toward Fort Edward. He doubted not but that these movements would meet with general Gates’s approbation, though made without his knowledge. He would have mentioned the design, and not have put the plan into execution without his advice, could he have been sure that the information would not have fallen into the hands of the enemy.[64]

Colonel Brown conducted his operations with such secrecy and address, that he effectually surprised all the out-posts [Sept. 18.] between the landing at the north end of Lake George and the body of the fortress at Tyconderoga. Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the French lines and a block-house, with 200 batteaux, an armed sloop, and several gun-boats, were almost instantly taken. Four companies of foot, with nearly an equal number of Canadians, and many of the officers and crews of the vessels, amounting in the whole to 293, were made prisoners, and 100 Americans released. Brown, beside taking a number of arms and other things, retook the continental standard left at Ty when the fort was evacuated. His loss in killed and wounded was trifling. Finding after four days trial, that he and Johnson could not master Ty and Mount Independence, they abandoned the design and returned.

While the aforementioned expedition was carrying on, gen. Burgoyne having at length obtained about thirty days provision, with other necessary stores, resolved upon passing the Hudson’s-River with the army, which having executed, he encamped on the heights and in the plain of Saratoga. He took this measure upon himself, on the supposition that he was not authorised to call any officers in council, as the peremptory tenor of his orders, and the season of the year admitted of no alternative. He then advanced along the side of the river, and encamped on the heights about two miles from general Gates’s camp, which was three miles above Stillwater. On the eighteenth the Americans marched out, three thousand strong, in order to at-attack him, but found that to be prudentially impracticable.—However, they drew up in full view of him, and there tarried till dark. Gates was careful to keep colonel Morgan’s regiment of riflemen and a large corps of light-infantry under colonel Durbin, always in advance, ready to oppose the approach of the enemy. Large scouting parties from this advanced body were continually patrolling, to prevent a surprise. The next day gen. Burgoyne put himself at the head of the British line, which composed the right wing; this was covered by by gen. Frazer and colonel Breyman, with the grenadiers and light infantry of the army, being themselves covered by the Indians, provincials and Canadians, in the front and flanks. He advanced toward the American left wing, through some intervening woods of no great extent, while the left of the royal army and artillery, under the generals Philips and Reidesel, kept along the great roads and meadows by the river side.